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CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
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THE
CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
TRANSLATED BY
JOHN BOURCHIER, LORD BERNERS
EDITED AND REDUCED INTO ONE VOLUME
BY
G. C. MACAULAY
FORMERLY FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE
irXiou ijixLcrv Travros
MACMILLAN AND CO., Limited
NEW YORK : THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
1904
A II rights reserved
NOV 1 0 1948
First Edition 1895. R ej>r inted zZgg, 1904
PREFACE
The present volume is intended to supply what can hardly be said to exist
already, a popular Froissart for English readers. This is an aim which needs
no apology. Every one ought to read Froissart, but nevertheless, considering
the difficulties which stand in the way, it is hardly surprising that a very large
number of educated persons should be in the position of Henry Morton in Old
Mortality^ obliged by sincerity to say ' No,' if the question, ' Did you ever read
Froissart ? ' should be put to them. And yet he is recommended to the reader
on so many grounds besides the rather doubtful one suggested by Claver-
house. Not to mention the charm of the narrative as narrative, we must
admit that there is no school of history like reading the record of chroniclers con-
temporary with the events which they relate, and of all such chroniclers Froissart
is surely the most readable. It has been the fashion with some historians to
depreciate his authority, and it is possible, doubtless, to convict him of num-
berless inaccuracies and of some serious misrepresentations ; but the good
faith of the writer is unquestionable, and if we consider the extent of his
narrative, embracing, as he says, England, France, Spain, Portugal, Scotland,
Flanders, and the adjoining countries, and the difficulty of obtaining news,
which compelled the chronicler himself to travel far and wide and to collect
information from the mouths of those who had taken part in the events, we
shall be rather surprised at the general trustworthiness of the Chronicles than
at their particular errors. Their authority for a student of history in regard to
this or that series of events depends upon a variety of circumstances which it
would not be proper to discuss in this volume. For some parts the chronicler
is dependent on his predecessor, Jean le Bel, for others he is himself a con-
temporary authority; and naturally far greater weight attaches to his narrative
of events in France, Flanders and Hainault, than in England, Spain and the
East. But the real value of the work is as a picture of manners, a drama in
which the personages are living characters and not mere historical names,
and the chronicler himself moves among them, not the least real and living,
Let it be admitted that the narrative of events is full of inaccuracies in detail,
yet how characteristic it is of the times. Take for example the story of the
first campaign against the Scots (due originally to Jean le Bel). What a
chronicle of mismanagement and helplessness : and yet it is told as the most
natural thing in the world, and we cannot doubt that whatever inaccuracies
it may contain are mere mistakes of ' topography,' as Fielding might say, and
that the narrative is thoroughly typical of fourteenth century warfare in a
VI THE CHRONICLES OE EROISSART
difficult country. They go up hills and down dales, not knowing whither they
go nor where the enemy is, and this not in an enemy's country but in their
own. They leave all the baggage and provisions behind them at midnight in
a wood, to be picked up by any one who may chance to find them. When they
at length discover the enemy, they cannot bring him to an engagement, and he
comes and goes as he pleases. Finally he departs unfought with, and they con-
sider the campaign at an end, having suffered terribly for weeks from hunger, wet
and weariness. All this is told in the most graphic manner and without a word
of blame to any one. Or again, as characteristic of that combination of pitiless
cruelty with knightly sport, of which the most chivalrous characters were capable
in that age, take the story told by Froissart of the sack of Limoges. ' It was
great pity to see the men, women and children that kneeled down on their knees
before the prince for mercy, but he was so inflamed with ire that he took no
heed to them, so that none was heard, but a'll put to death as they were met
withal, and such as were nothing culpable : there was no pity taken of the
poor people, who wrought never no manner of treason, yet they bought it
dearer than the great personages, such as had done the evil and trespass ' ;
and then shortly afterwards it is related how the prince passing by in his litter
stayed to see the gallant defence made by three French knights, ' and beheld
them gladly and appeased himself in beholding them,' and granted them their
lives when they surrendered. There is pity expressed by the chronicler for
the poor people who had done nothing and made no resistance, but the prince
is still for him 'the flower of chivalr3^' These examples are types of his
representation of war, and we cannot doubt that they are true types. And it
is the same with every other department of human action. His pages breathe
the spirit of the times to which they belong, and let them contain what inac-
curacies they may, they are a truer picture of the period than any modern
historian with all his researches, or any modern historical novehst with all his
genius and imagination could present to us. In reading Froissart we are
reading the true history of the fourteenth century and breathing the very air of
that age of infinite variety, in which the knight errant appears side by side
with the plundering adventurer, and in which the popular movements in
Flanders, France and England sounded the first notes of alarm to feudal
oppressors, while the schism of the papacy prepared the way for religious
revolution.
The difficulties which stand in the way of the reader of Froissart are, first,
the vast extent of the Chronicles and their rambling and disconnected
character, and secondly, so far as the English reader is concerned, the want
of a satisfactory translation ; for though the language of the original is by no
means difficult, yet it is not every one who is prepared to face the unfamiliar
forms and spelling of fourteenth-century French. The existing English ver-
sions are two in number, one of the early sixteenth and the other of the early
nineteenth century. The first is vigorous and spirited, but full of inaccuracies
of text and translation and of irregularities of style, and also disfigured by
many misprints and by the utter corruption of many proper names ; the other
is respectable and commonplace, with far fewer blunders, though by no means
faultless in this respect, but certainly not in any sense alive with the spirit of
the original. A new translation is evidently desirable ; but on the whole it
seems safer to attempt the task of editing a portion of the older of the exist-
ing versions, which can hardly be said as yet to have been even corrected for
the press.
PREFACE Vil
The translation of Froissart by Lord Berners is established as an English
classic, and many generations of EnglishYnen have made their acquaintance
with the Chronicles through it. At the same time, though it has been re-
printed in the present century, it is only to be obtained at a rather high price
and in a somewhat inconvenient form. An edition of the whole translation
would require far more space than the single volume to which I am limited
would afford, but there is some consolation for the omissions which the plan
of this work renders necessary. Froissart is one of those authors of whom it
may be said in a certain sense that the half is more than the whole. The
student of history indeed would not willingly spare a single page, but the effect
^f the whole narrative will often gain considerably by the omission of the less
important gests of arms, which interfere with the flow of the main current of
the story, and we may perhaps also consent to spare from a popular edition
the history of some of the events that lay remote from the chronicler's own
field of observation, as the chapters relating to the English expedition to
Portugal and Galicia, which are called by a good authority * les plus confus et
les plus inexacts de toute I'ceuvre historique de Froissart,' and the events in
England in the latter years of Richard II., in relating which he is admittedly
very inaccurate. By such omissions* as these the exuberant bulk of the
Chronicles may be reduced, and the more interesting and important parts of
them may be more satisfactorily presented to the reader. In many cases the
omissions are such as to give greater continuity to the story ; but in order
to indicate clearly what has been omitted, as well as to supply any links that
may be required for the understanding of the narrative, summaries have been
inserted of that which is left out, varying in length according to the importance
of the matter dealt with and its more or less direct bearing upon that which is
given in full. Notwithstanding therefore the very considerable extent of the
omissions, the result is not a series of extracts, but a continuous history. The
fact that a larger proportion is omitted of the second volume than of the first
is due to the greater dififuseness of the Chronicles in the later period : the first
volume includes the events of more than fifty years, the second those of
only fifteen.
The portion of Lord Berners' translation which is here edited is given as in
the text originally printed, with the following exceptions : — First, the spell-
ing has been modernised. Secondly, the misprints, errors of punctuation
and such mistakes as seem likely to be mere slips of the pen or oversights
have been corrected, a matter which is naturally made much easier by the
possibility of referring to the original French text that was used by the trans-
lator. Mention has been made of these numerous corrections only where they
are at all doubtful or raise any point of special interest, but where additional
words are inserted they are enclosed in square brackets. Thirdly, proper
names have been brought to an intelligible and tolerably consistent form.
What this means can only be appreciated by those who are familiar with the
mass of corruption and confusion which is exhibited by the manuscripts and
early editions of Froissart in regard to this point, and with the considerable
addition to the chaos for which our translator and his printers are responsible :
but a task which would otherwise have been hopeless has been rendered com-
paratively easy by the labours of modern French editors, and above all by the
invaluable index of proper names appended to Kervyn de Lettenhove's edition.
In many cases proper names have been given in their correct forms, so far
as that can be ascertained, but those which appear in an English dress, such
7' HE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
as Walter Manny or Bertram of Guesclin, have not necessarily been made
French again, and it has been thought well to retain well-known geographical
names such as Bretayne, Burgoyne, Galice, Pruce, Gaunt, etc., rather than
to substitute for them their modern equivalents.
With the exception of the changes above indicated, no alteration has been
made in the text of the translation : the style, with all its strange irregularity
and carelessness, remains unchanged, the mistakes of translation are repro-
duced, to be corrected only in the notes, if they are sufficiently important, and
the division into chapters and headings of chapters are as the translator made
them, reproducing from the early printed editions the divisions made by the
copyists of a certain class of MSS. In the notes, where reference is made to
■ ' the original ' or ' the French text,' what is meant is the text which the trans-
lator had before him, and wherever in the notes a rendering is substituted for
that of the translator without further remark, it is meant as a more exact
rendering of that particular text. In cases where a difference of reading comes
in that fact is carefully stated, and the expressions 'true text' or 'better text '
refer to the readings of modern critical editions based on the best MSS. The
notes are for the most part confined to such points as have been here referred
to, and touch upon the substance of the history only very occasionally and
where points of special interest arise. As regards the French text from which
the translation was made, all that need be reported will be found in the Intro-
duction dealing with Lord Berners and his translation.
The headings of the pages and the dates will sei-ve to facilitate reference,
and the glossary is intended not only to explain such words as need explana-
tion, but also to set forth in a convenient form the chief characteristics of the
translator's diction. Lord Berners' Froissart is an important English prose
text, and extensive as is the use which has been made of it by the editors of the
' New English Dictionary,' it is probable that even they may glean something
from this new edition. In that part of the great lexicon which has already
been published our glossary might have supplied them with the new words
'bidaus,' 'cinquantenier' and 'countersingle,' and with the phrase 'to be beaten'
in the sense of 'to fight,' with new meanings of 'anger' (verb) and 'assister,'
with earlier instances than any which they have quoted of the use of ' carriage '
in the sense of ' vehicle,' and with valuable additional quotations for ' again '
{i.e. in ' comparison with '), ' assised ' and ' closing.'
As regards obligations to other writers, the chief acknowledgment is due
to Kervyn de Lettenhove, whose magnificent edition of Froissart, with its
index (or rather dictionary) of proper names and glossary, I have had con-
stantly by my side. For a large part of the first book I have also used the
unfinished edition of Luce. For the facts connected with the life and descent
of Lord Berners I am indebted chiefly to Dugdale {Baronage of England) ^^ to
the memoir given by the editor of the reprint of 1812, and to the introduction
prefixed to the edition of ' Huon of Bordeaux,' edited for the Early English
Text Society by Mr. S. L. Lee.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Introduction
Title-page of the lirst volume .
Preface of the translator
Prologue of sir John Froissart
Predecessors of king Edward III
The queen of England in France, 1326
Queen Isabel in Hainault
Expedition to England
Execution of the Spencers
Accession of Edward III.
War with the Scots, 1327
Marriage of Edward III.
Death of Robert Bruce
Philip of Valois crowned, 1328
Battle of Cassel
Homage of Edward III.
" War with the Scots, 1332
Edward's designs on France
Jaques d'Arteveld
> Battle of Cadsand
Edward III. Vicar of the Empire
War with France
Siege of Cambray
Edward III. enters France
The hosts at Buironfosse
The French in Hainault
War on the frontiers, 1339-40
Battle of Sluys
Council of Vilvorde
Siege of Tournay
Edinburgh castle taken, 134 1
Events during the siege of Tournay
Siege of Tournay raised, 1340
War in Brittany, 1341
War with the Scots, 1341
The king and the countess of Salisbury
War in Brittany, 1342 .
*-The order of the Garter founded
The earl of Derby in Gascony, 1 345
Capture of La Reole .
Death of Jaques d'Arteveld
Siege of Aiguillon, 1346
Expedition of Edward III. to France
346
PAGE
xiii
xxvii
xxviii
I
3
5
7
9
10
12
13
25
26
29
29
31
35
39
40
42
45
47
48
51
52
56
58
61
64
65
66
68
70
72
73
82
83
87
88
91
93
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
Edward III. in Normandy
Capture of Caen
The English near Paris
Passage of the Somme
— Battle of Crecy
m- Siege of Calais
Invasion of England by the Scots
Battle of Nevill's Cross
Betrothal of the earl of Flanders
Surrender of Calais, 1347
The chaplet of pearls, 1350
Death of king Philip, 1350
Expeditions of the prince of Wales, 1355-56
7~ Events before the battle of Poitiers
L- Order of the two hosts .
L Mediation attempted .
) - Battle of Poitiers
^ Return of the prince to Bordeaux
— Government by the three estates in France
Disturbances in Paris .
The Jacquerie, 1357
Death of Etienne Marcel
Peace of Bretigny, 1 360
Battle of Brignais, 1361
The Companies, 1361-62
Accession of Charles V.
Battle of Cocherel, 1364
Coronation of Charles V.
Battle of Auray
End of the wars in Brittany, 1364
Don Peter of Castile .
Henry the bastard
Flight of don Peter, 1366
Don Peter at Bordeaux
Council at Bayonne
The companies quit Spain
Preparations for the expedition to Spain
Passage of the mountains, 1367
Preparations of king Henry
The prince at Navaretta
Letter of the prince of Wales .
Battle of Najara
After the battle of Najara
Return of the prince from Spain
Deliverance of Bertrand du Guesclin .
Discontent in Gascony, 1368 .
War renewed in Spain
Battle of Montiel
Capture of don Peter .
The prince of Wales summoned to Paris
Renewal of war, 1369 .
Sir John Chandos and the earl of Pembroke
Death of queen Phihppa
Death of Chandos
Limoges given up to the French, 1370
CONTENTS
XI
PAGE
Sack of Limoges by the English ..... 201
Bertrand du Guesclin constable
203
Death of the prince of Wales, 1376 .
205
Deathof Edward III., 1377 . ...
206
Affairs of the Church, 1377
207
Election of Urban VI., 1378 .
209
War with the king of Navarre
210
Peter de Bournazel at Sluys
213
Affairs of Flanders, 1379
214
Election of Clement VII., 1378
217
The queen of Naples and the pope
219
Sir John Hawkwood .
221
John Lyon at Ghent .
222
The white hoods at Ghent, 1379
225
Burning of the castle of Wondelghem .
231
Alliance of Bruges and Ghent .
232
Death of John Lyon .
233
War in Flanders . .
234
Wreck of Arundel's ships, 1379
235
The earl of Flanders at Ghent .
236
Surprise of Oudenarde .
239
War renewed in Flanders, 1380
241
Expedition of Buckingham to France .
242
Battle near Roulers
243
Siege of Ghent ....
245
Defeat of Arnold de Clerck
247
PhiUp d'Arteveld captain, 1 381
248
Wat Tyler's rising
250
The commons at Blackheath .
253
The commons in London
255
Death of Wat Tyler .
259
Punishment of the rebels
261
Death of Grutere and Bette at Ghent, 1382
263
Famine in Ghent
. 265
Conference at Tournay.
. 267
Speech of Philip d'Arteveld .
. 269
March of the Gauntois towards Bruges
271
Victory of the Gauntois
273
Bruges taken ....
274
Escape of the earl of Flanders .
277
Siege of Oudenarde
279
French intervention
281
The flying hart
282
French expedition to Flanders .
. 284
Before the battle of Rosebeque
284
Battle of Rosbeque, 1382
. 289
After the battle of Rosebeque .
290
The French king's return to Paris
292
English sympathy with the Flemings .
294
Crusade of the bishop of Norwich, 1383
296
The bishop of Norwich in Flanders
. 298
Death of the earl of Flanders .
302
Title-page of the second volume
307
Preface of the translator
308
Froissart's journey, 1388
309
Xll
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
The prince of Wales in Bigorre
P'roissart's journey
The duke of Anjou in Bigorre, 1373
Froissart's journey
Foix and Armagnac
Gaston de Foix
His son's death
Peter of Beam .
The bascot of Mauleon
Household of Gaston de Foix .
War in Portugal, 1385 .
Battle of Aljubarrota .
Story of the lord of Corasse
Affairs of the Church .
Affairs of Portugal
The French fleet at Sluys
Capture of the constable de Clisson
Events of the years 1386-88 .
The Scots invade England 1388
Battle of Otterburn
After the battle of Otterburn .
Affairs of Juliers and Gueldres .
Peace between England and France
Entry of queen Isabel into Paris, 1389
Visit of the king of France to Avignon
The king of France in Languedoc
Wager of the king with the duke of Touraine
Death of Urban VI. .
Affairs of the Church, 1389
Expedition to Africa, 1390
Peter de Craon
Attack on the Constable, 1392
French expedition to Brittany .
Madness of the king of France
Dance of savages
Death of pope Clement
Froissart in England, 1395
Debate in the Privy Council, 1395
Irish affairs
Expedition to Turkey, 1396
Battle of Nicopoli
Mission of Jaques de Helly
Return of the French prisoners
Affairs of the Church .
The pope besieged at Avignon
Conferences about the state of the Church
Death of the duke of Lancaster
The earl of Derby lands in England
Capture of Richard II.
Richard 11. brought to London
Execution of the king's advisers
Abdication of Richard
Coronation of Henry IV.
Death of Richard II., 1400
Glossary
INTRODUCTION
ON LORD BERNERS AND HIS TRANSLATION
The translation of the Chronicles of sir John Froissart ' out of French into our maternal
English tongue,' made by John Bourchier, lord Berners, at the command of king Henry
the eighth, is undoubtedly an English classic. It is not only one of the most extensive
and important texts of English literature during the period of the formation and
development of a native prose style, but it has been also the means by which English-
men have chiefly become acquainted with the former exploits of their countrymen and
the ' noble adventures of feats of arms done and achieved in the wars of P'rance and
England,' as registered in the Chronicles of Froissart. As a translator he was first in
the field and held his ground unchallenged until the present century. His version is
full of faults, and the author of it was neither a sound French scholar nor sufficiently
master of his literary tools to write lucid or grammatical English ; but it has merits
which go far to atone for its defects. It was made by a man who could enter into the
spirit of the original, though often at fault in the letter, a man who had himself taken a
part both in war and in politics, and who, though capable when left to himself of the
worst kind of style, was content when translating to reproduce to the best of his power
the simplicity and vigour of his author, and this at a time when the ideals of the middle
ages had not wholly passed away and before the pure well of fourteenth-century English
had been very seriously defiled. For these reasons his version has been by many
regarded as representing Froissart better than a more accurate translation in the modern
style. As is observed by a French critic, ' la traduction de lord Berners presente, pour
les Anglais, a raison de la naivete de son vieux langage, un charme presqu' egal a celui
du texte original de Froissart.'
I
Before entering upon the criticism of this translation it is proper to state shortly
what is known of its author. John Bourchier, or Bourgchier, lord Berners, or (as it was
often written) Barnes, belonged to a family which was of great distinction and import-
ance. The founder of its fortunes had been Robert Bourchier, Chancellor of England
in the year 1340, and the first layman who held that office. This Robert Bourchier
accompanied Robert d'Artois into Brittany in 1342, was with Edward III. in the cam-
paign of 1346, and was present at the battle of Crecy (vol. i. chs. 91 and 128 of this
translation). His son, John Bourchier, fills a certain place in the Chronicles of Frois-
sart. He is mentioned as distinguishing himself at the siege of Dinan in 1342, he was
present at the battle of Auray (i. 226), he accompanied the prince of Wales to Spain,
he Mas shipwrecked with Arundel (i. 356), and he was in the expedition of Thomas of
Woodstock, then earl of Buckingham, in 1380 (i. 361). Afterwards, when in the year
1384 the burgesses of Ghent requested the king of England to appoint a governor for
them, John Bourchier was sent with the title of 'reward (rewaert) of Flanders,' the
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
same style which had been used by Philip van Arteveld (i. 447 and ii. i, etc.). This
post he held for rather more than a year, and then returned in consequence of the
reconciliation of Ghent with the duke of Burgundy (ii. 18-20). His son Bartholomew
is mentioned by Froissart as made knight before Saint-Omer by the earl of Buckingham
in 1380 (i. 361).
This Bartholomew died without male issue and the barony of Bourchier passed
eventually to the descendants of his younger brother. William Bourchier, son of this
younger brother, married in 1419 Anne, daughter of Thomas of Woodstock, youngest
son of Edward III., and in the same year was created earl of Eu in Normandy. This
William earl of Eu had four sons and a daughter. The sons were — ( l ) Henry earl of Eu,
afterwards viscount Bourchier, and finally earl of Essex ; in 1449 associated with others in
a commission to govern Calais for five years, and in 1454 lord Treasurer of England :
(2) William lord Fitzwarren : (3) Thomas, who became archbishop of Canterbury and a
cardinal, Chancellor of England in i486 : (4) John, who married Margery, widow of
John Ferreby and heiress of sir Richard Berners of West Horsley, Sussex, was sum-
moned to parliament as a baron in 1455 by the designation of John Bourchier de
Berners, chevalier, and was commonly called lord Berners, though before this time there
was perhaps no barony of Berners. This John Bourchier fought for Henry VI. at the
first battle of St. Albans in 1455, but afterwards with the rest of his family he became
attached to the house of York, and was appointed by Edward IV. constable of Windsor
Castle. His eldest son, Humphrey, married Elizabeth Tylney, and was killed fighting
for Edward IV. at the battle of Barnet in 147 1, leaving one son, the subject of this
notice, then a child not more than four years old, and two daughters, Margaret and
Anne. Three years later, on the death of his grandfather, the boy succeeded to th^
title and estates.
John Bourchier, lord Berners, the future translator of Froissart, was born either in
1467 or 1469, and probably grew up under the guardianship of Thomas Howard, after-
wards duke of Norfolk, to whom his mother was married some few years after his
father's death. ^ He was made a knight of the Bath in 1477, being then at most tei
years old, on the occasion of the betrothal of the king's second son, the young duke ol
York (afterwards murdered in the Tower), to Anne, daughter and heiress of John Mow-
bray, duke of Norfolk. He was educated at Oxford, probably at BalHol College, anc"
afterwards travelled abroad, where he may probably have been during the troubles of
the reign of Richard III., which took place while he was still quite young. Whatevei
line he individually might have taken owing to his connexion with the Howards, it
evident that the behaviour of Richard III. had alienated the rest of the Bourchier family
from his cause ; and we find that several members of it gave assistance to the earl oi
Richmond. One, if not two, of lord Berners' uncles had taken part in the insurrection
of Buckingham ; one of them, Thomas Bourchier, fought for Richmond at Bosworth
field ; and finally the ceremony of coronation on the accession of Henry VII. was per-
formed by cardinal Bourchier, then archbishop of Canterbury, the great-uncle of lorct
Berners.
The services thus rendered were requited by the favour of Henry VII., in which
naturally lord Berners shared. He was first summoned to parliament by the style of
'John Bourgchier lord of Berners' in the iith year of Henry VII., having been previ-.
ously employed at the siege of Boulogne in 1492. Some authorities say that he distin-
guished himself in putting down the insurrection of 1497, but this is perhaps a mistake,
arising from confusion between lord Berners and his uncle Thomas Bourchier. On the
accession of Henry VIII. he became a favourite with the king and was employed in vari-
ous military enterprises. In 1513 we find him as captain of the pioneers at the siege
of Terouenne, where he did good service, especially in the recovery of a gun, which had
been left behind on the road by negligence and had nearly fallen into the hands of the
1 Besides the connexion formed by the marriage marriage of John Mowbray, third duke of Norfolk,
of his mother with Thomas Howard, who succeeded with the great-aunt of Lord Beners. He himsell
to the dukedom, there was an eariier kinship by the afterwards married a Howard.
INTRODUCTION XV
French. In 1514, on the occasion of the marriage of the king's sister Mary with Louis
XII. , lord Berners was one of those who gave attendance upon her to Abbeville. Shortly
afterwards he was appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer for life.
In 1 5 18 a special embassy was sent to the Spanish court to congratulate Charles V.
on his accession and to endeavour secretly to detach him from the interests of France.
For this important mission the archbishop of Armagh and lord Berners were selected.
Several of the original despatches sent by the ambassadors are extant among the Cotton
MSS. in the British Museum. The first report was favourable, but changes took place
in the views of Wolsey as regards the French alliance, and from some of the despatches
it is evident that he was dissatisfied with the doings of the envoys. In the month of
August lord Berners fell seriously ill, and did not recover his health during his stay in
Spain. For this reason they would have desired to return by land, but they were so
ill supplied with money for their expenses, that they were compelled to come back by
the nearest way. They took leave of the Spanish court in January 15 19 and took ship
at Saint Sebastian.^
Lord Berners with his wife attended the king at the Field of the Cloth of Gold, and
on July 2nd 1520 he was thanked by the Privy Council for an account of that ceremonial
which he had forwarded to them. Towards the end of the year 1520 he was appointed
to the post of deputy of Calais, one of the most important offices of trust under the
crown. Here he seems to have remained for the rest of his life, busying himself partly
in strengthening the fortifications, as we learn from his letters to Wolsey, and here it
was that he chiefly found leisure for literary pursuits, being debarred, it seems, by the
state of his health from active military service. In the latter part of his life he must
have been somewhat embarrassed in money matters, partly perhaps owing to some law-
suits in which he had been involved, and he was a debtor to the crown at the time of
his death to the extent of at least ^^500. Henry VIII. was anxious to secure payment
out of his estate, and when the deputy lay on his death-bed, the king set agents at Calais
to watch over his personal effects. Lord Berners died on the i6th of March 1532-33,
and was buried in the church of Saint Mary at Calais. All his goods were immediately
placed under arrest, and an inventory taken, which exists still in the Record office.
Among his effects were eighty books, chiefly French and Latin, but the titles unfortu-
nately are not given.
He was married to Catherine, daughter of John Howard, duke of Norfolk,
apparently the sister-in-law of his mother, by whom he had two daughters, Mary and
Jane. He left also several illegitimate children.
Besides the translation of Froissart he made several other translations : as * The
Hystorye of the moost noble and valiaunt Knyght Arthur of lytell Brytayne,' translated
from the French. No copy of the early editions of this is known to exist. It was
republished in 1814 by Utterson from a seventeenth-century edition.
'The Castel of Love,' translated from the Spanish at the instance of the lady
Elizabeth Carew. Of this there is a copy in the British Museum supposed to have been
printed about 1540, but probably this was not the first edition.
' The ancient, honorable, famous and delightful Historie of Huon of Bourdeux,
enterlaced with the Love of many Ladies,' translated from the French at the desire of
the earl of Huntingdon. One copy only exists of an early edition and that without
date (being imperfect at the beginning and the end), but supposed to be of the year
1534. It has been edited by Mr. S. L. Lee for the Early English Text Society.
*The Golden boke of Marcus Aurelius,' translated from the French at the desire of
his nephew, sir Francis Bryan. This is a translation from a French version of the well-
known work by Guevara. The first edition bears the date 1534. It became very
1 In one of the despatches the ambassadors good game to teach men to fly. My lord Berners
report that at Saragossa the king joined in the answered that the Frenchmen learnt it well beside
national exercise of casting canes,' that is, hurling Guingate at the journey of Spurs.' These de-
javelins and galloping away in Parthian fashion, .spatches will be found summarised in Brewer's
'whereof the French ambassador said it was a 'Letters and Papers of the reign of Henry VIII.'
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
popular and went through many editions before North published his ' Dial of Princes,'
from the same original slightly expanded, in 1557.
Lord Berners is said also to have composed a treatise ' of the duties of the inhabitants
of Calais,' which has been perhaps rightly identified with ' Ordenances for Watch and
Ward of Calais, ' printed with other documents relating to Calais for the Camden Society in
1846; and a comedy called *Ite in vineam meam,' which was sometimes acted in the
great church at Calais after vespers. This last is not extant.
Some remarks may be here made on this list of works before passing on to the main
subject of this Introduction. The translator's prologue to the romance of ' Arthur of
Little Britain ' closely resembles in some respects the preface to the translation of
Froissart, but it is written in a much simpler style and is more humble in its pretensions.
The writer declares that he cannot render the work into ' fresh, ornate, polished English,'
because of his insufficiency in * the facundious art of rhetoric,' and that he is but a learner
of the language of French. The style of the preface to Froissart is much more formed
and testifies to a terrible progress in the art of rhetoric, as it was then conceived, nor
does the translator any longer speak of himself as ignorant of French. On the whole
we may perhaps assume that * Arthur of Little Britain ' was his first considerable work
in literature.
The Froissart may probably have come next, and then the ' Castle of Love ' and
' Huon of Bordeaux. ' The * Golden Book of Marcus Aurelius ' was the work of his
last years, though he was not apparently occupied upon it, as has been sometimes stated,
during the very last week of his life. The colophon of this book states that it was * ended
at Calais the tenth day of March ^ in the yere of the reigne of our soveraygne lorde
kyng Henry the VIIL the xxiii.,' that is 1531-32, a full year before the translator's death.
I have not seen a copy of the first edition, nor do I know where one is to be found, and
it is possible that it may contain the reading xxiiii. (as stated by Mr. Lee), though
Dibdin reports otherwise; but certainly in the edition of 1535, and in subsequent
editions so far as I know, it is xxiii. In any case, however, the book does not seem
to have been printed in the translator's lifetime, and no doubt it was published by sir
Francis Bryan, himself afterwards a translator of Guevara. At least twelve editions of
this book are recorded between 1534 and 1560, and there can be no doubt that the
credit of making Guevara known in England must be assigned to lord Berners rather
than to North. It has been suggested therefore that the ' Golden Book ' and not the
' Dial of Princes ' was the real father of what is called Euphuism in England : but it is
vain to attempt to trace Euphuism, except in a very restricted sense, to the influence of
any single book, and it will soon be acknowledged that the translators of Guevara
were no more really responsible than Lyly for a style which had developed simultaneously
in all the neighbouring countries. If nothing else could be adduced to shew that the
tendency existed already in English literature, the prefaces to lord Berners' Froissart,
written before he could possibly have read Guevara, would be enough to prove it.
II
In his translation of Froissart's Chronicles, lord Berners no doubt found a truer
satisfaction than in any of his other works. His delight was in history rather than in
fiction : it is history which alone in his judgment 'complecteth all profit,' moving us to
emulate the example of those who have been before us, with the prospect of ourselves
becoming an example to those that shall come after. There is a real enthusiasm,
visible through the artificiality of the rhetoric, in his praise of history, and he evidently
desired that the narratives with which he dealt should have at least the semblance of
truth. In the prologue to ' Arthur of Little Britain ' he naively lets his readers into
the secret that he undertook to translate the book before he had read it, and declares
that as he advanced with his task he had been so staggered by the * unpossibilities ' of
the story, that he had thought to have left and given up his labour. However, he had
1 It is a curious coincidence that the translation of Froissart also was finished on the loth of March.
INTRODUCTION xvii
consoled himself with the reflection that divers other ' noble histories ' in which the
deeds of famous knights of old were related, se,emed to our understanding not less
incredible, and that the first author of the book had probably devised it ' not without
some measure of truth or virtuous intent.' Just so we may conceive that he was enticed
into attempting ' Huon of Bordeaux ' by the specious semblance of history which the
first part of that romance presents, and that ' the instant desires of his nephew, Francis
Bryan, knight,' that he would translate the 'Golden Book of Marcus Aurelius,' may
have been powerfully seconded by the pretence, which the author made and long
maintained, that it was all genuine history.
Be this as it may, the translation of Froissart's Chronicles was uiidertaken, as already
stated, at the command of the king. The first volume was * Imprinted at London, in
Fletestrete, by Richard Pynson, printer to the kynges noble grace, and ended the xxviii. day
of January, the yere of our lorde mdxxiii.' (that is 1523-24) : the second volume was
finished at Calais the loth day of March in the i6th year of the reign of king Henry
VIII. , and printed as before by Richard Pynson, the printing being ended on the last day
of August in the year 1525. Pynson issued at least two editions of the book, but with
the same date and imprint. It was also printed by William Myddylton, ' in Fletestrete,
at the signe of the George,' without date, but the title-page and imprint of this (prob-
ably unauthorised) edition have the words * of the church of England and also of Ire-
lande in earth the supreme heade ' added- to the king's title, proving its date to have
been at least as late as 1533. Of this edition I have seen only one volume, the copy in
the British Museum being made up with the second volume of one of Pynson's, but a
note in the Grenville copy of Pynson's edition states that there exists an issue of the
whole book printed by Myddylton. Myddylton's edition, so far as I know it, is a line
for line reprint of Pynson's, but executed in a very much inferior style. P^inally the
book was republished in 181 2, under the superintendence of E. V. Utterson, in the form
of a tolerably accurate reprint of Pynson's first edition, with a few notes on mistranslated
passages and many emendations of proper names, given on the authority of the lately
published translation by Johnes. Of these last many are not to be relied upon, and it
should be remarked that by an oversight the black-letter title-page printed for the first
volume is that of Myddylton's edition and not Pynson's.^
With the exception of some correction of the punctuation, which remains, however,
exceedingly defective, this last publication reproduces designedly all the errors of the
original edition. These, which are sufficiently numerous to leave the reader often in
doubt about the true 'sentence of the matter,' consist of two classes, those which pro-
ceed from the translator himself or the French text which he used, and those for which
he is indebted to his printers. It is pretty clear that the translator did not take the
trouble to revise his own proofs, indeed such mechanical work would no doubt in that
age be considered as belonging solely to the printer. Many of the errors are obviously
due to misreading of the translator's handwriting, as * Beamon ' for ' Beauieu ' (vol. i. ch.
3), 'creylles' for 'oreylles' (i. 17), ' Issodnii ' for 'Issodun' (i. 21), 'drewe' for * drove'
(i. 44), ' their grefe ' for ' them grace ' (i. 56), ' the kyng harde noyse ' for ' the kyng
harde masse' (i. 124), ' Muquateners ' for ' Cinquanteners ' (i. 349), 'Dunce' for
•Dunoe' (ii. 206), 'mylke' for 'myllet' (ii. 215), and very many more, including a
curious case where, the translator having written no doubt, ' as at that tyme sir Johan
Warnes was capitayne of Calays ' ( Warnes being a corruption in the French text of
d'Ewrues, i.e. d'Evreux), the printer has substituted the name most familiar to himself in
connexion with that office, and we read ' as at that tyme sir Jphan Bernes was capitayne
of Calays,' that is, no other than our translator himself, translated for the occasion into
the fourteenth century (ii. 157). The mistakes of punctuation are still more numerous,
and are often such as to destroy the whole sense of the passage. Of these various
errors very few have as yet received any correction, so that the present may be said
to be the first attempt to give a thoroughly readable text of any considerable portion
of the book.
Lord Berners had certainly some qualifications which might have been expected to
xvill THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
fit him for his task as translator of Froissart. In such families as his, if in any, the
tradition of the age of chivalry was likely to be still alive. The Chronicles which he
translated are full of the deeds of his ancestors, for we must remember that he was
descended not only from the Bourchiers, but also from Edward the third and from his
son Thomas duke of Gloucester, whose grandson was the grandfather of our translator ;
so that it may fairly be said of him, ' les gloires de son pays etaient aussi pour lui des
gloires domestiques ' (Lettenhove, i. 3, 457). He was a man of the world quite as much
as a man of letters : he had travelled in various countries and had been engaged in
important service both of war and of diplomacy. Finally he had found leisure for his
literary task in a post which of all others carried with it most associations of the period
of which the Chronicles give us so living a picture. Calais was the prize won on the
field of Crecy, the gate by which the English entered France, the vital point on which
negotiations for peace so often turned, the town of the world which the English loved
best, ' for as long as they be lords of Calais, they said, they bare the keys of France
under their girdle ' (ii. 1 79). In the position of captain of Calais, a post which had been
also to some extent associated with his family in former times, he could hardly fail to have
a sense of the living reality of the conflicts of which Froissart wrote the chronicle and in
which his ancestors had taken a leading part. Add to this finally that his lifetime began
within seventy years of the latest events chronicled by Froissart, and that the English
language of his day was not yet very much altered from that of the fourteenth century.
Against these considerations must be set several disadvantages, of which some
arise from defects personal to the translator, others belong to the times in which he
lived. The absence of the means for anything like a critical study of Froissart's
Chronicles reduced the translator to a text of his author which in many respects is very
unsatisfactory ; and this corruption of the French text is really responsible for many of
the apparent blunders of translation, as will be sufficiently pointed out in the notes to
this edition. Then again, the undeveloped state of English prose style at the beginning
of the sixteenth century threw unusual difficulties in the way of so extensive a work,
difficulties with which the literary ability of the translator was hardly competent to
grapple successfully. In fact it is evident that he had not a sufficient literary training
for his task, and he shews a certain gentlemanly indifference to accuracy both in his
rendering of the French and in his style of expressing himself in English. It is of these
disadvantages and defects and of the manner in which they appear in the translation that
I propose now to speak, and first of the French text from which the version was made.
At the time when the work of translation was being done there existed at least five
printed editions of the Chronicles — (i) the editio princeps, printed at Paris for Antoine
Verard, without date, probably about 1495 ; (2) another edition published by the same,
probably about 1497; (3) an edition printed by Michel Lenoir, Paris, 1505; (4) an
edition published by G. Eustace and F. Regnault,^ Paris, 1513; {5) an edition by A.
Verard, F. Regnault and J. Petit, Paris, 1518 : all are in 4 volumes, small folio, and
are printed in Gothic letters, and they not only all represent the same text, but the later
editions are printed page by page from the earlier, with only the most trifling alterations
or corrections, so that Denis Sauvage was justified in saying that for critical purposes
they are equivalent to a single edition.^ As regards the first book, where alone the
1 That is, some copies bear the name of Regnault. V^rard's editions have ' Haneskerly,' which is re-
2 It may be of some interest to determine by produced by the translator, while Lenoir has
means of the slight variations that exist, which ' Kanerly ' : and finally for the distinction between
particular one of these editions was used by the the two editions of Verard \ye may quote vol. i. ch.
translator. The evidence chiefly depends upon 125, where all the other editions, including V^rard's
variations in the form of proper names: for ex- first, have 'larsin' or 'larcin,' while V6rard's second
ample, the edition used by the translator had the has 'darsin,' on which the translator has founded
reading 'dongport' for ' ung port' in vol. i. fol. 5 an absurd mistake. Such evidence as this tends
(vol. i. ch. 10 of the translation), a reading ex- to shew that the translator used V^rard's second
hibited only by the early editions of Verard and by edition, but the variations in these early issues are
that of Lenoir : in vol. i. ch. 112 the translator has so trifling that they may be regarded for most pur-
' Mauleon,' which is given by the two early editions poses as the same.
of Verard but not by Lenoir or the rest : in i. 221
INTRODUCTION xix
difference of redactions is of serious importance, the text represented by these editions
belongs to that which is called by Kervyn de Lettenhove the second redaction, that is
the class to which by far the greater number of existing MSS. are referred ; but of this
it is a considerably abridged copy.
The text is of course not a critical one, that is, it was printed apparently from a
single manuscript without comparison with others, and the result is that it contains a
considerable number of corruptions, especially of proper names. That lord Berners
should exercise much criticism upon it was perhaps not reasonably to be expected, but
it is certainly surprising that he should have let pass without Correction so many mis-
takes about the names of places which must have been perfectly familiar to him, and
that he sometimes even introduces corruptions of such names, which were not in his
French text. For example, he has not only acquiesced in the reading ' Poictou,' or as
he calls it * Poyters,' for * Ponthieu ' in the letters patent of vol. i. ch. 24, where he must
surely have known that Ponthieu and Montreuil were the places spoken of, but he has
actually changed * Ponthieu ' into Poictou in some other places, e.g. i. 247, where the
name occurs in connexion with the towns of Abbeville, Saint-Valery and Crotoy, with
the position of which the captain of Calais must certainly have been well acquainted.
The case is much the same with the English names. In a few cases he has made
corrections: he rightly gives *Shene'for 'Renes' (i. 314), *Brendwode' (Brentwood)
for ' Brehoude' (ii. 200), and ' Edenborowe' for * Haindebourg,' and he has sometimes
given the names of well-known English families in a more correct form ; but these cases
are rather the exception. * Mombray ' for * Mowbray ' must surely be a misprint, but
'Pennefort' and *Penbruges' for 'Pembroke,' *Canoll' for *Knolles,' *Caureirfor
* Calverley,' ' Quenfort ' for * Oxford,' ' Volengy ' and ' Bouligney ' for * Buckingham ' (a
bad case, for the person in question is Thomas of Woodstock, the translator's ancestor)
and many others, are forms which an Englishman who had any knowledge of the history
might be expected to correct ; and such names as ' He of Vbyque' for ' Isle of Wight,'
'Brendpest' for *Kent, Essex,' *Aude' for 'Tweed,' 'Germeney' for 'Yarmouth,'
need not have been left unreformed. There are also cases in which the translator has
made matters worse by unfortunate attempts at correction, as where he writes * Hull '
for * Heulle ' (ii. 239), the correction required being * Henley.' His attempts to correct
the text where proper names are not involved are even less successful, as will be
seen in the notes to this edition.
As the copyists of the manuscripts often thought themselves at liberty to abridge the
French text, so the translator still further abridges in his version. As an example of
the extent to which this double process is sometimes carried we may take the description
of the English order before the battle of Poitiers. The full text of the second redaction
as given from the best MSS. in Lettenhove's edition (vol. v. p. 411) is as follows : —
En ces parolles que Ii rois de France disoit et monstroit a ses gens pour yaus enco-
ragier, revinrent Ii iiii chevalier dessus nommet, et fendirent le presse et s'arrest^rent devant
le roy. L^ estoient Ii connestable de France et Ii doi marescal et grant fuison de bonne
chevalerie, tout venu et arrest^ pour savoir comment on se combateroit. Li rois demanda
as dessus dis tout en hault : ' Signeur, queles de vos nouvelles ? ' II respondirent : ' Sire,
bonnes ; si ards hui, se il plaist k Dieu, tme belle joumde sus vos ennemis. ' ' Tele I'espdrons-
nous k avoir par le grasce de Dieu, ' ce respondi Ii rois. ' Or nous dittes le maniere de
leur convenant et comment nous les porons combatre.' Adont respondi messires Eustasses
de Ribeumont, sicom je fui enfomids, poiu- tous ; car il Ten avoient pryet et cargiet, et
dist ensi : ' Sire, nous avons veu et consid6r6 vos ennemis : si poeent estre par estimation
ii"i hommes d'armes, iiii^n arciers et xv^ brigans.' ' Et comment gisent-il?' dist Ii rois.
' Sire, ' respondi messires Eustasses, ' il sont en tres-fort liu, et ne poons veoir, ne imaginer
qu'il n'aient fait que une bataille ; mes trop bellement et trop sagement Font il ordonn^,
et ont pris le lone d'un chemin fortefyet malement de haies et de buissons, et ont vesti
celle haie, d'une part et d'aultre, de leurs arciers, telement que on ne poet entrer, ne
chevaucier en leur chemin, fors que parmi yaus : si convient-il aler celle voie, se on les
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
voet combatre. En celle haie n'a que une seule entree et issue, ou espoir iiii hommes
d'armes, ensi que ou chemin, poroient chevaucier de fronch. Au coron de celle haie, entre
vignes et espines, oil on ne poet aler, ne chevaucier, sont leurs gens d'armes, tout k piet,
et ont mis leurs gens d'armes tout devant yaus, leurs arciers a mani6re d'une herce : dont
c'est trop sagement ouvr^, ce nous samble, car qui vodra ou pora venir par fait d'armes
jusques k yaus, il n'i entera nuUement, fors que parmi ces arciers, qui ne seront mies l^gier
k desconfire.'
The text of the a^ove passage in Verard's edition, from which the translation was
made, is this : —
En ce point revindrent les trois nobles chevaliers dessus nommez, lesquelz fetidirent la
presse et approcherent le roy, qui leur demanda des nouvelles. Messire Eustace de Ribau-
mont si respondit pour tous, car ses compaignons ten avoient prii, et dist : ' Sire, nous
avons regard^ les Anglois, si peuvent bien estre par estimacion deux mille hommes d'armes,
quatre mille archiers et quinze cens brigans. Si sont en ung tres fort lieu, et ne povons
ymaginer quilz ayent fait que une bataille. Mais moult saigement I'ont ordonn^e, et ont
prins le long du chemin fortiffi^ durement de haye et de buyssons, et ont vestue celle haye
d'une partie de leurs archiers tellement qu'on ne pent entrer ne chevaucher en leur chemin
fors que parmy eulx. Si convient-il aller celle voye qui les veult combatre. En celle haye
n'a que une seulle entree ne yssue, ou espoir quatre hommes d'armes ainsi que au chemin
pourroyent chevaucher de front. Au bout de celle haye, entre vignes et espines, ou Ton ne
peut aller ne chevaucher, sont leurs gens d'armes tout k pied, et ont mis tout devant eulx
leurs archiers en maniere d'une herse, qui ne seroit mye legi^re chose a desconfire.'
The words in italics are those which are omitted by the translator. Altogether it
will be seen the passage is reduced to about half its original length, but it must be
noticed that it is only in the first book (that is, vol. i. chs. 1-3 17 in the English version)
that the French text had been abridged to this extent. In the remainder of the
Chronicles the text which the translator followed was one which had been but very
slightly shortened by omissions.
As regards the accuracy of the translation we must not expect a very high standard.
The translator has not, he says, followed his author word by word, and it is not part of
the plan of the present edition to correct the translation like a schoolboy's exercise.
But setting aside the cases where a deviation from the true sense is due to corruption of
the French text,^ there remain a considerable number of downright mistranslations, the
result either of carelessness or blundering. For example, he translates ' despecer les
chaussees ' into ' cut short their kirtles ' (i. 80) ; ' povres gens I'amonterent premiere-
ment, et meschans gens le tuerent en le parfin,' 'poor men first mounteth up, and un-
happy men slayeth them at the end ' (i. 115); 'le roy de France les avoit advancez,'
*the French king followed him' (i. 159) ; 'depuis cent ans,' 'in a hundred year after'
(i. 270) ; 's'il est qui fait, il est qui dit,' ' if it be as he doth, it is as he saith ' (i. 387) ;
'se fist sire et roy du pays dont elle se clamoit dame,' 'was lord and king of the country
called Daure ' (ii. 42) ; ' il la garda d'estre prinse,' ' he kept himself sure enough from
taking' (ii. 167) ; 'qu'on I'oublia en France,' 'that he forgat France' (ii. 174) ; ' pour-
tant qu'il les avoit avancez,' * because he was advanced by their means ' (ii. 229). In
most of these cases, as in others which might be quoted, the blunders arise simply from
ignorance of French : but there are also mistakes which are due to mere carelessness,
as when he renders 'unze fils' 'a son' (i. 307), and repeatedly mistranslates the names
of the days of the week, making 'jeudi' 'Tuesday' and 'mardi' 'Wednesday' {e.g. i.
152, 220, 222). That he had no special knowledge of older French words and forms is
clear from his not understanding such words and expressions as ' esclistre,' 'juper,' 'se
1 Without reference to the translator's French ally suppose that ' the fourth part ' in ch. 382 (where
text it is impossible to say for certain in any single the true reading of the French is 'les quatre
instance whether the mistake is that of the transla- pars ') must be a mistake of the same kind. In
tion or not. "To take a single example : the reader, this instance, however, he would be wrong, for
having found in vol. i. ch. 381 the words 'bien les the translator's French text gave here 'la quarte
trois pars ' translated ' the third part,' would natur- part.'
INTRODUCTION xxi
deviser,' 'jangle,' 'se delivrer de ' (ii. 153), 'se clore' (ii. 197). On the whole it must
be concluded that lord Berners had an insufficient knowledge of the language which he
undertook to translate and was not a sound French scholar even judged by the standard
of his own time, and we have already noticed the humility with which he speaks of his
own attainments. At the same time it may be observed that in several passages he has
given a more correct rendering than his modern competitor. For example in i. 325,
where Johnes says : ' The queen was not very far advanced in pregnancy ; but the
doctors had forbidden her bathing,' etc., Berners more rightly gives : ' The queen being
in childbed was not well at ease, and her physicians had defended her in any wise
that she should not enter into no bain.' Again, in i. 403 Johnes has this : ' But some
imagine the king would not have interfered in the matter, if it had not been for the
intrigues of the duke of Burgundy ; for if nothing had been done, he would have annexed
Flanders to the crown of France by some means or other ; for the earl of Flanders was
not enough in his favour to induce him to exert himself in his aid.' Nothing could be
much worse than this either as regards correctness or style, while Berners is both
accurate and spirited : ' But some thought that if king Charles had lived still till that
time, that he would have done nothing, and if he had, men supposed that he would
thereby [have] annexed the county of Flanders to the crown of France : for the earl of
Flanders was not so well in his grace that he would have done anything for him, without
he had well known why.' Finally: * If the Turks and Tartars have frequently hurt
Christendom, the Genoese felt it not, ' where Berners correctly gives : * The Turks and
Tartars should do much damage to Christendom, if the Genoways were not ' (ii. 40).
A few more passages might be added, but certainly not enough to justify the remark
which has been made, that the older version is the more accurate as well as the more
spirited of the two.
The English style of lord Berners is partly correspondent to the looseness of transla-
tion which has been noticed. It has no claim whatever to purity or accuracy, and the
manner of expression is often intolerably careless. Sentences are begun, broken off,
begun again, and after all never ended ; verbs are left without subjects and relatives
without antecedents : grammatically the style is often hopeless ; it is the style of a man
who has not sufficient command over the language in which he writes to express clearly
that which he means to say, who struggles with a material of which he is not master.
Let us take a few examples out of many of this formlessness of style, to justify that which
has been said, and the sentences quoted may serve also as specimens of the spelling
used in the original edition : —
' And whan these knightes and other men of armes knewe the wyll and answere of king
Dapeter, wherby they reputed hym right orgulus and presumptuous, and made all the hast
they myght to auaunce, to do hym all the hurte they coulde. So they all passed,' etc. (i. 229).
' Ye haue harde right well here before, howe the kyng of Nauer, who hadde to his
wyfe the frenche kynges suster, for the loue of the one and of the other, it was sayd and
purposed, that the herytage of the chyldren of the kyng of Nauer, the whiche was fallen
to them by the ryght of their mother, yt the french kyng their vncle, by the succession of
his suster, ought to haue power therof in name of the chyldren, seyng the chyldren were in
his kepynge, wherby all the lande that the kynge of Naver held in Normandy shulde be in ye
french kynges hand, as long as his nephewes were within age. Of all these maters, ' etc. (i. 327).
' For ye knowe howe the puissaunce of the prince of Wales and of Acquitayne put
kynge don Peter, your cosyn, into possession of all these herytages and land es closed within
Spayne, and afterwarde by a journey of batayle y*^ don Henry had at Nauntuell agaynst don
Peter, who there loste all agayne, and don Henry put in possession as he was before ' (ii. 33).
' It can nat be said but that the knightes of Fraunce, of Bretayne, of Burgoyne and of
Byerne, but that^ right valiantly fought' (ii. 34).
' Ye haue well herde here before how sir Peter of Craon, who was a knyght of great
1 The omission of ' they ' is not an accident or a misprint, but a regular feature of the style, in imita-
tion perhaps of old French.
xxii THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
lygnage ; but he was farre out of the frenche kynges grace and the duke of Thourayns : if
he dyd so moche to cause them to be displeased with him, he dyd yvell. Ye have herde
also howe he was gone into Bretayne,' etc. (ii. i8i).
For these enormities and for many more of the same kind our translator alone is
responsible : the style of the original author is almost always lucid and fluent, and it cer-
tainly gives no excuse for the confusion and obscurity of expression which we have noted.
It is going much too far therefore to speak, as some have done, of this translation as a
model of English prose, written in a style simple and direct, but at the same time
flexible and mobile, with artistic combinations of the Romance and Teutonic elements
of the language. It has many merits, as we shall presently see, but it is not a model
of style. Nor can it be pleaded for the writer that the age had not yet learnt to express
itself clearly in prose. The generation before that of our translator had made a very
great advance ; the style of Mallory's Morte Darthur (this also a translation, or series of
translations, from the French) is excellently adapted to its purpose, and for directness
and lucidity Caxton is a far better writer than Berners.
But enough has been said of the faults of the work that is before us : it remains to
speak of its merits. The writer has the qualities of his defects. If he is not properly
speaking a man of letters, he is on that account the more familiar with courts, embassies
and statecraft. He has seen battles and taken part in the conduct of sieges, and he
knows the language of politics and of diplomacy. This, it cannot be denied, is some
qualification for translating Froissart. Again, having no formed style of his own, he is
more apt to follow the style of the original than to attempt to improve upon it : and
this is in fact his greatest merit. He has not attempted to produce an original work in
the guise of a translation : not only the matter but to a great extent the manner is that of
the original, while at the same time the English is idiomatic enough to avoid the sugges-
tion of a foreign source. It is true that under any exceptional stress his powers of clear
expression break down, as we have seen, but ordinarily he flows along happily enough, and
gives us very often no bad reproduction of the style of Froissart. If we wish to know of
what he was capable in this matter of style when left to his own guidance, we have only to
read the preface of the translator, prefixed to the first volume of the work. It is difficult to
conceive anything more unKke the style of the translation than this stilted performance,
with its regular balance of clauses and its absurd arrangement of synonyms in triplets : e.g.
*for whan we (beynge vnexpert of chaunces) se, beholde and rede the auncyent actes, gestes
and dedes, howe and with what labours, daungers and paryls they were gested and done,
they right greatly admonest, ensigne and teche vs howe we maye lede forthe our lyues :
and farther, he that hathe the perfyte knowledge of others' ioye, welthe and highe pros-
perite, and also trouble, sorowe and great aduersite, hath thexpert doctryne of all
parylles ' : with much more of the same kind, in regard to which he is justly afraid
that if he should write all that he would on the subject, he should ' too sore torment ' his
reader. It is, however, only the sense that he ought to write something impressive in a
good literary style that drives him to his stilts : he comes down from them as soon as he
has something practical to say, either about his reasons for translating Froissart, his
methods of naming persons, countries and cities, or his reckoning of miles and leagues.
All this he expresses in a simple conversational manner, as of one gentleman explain-
ing things to another ; and when his work of translation begins, he resigns himself
willingly to the guidance of his author, whose narrative he reproduces with the spirit of
one to whom it is a living drama and not an unreal pageant. It is this fresh vitality of
the story, combined with the simplicity of the rendering, that constitutes the redeeming
merit of the translation, a merit sufficient to cover a multitude of defects. Add to this
a certain vigorous picturesqueness of phrase, which is certainly not to be found in the
work of his modern rival, and a diction not too far removed from the time of his author,
English enriched with that admixture of French M^hich had been incorporated with it
in the fourteenth century, but not overloaded with new foreign importations, such as an
unskilful translator might be tempted to introduce.
INTRODUCTION
As examples of graphic and forcible expression we may take a few passages here and
there, quoting also the modern translation, not because it is specially bad, but as giving
an average standard for comparison : —
' The horses whan they felt ye sharpe arowes, they wolde in no wyse go forward, but
drewe abacke, and flang and toke on so feersly, that many of them fell on their maisters '
(i. 162).
The modern rendering is : ' The horses smarting under the pain of the wounds made
by their bearded arrows, would not advance, but turned about, and by their unruliness
threw their masters.'
' Gylbert answered and sayde, Holde thy pease, fole, for whan I wyll, with ye erle's
puyssance, all the whyte hattes shall be cast downe ; and suche there be that bereth them
nowe, that here after shall haue no nede of any hatte ' (i. 349).
Johnes has : ' Gilbert replying said : Hold thy tongue, fool ; whenever I please, with
the assistance of my lord, I can put down these white hoods ; and some of them who
now wear them will not in a short time have heads to put them on. '
Again : ' [He] caste about his eyen, and the firste thynge he sawe was a Sowe, the greattest
that euer he sawe, and she semed to be so leane and yuell fauoured, that there was nothyng
on her but the skynne and the bones, with long eares and a longe leane snout. The
lorde of Corasse had marueyle of that leane Sowe, and was wery of y^ sight of her, and
comaunded his men to fetche his houndes, and sayd, Lette the dogges hunt her to dethe
and deuoure her' (ii. 37).
The modern translator says : ' Casting his eyes about, the first thing he observed was
an immensely large sow ; but she was so poor, she seemed only skin and bone, with long
hanging ears all spotted, and a sharp-pointed lean snout. The lord de Corasse was dis-
gusted at such a sight, and calling to his servants said, Let the dogs loose quickly, for I
will have that sow killed and devoured. '
And finally : ' The constable defended hymselfe valyauntly with that wepyn that he had ;
howebeit, his defence hadde vayled hym but lytell, and the great grace of god had nat ben ;
styll he sate on his horse tyll he had a full stroke on y° heed, with whiche stroke he fell fro
his horse ryght agaynst a bakers dore, who was vp and busy to bake breed, and had left
his dore halfe open, whiche was happy for the constable ; for as he fell fro his horse he fell
agaynste the dore, and the dore opened, and he fell in at the dore, and they that were a
horsebacke coulde nat entre after hym, the dore was to lowe and to lytell. . . , Thus syr
Olyuer of Clysson was lefte in this case, as a man halfe deed and more, in the bakers house,
who was sore abasshed whan he knewe it was the constable : as for his men, had lytell
hurte, for syr Peter and his men loked for nothynge but to haue slayne the constable.
Than syr Olyuers men assembled togyther, and entred into the bakers house, and there
founde their mayster, sore hurte on the heed, and the blode rennynge downe by his vysage,
wherwith they were sore abasshed, and good cause why : there they made great com-
playntes ; fyrste they feared he had ben deed. Anone tydinges hereof came to the kynges
lodgynge, and it was sayde to the kynge, as he was goynge to his bedde : Ah, syr, we
canne nat hyde fro you the great myschiefe that is now sodenly fallen in Parys. What
myschefe is that ? quod the kynge. Syr, quod they, your constable syr Olyuer of Clisson
is slayne. Slayne, quod the kynge ; and howe so, and who hath done that deed ? Syr,
quod they, we canne nat tell ; but this myschefe is fallen on hym here by in the streate of
saynt Kateryn. Well, quod the kynge, light vp your torches ; I will go and se hym '
(ii. 181).
' The constable parried the blows tolerably well with his short cutlass ; but his defence
would have been of no avail, if God's providence had not protected him. He kept steady
on horseback some time, until he was villanously struck on the back part of his head,
which knocked him off his horse. In his fall he hit against the hatch of a baker's door,
who was already up to attend to his business and bake his bread. Having heard the
noise of horses on the causeway and high words, the baker had, fortunately for the con-
stable, half opened the hatch ; and sir OUver, falling against it, burst it quite open and
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
rolled into the shop. Those on horseback could not follow him, as the entrance was
neither wide nor high enough, ' and so on.
The version of Johnes is quoted in these passages not because it deserves scorn-
ful treatment, but simply to shew that in all these cases, as in others which might
be found on every page, the older translator has the advantage. The work done
by Johnes was very respectable, and he was the first to call attention to an im-
portant class of manuscripts, with variations and additions which had not before been
publicly noticed, but we cannot doubt about the comparative merits of the two versions,
notwithstanding the superior accuracy of the later one. Let ' them that default find '
do as the translator prays them to do and endeavour to amend where need shall be.
There is no doubt that the book was popular with those to whom it was addressed, and
that it was truly a pleasure to the noble gentlemen of England ' to se, beholde and rede
the highe enterprises, famous actes and glorious dedes done and atchyued by their valyant
aunceytours. ' It has also remained among the monuments of the English language,
and if not exactly a masterpiece, it has seemed nevertheless more successful than any
other version in rendering the charm and simplicity of the original text.
THE FIRST VOLUME
tiolutn of 0ic 31o!jaa jfcoj^^art: of tlje cronpcle^ of (£1x9:'.
lanDe, jfraunce, »)papne, ^Bortpngale, »)Cotlantie, Bretapne,
Jflautier^, anti otljer placet atiiopapnge^ '^Trangflateti out of
jfrenc^e into our maternal enfflp^g^lje tonp bp 3|oljan
Bourcljfer, fenigljt, lorDe Berner^: Sit tlje comauntie=
ment of oure moo0t tjiglje redouted 0ouerapne
lortie fepng: i^enrg tlje WL^ kpno: of
(Englantie anti of jfraunce anU Ijiff^ De=
fender of tl)e cljri^ten faptlje, etc^
THE PREFACE OF JOHN BOURCHIER, KNIGHT,
LORD BERNERS,
TRANSLATOR OF THIS PRESENT CHRONICLE
What condign graces and thanks ought men to give to the writers of histories,
who with their great labours have done so much profit to the human fife.
They shew, open, manifest and declare to the reader by example of old
antiquity, what we should enquire, desire and follow, and also what we should
eschew, avoid and utterly fly ; for when we (being unexpert of chances) see,
behold and read the ancient acts, gests and deeds, how and with what labours,
dangers and perils they were gested and done, they right greatly admonish,
ensign and teach us how we may lead forth our lives : and farther, he that
hath the perfect knowledge of others' joy, wealth and high prosperity, and also
trouble, sorrow and great adversity, hath the expert doctrine of all perils.
And albeit that mortal folk are marvellously separated both by land and water,
and right wondrously situate, yet are they and their acts (done peradventure
by the space of a thousand year) compact together by the histographier, as it
were the deeds of one self city and in one man's life : wherefore I say that
history may well be called a divine providence ; for as the celestial bodies
above complect all and at every time the universal world, the creatures therein
contained and all their deeds, semblably so doth history. Is it not a right
noble thing for us, by the faults and errors of other to amend and erect our
life into better ? We should not seek and acquire that other did ; but what
thing was most best, most laudable and worthily done, we should put before
our eyes to follow. Be not the sage counsels of two or three old fathers in a
city, town or country, whom long age hath made wise, discreet and prudent,
far more praised, lauded and dearly loved than of the young men.'' How
much more then ought histories to be commended, praised and loved, in
whom is included so many sage counsels, great reasons and high wisdoms of
so innumerable persons of sundry nations and of every age, and that in so long
space as four or five hundred year. The most profitable thing in this world
for the institution of the human life is history. Once the continual reading
thereof maketh young men equal in prudence to old men, and to old fathers
stricken in age it ministereth experience of things. More, it yieldeth private
persons worthy of dignity, rule and governance : it compelleth the emperors,
high rulers and governours to do noble deeds, to the end they may obtain
immortal glory : it exciteth, moveth and stirreth the strong, hardy warriors,
for the great laud that they have after they ben dead, promptly to go in hand
with great and hard perils in defence of their country : and it prohibiteth
reprovable persons to do mischievous deeds, for fear of infamy and shame.
PREFACE OF LORD BERNERS XXIX
So thus through the monuments of writing, which is the testimony unto virtue
many men have been moved, some to build cities, some to devise and estab-
blish laws right profitable, necessary and behoveful for the human life, some
other to find new arts, crafts and sciences, very requisite to the use of man-
kind. But above all things, whereby man's wealth riseth, special laud and
cause ought to be given to history : it is the keeper of such things as have
been virtuously done, and the witness of evil deeds, and by the benefit of
history all noble, high and virtuous acts be immortal. What moved the strong
and fierce Hercules to enterprise in his life so many great incomparable
labours and perils ? Certainly nought else but that for his merit immortality
might be given to him of all folk. In semblable wise did his imitator, noble
duke Theseus, and many other innumerable worthy princes and famous men,
whose virtues ben redeemed from oblivion and shine by history. And whereas
other monuments in process of time by variable*, chances are confused and
lost, the virtue of history, diffused and spread through the universal world,
hath to her custos and keeper it (that is to say, time) which consumeth the
other writings. And albeit that those men are right worthy of great laud and
praise, who by their writings shew and lead us the way to virtue, yet never-
theless the poems, laws and other acts that they found, devised and writ ben
mixed with some damage, and sometime for the truth they ensign a man to
lie ; but only history, truly with words representing the acts, gests and deeds
done, complecteth all profit : it moveth, stirreth and compelleth to honesty ;
detesteth, irketh and abhorreth vices ; it extolleth, enhanceth and lifteth up
such as ben noble and virtuous ; depresseth, poistereth and thrusteth down
such as ben wicked, evil and reprovable. What knowledge should we have of
ancient things past, an history were not, which is the testimony thereof, the
light of truth, the mistress of the life human, the president of remembrance
and the messenger of antiquity ? Why moved and stirred Phalerius the king
Ptolemy oft and diligently to read books ? Forsooth for none other cause,
but that those things are found written in books that the friends dare not shew
to the prince. Much more I would fain write of the incomparable profit of
history, but I fear me that I should too sore torment the reader of this my
preface ; and also I doubt not but that the great utility thereof is better known
than I could declare ; wherefore 1 shall briefly come to a point. Thus, when I
advertised and remembered the manifold commodities of history, how bene-
ficial it is to mortal folk, and eke how laudable and meritorious a deed it is
to write histories, fixed my mind to do something therein : and ever when this
imagination came to me, I volved, turned and read many volumes and books
containing famous histories ; and among all other I read diligently the four
volumes or books of sir John Froissart of the country of Hainault, written in
the French tongue, which I judged commodious, necessary and profitable to
be had in English, sith they treat of the famous acts done in our parts, that is
to say, in England, France, Spain, Portugal, Scotland, Bretayne, Flanders and
other places adjoining ; and specially they redound to the honour of English-
men. What pleasure shall it be to the noble gentlemen of England to see,
behold and read the high enterprises, famous acts and glorious deeds done
and achieved by their valiant ancestors ? Forsooth and God, this hath moved
me at the high commandment of my most redoubted sovereign lord king
Henry the VIII., king of England and of France, and high defender of the
Christian faith, etc., under his gracious supportation, to do my devoir to trans-
late out of French into our maternal English tongue the said volumes of sir
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
John Froissart ; which chronicle beginneth at the reign of the most noble and
valiant king Edward the third, the year of our Lord a thousand three hundred
and twenty-six,^ and continueth to the beginning of the reign of king Henry
the fourth, the year of our Lord God a thousand and four hundred ; the space
between is threescore and fourteen years ; requiring all readers and hearers
thereof to take this my rude translation in gre. And in that I have not followed
mine author word by word, yet I trust I have ensued the true report of the
sentence of the matter ; and as for the true naming of all manner of person-
ages, countries, cities, towns, rivers or fields, whereas I could not name them
properly nor aptly in English, I have written them according as I found them
in French ; and though I have not given every lord, knight or squire his true
addition, yet I trust I have not swerved from the true sentence of the matter.
And thereas I have named the distance between places by miles and leagues,
they must be understood according to the custom of the countries whereas
they be named, for in some place they be longer than in some other : in Eng-
land a league or mile is well known ; in France a league is two miles, and in
some places three ; and in other country is more or less : every nation hath
sundry customs. And if any fault be in this my rude translation, I remit the
correction thereof to them that discreetly shall find any reasonable default ;
and in their so doing I shall pray God to send them the bliss of heaven. —
Amen.
\ %\\x<^ Eittiet!) t!)e preface of 0ir go^aii Bourc^ier, fenigljt,
lortje Bertier^, tranislatour of tji^ present cron|?cle: anO
tierafter folotoet^ t^e table,^ toitt) all tlje cljapitergf a0 t^ep
0tantie lit t!)e bofee va ortier, from one to four Ijuntireti, fgftie
ann one, tDl)icIje \st in number <Z^^<^^ anti 1L% cfjapiter^.
1 A correction of ' sixteen.' and instead of it a table is given above of the pages
2 The table of chapters is omitted in this edition, in the present volume.
THE
CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
CHAPTER I
Here beginneth the prologue of sir John
Froissart of the Chronicles of France,
England and other places adjoining.
To the intent that the honourable and
noble adventures of feats of arms, done and
achieved by the wars of France and Eng-
land, should notably be enregistered and
put in perpetual memory, whereby the prewe
and hardy may have ensample to encourage
them in their well-doing, I, sir John Frois-
sart, will treat and record an history of
great louage and praise. But, or I begin,
I require the Saviour of all the world, who
of nothing created all things, that he will
give me such grace and understanding, that
II may continue and persevere in such wise,
that whoso this process readeth or heareth
may take pastance, pleasure and ensample.
It is said of truth that all buildings are
masoned and wrought of divers stones,
and all great rivers are gurged and as-
sembled of divers surges and springs of
water ; in likewise all sciences are extraught
and compiled of divers clerks ; of that one
writeth, another peradventure is ignorant ;
but by the famous writing of ancient authors
all things ben known in one place or other.
Then to attain to the matter that I have
enter prised, I will begin first by the grace
of God and of the blessed Virgin our Lady
Saint Mary, from whom all comfort and
consolation proceedeth, and will take my
foundation out of the true chronicles some-
time compiled by the right reverend,
discreet and sage master John le Bel,
sometime canon in Saint Lambert's of
Liege, who with good heart and due dili-
gence did his true devoir in writing this
noble chronicle, and did continue it all his
life's days, in following the truth as near
as he might, to his great charge and cost
in seeking to have the perfect knowledge
thereof. He was also in his life's days
well beloved and of the secret council with
the lord sir John of Hainault, who is
often remembered, as reason requireth,
hereafter in this book, for of many fair and
noble adventures he was chief causer, and
by whose means the said sir John le Bel
might well know and hear of many divers
noble deeds, the which hereafter shall be_
declared. Truth it is that I, who have
enterprised this book to ordain for pleasure
and pastance, to the which always I have
been inclined, and for that intent I have
followed and frequented the company of
divers noble and great lords, as well in
France, England and Scotland, as in divers
other countries, and have had knowledge/,
by them, and always to my power justly
have enquired for the truth of the deeds of
war and adventures that have fallen, and
especially sith the great battle of Poitiers,
whereas the noble king John of France
was taken prisoner, as before that time I
was but of a young age or understanding.^
1 This extraordinary sentence does not at all re-
present the original, which may be thus translated :
'True it is that I who have enterprised to set in
order this book, have for pleasure, which hath
ever inclined me thereto, frequented the company
of divers noble and great lords, as well in France
as England, Scotland and other countries, and
e
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
Howbeit, I took on me, as soon as I came
from school, to write and recite the Said
book,^ and bare the same compiled into
England, and presented the volume thereof
to my lady Philippa of Hainault, noble
queen of England, who right amiably
received it to my great profit and advance-
ment. And it may be so that the same
book is not as yet examined nor corrected
so justly as such a case requireth ; for feats
of arms dearly bought and achieved, the
honour thereof ought to be given and truly
divided to them that by prowess and hard
travail have deserved it. Therefore to
acquit me in that behalf, and in following
the truth as near as I can, I, John Froissart,
have enterprised this history on the foresaid
ordinance and true foundation, at the
instance and request of a dear lord of mine,
Robert of Namur, knight, lord of Beaufort,
to whom entirely I owe love and obeisance,
and God grant me to do that thing that
may be to his pleasure. Amen.
CHAPTER II
Here speaketh the author of such as were
most valiant knights to be made mention
of in this book.
All noble hearts to encourage and to shew
them ensample and matter of honour, I,
sir John Froissart, begin to speak after
the true report and relation of my master
John le Bel, sometime canon of Saint-
Lambert's of Liege, affirming thus, how
that many noble persons have ofttimes
spoke of the wars of France and of England,
and peradventure knew not justly the truth
thereof, nor the true occasions of the first
movings of such wars, nor how the war at
have had acquaintance with them. So I have
always to my power justly enquired and demanded
of the wars and adventures," etc. The translation
given by Johnes is equally incorrect.
1 The better reading is, 'a rimer et k ditter les
guerres dessus dites.' The translator seems to
think that the book presented to queen Philippa
was a first edition of this history; but Froissart
draws a distinction between that book (which may
probably have been in verse) and the present work,
undertaken at the instance of Robert of Namur.
Lower down, where the translator has, ' it may be
so that the same book is not as yet examined nor
corrected so justly as such a case requireth,' the
author meant to say that perhaps that book was
not so carefully composed as it should have been.
length continued : but now I trust ye shall
hear reported the true foundation of the
cause, and to the intent that I will not
forget, minish or abridge the history in
anything for default of language, but rather
I will multiply and increase it as near as I
can, following the truth from point to point,
in speaking and shewing all the adventures
sith the nativity of the noble king Edward
the III., who reigned king of England ai^d
achieved many perilous adventures, and
divers great battles addressed, and other
feats of arms of ^eat prowess sith the year
of our Lord CJoT-McecitxvL, that this
noble king was crowned in England : for
generally such as were with him in his
battles and happy fortunate adventures,
or with his people in his absence, ought
right well to be taken and reputed for
valiant and worthy of renown ; and though
there were great plenty of sundry person-
ages that ought to be praised and reputed
as sovereigns, yet among other and princi-
pally ought to be renowned the noble
proper person of the foresaid gentle king,
also the prince of Wales his son, the duke
of Lancaster, sir Raynold lord Cobham,
sir Gaultier of Manny ^ of Hainault, knight,
sir John Chandos, sir Franck of Hale and
divers other, of whom is made mention
hereafter in this present book because of
their . valianj— prowess ; for in all battles
that they were in7n!tJ§t commonly they had
ever the renown, both by land and by sea,
according to the truth. They in all their
deeds were so valiant that they ought to
be reputed as sovereigns in all chivalry ; \
yet for all that, such other as were in their
company ought not to be of the less value
or less set by. Also in France in that time
there were found many good knights,
strong and well expert in feats of arms ; for
the realm of France was not so discomfited
but that always there were people sufficient
to fight withal, and the king Philip of
Valois was a right hardy and a valiant
knight, and also king John his son, Charles
the king of Bohemia,^ the earl of Alen9on,
the earl of Foix, sir Saintre, sir Arnold
1 The form 'Manny' for 'Mauny' is retained
throughout.
2 The king of Bohemia is called Charles by
Froissart, but his name was in fact John. In his
latest redaction (Vat. MS.) Froissart states when
relating the battle of Crecy that he was rebaptized
as Charles.
PREDECESSOJ^S OF EDWARD III.
[d'Audrehem, sir Bouciquaut, sir Guichard]
d' Angle, the lords of Beaujeu, the father
and the son, and divers other, the which
I can not their names, of whom hereafter
right well shall be made mention in time
and place convenient to say the truth and
to maintain the same. All such as in cruel
battles have been seen abiding to the
discomfiture, sufficiently doing their devoir,
may well be reputed for valiant and hardy,
whatsoever was their adventure.
CHAPTER III
Here the matter speaketh of some of the
predecessors of king Edward of England.
First, the better to enter into the matter
of this honourable and pleasant history of
the noble Edward king of England, who
was crowned at London the year of our
Lord God mcccxxvi., on Christmas-
day, living the king his father and the queen
his mother, it is certain that the opinion of
Englishmen most commonly was as then, and
oftentimes it was seen in England after the
time of king Arthur, how that between two
valiant kings of England there was most
commonly one between them of less
. sufficiency both of wit and of prowess : and
this was right well apparent by the same
king Edward the third ; for his grand-
father, called the good king Edward the
first, was right valiant, sage, wise and hardy,
V adventurous and fortunate in all feats of
war, and had much ado against the vScots,
and conquered them three or four times ;
for the Scots could never have victory nor
endure against him : and after his decease
his son of his first wife, who was father to
the said good king Edward the third, was
crowned king and called Edward the second,
who resembled nothing to his father in wit
nor in prowess, but governed and kept his
realm right wildly, and ruled himself by
sinister counsel of certain persons, whereby
at length he had no profit nor land, as ye
shall hear after ; for anon after he was
crowned, Robert Bruce king of Scotland,
who had often liefore given much ado to the
said good king Edward the first, conquered
again all Scotland, and brent and wasted a
great part of the realm of England, a four
or five days' journey within the realm at two
times, and discomfited the king and all the
barons of England at a place in Scotland
called Stirling, by battle arranged the day
of Saint John Baptist, in the seventh year
of the reign of the same king Edward, in
the year of our Lord Mcccxiv. The
chase of this discomfiture endured two days
and two nights, and the king of England
went with a small company to London :
and on mid-lent Sunday in the year of our
Lord Mcccxvi. the Scots won again the
city of Berwick by treason ; but because
this is no part of our matter, I will leave
speaking thereof.
CHAPTER IV
Here mine author maketh mention of the
parent of this good king Edward the
third.
This king Edward the second, father to
the noble king Edward the third, had two
brethren, the one called [the earl] marshal,
who was right wild and diverse of condi-
tions, the other called sir Edmund earl
of Kent, right wise, amiable, gentle and «
well beloved with all people. This king
Edward the second was married to Isabel,
the daughter of Philip le Beau king of
France, who was one of the fairest ladies k
of the world. The king had by her two
sons and two daughters. The first son
was the noble and hardy king Edward the
third, of whom this history is begun. The
second was named John, and died young.
The first of the daughters was called Isabel,
married to the young king David of Scot-
land, son to king Robert de Bruce, married
in her tender yongth by the accord of both
realms of England and Scotland for to
make perfect peace. The other daughter
was married to the earl Raynold, who
after was called duke of Gueldres, and he
had by her two sons, Raynold and Edward,
who after reigned in great puissance.
CHAPTER V
Hereafter beginneth the occasion whereby
the war moved between the kings of
France and England.
NOMT sheweth the history that this Philip
le Beau king of France had three sons and
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
a fair daughter named Isabel, married into
England to king Edward the second ; and
these three sons, the eldest named Louis,
who was king of Navarre in his father's
days and was called king Louis Hutin, the
second had to name Philip the Great or the
Long, and the third was called Charles ;
and all three were kings of France after
their father's decease by right succession
each after other, without having any issue
male of their bodies lawfully begotten.
So that after the death of Charles, last
king of the three, the twelve peers and
all the barons of France would not give
the realm to Isabel the sister, who was
queen of England, because they said and
maintained, and yet do, that the realm of
France is so noble that it ought not to go
to a woman, and so consequently to Isabel,
nor to the king of England her eldest son :
for they determined the son of the woman
to have no right nor succession by his
mother, since they declared the mother
to have no right : so that by these reasons
the twelve peers and barons of France by
their common accord did give the realm of
France to the lord Philip of Valois, nephew
sometime to Philip le Beau king of France,
and so put out the queen of England and
her son, who was as the next heir male, as
son to the sister of Charles, last king of
France. Thus went the realm of France
out of the right lineage, as it seemed to
many folk, whereby great wars hath moved
and fallen, and great destructions of people
and countries in the realm of France and
other places, as ye may hereafter [see].
This is the very right foundation of this
history, to recount the great enterprises
and great feats of arms that have fortuned
and fallen. Sith the time of the good
Charlemagne king of France there never
fell so great adventures.
CHAPTER VI
Of the earl Thomas of Lancaster and
twenty-two other of the great lords and
knights of England, that were beheaded.
The foresaid king Edward the second,
father to the noble king Edward the
third, on whom our matter is founded,
this said king governed right diversely his
realm by the exhortation of sir Hugh
Spencer, who had been nourished with
him sith the beginning of his yongth ; the
which sir Hugh had so enticed the king,
that his father and he were the greatest
masters in all the realm, and by envy
thought to surmount all other barons of
England ; whereby after the great dis-
comfiture that the Scots had made at
Stirling great murmuring there arose in
England between the noble barons and
the king's council, and namely against sir
Hugh Spencer. They put on him that
by his counsel they were discomfited, and
that he was favourable to the king of
Scots. And on this point the barons
had divers times communication together,
to be advised what they might do, whereof
Thomas earl of Lancaster, who was uncle
to the king, was chief. And anon when sir
Hugh Spencer had espied this, he pur-
veyed for remedy, for he was so great
with the king and so near him, that he
was more beloved with the king than all
the world after. So on a day he came to
the king and said, 'Sir, certain lords of
your realm have made alliance together
against you, and without ye take heed
thereto betimes, they purpose to put you
out of your realm ' : and so by his mali-
cious means he caused that the king made
all the said lords to be taken, and their
heads to be stricken off without delay,
and without knowledge or answer to any
cause. First of all sir Thomas earl of
Lancaster, who was a noble and a wise,
holy knight, and hath done sith many
fair miracles in Pom fret, where he was
beheaded, for the which deed the said
sir Hugh Spencer achieved great hate in
all the realm, and specially of the queen
and of the earl of Kent, brother to the
king. And when he perceived the dis-
pleasure of the queen, by his subtle wit
he set great discord between the king and
the queen, so that the king would not see
the queen nor come in her company, the
which discord endured a long space. Then
was it shewed to the queen secretly and to
the earl of Kent, that without they took good
heed to themselves, they were likely to be
destroyed, for sir Hugh Spencer was about
to purchase much trouble to them. Then
the queen secretly did purvey to go into
France, and took her way as on pilgrim-
I
THE QUEEN OF ENGLAND IN FRANCE, 1326
5
age to Saint Thomas of Canterbury, and
so to Winchelsea, and in the night went
into a ship that was ready for her, and her
young son Edward with her, and the earl
of Kent and sir Roger Mortimer, and in
another ship they had put all their purvey-
ance, and had wind at will, and the next
morning they arrived in the haven of
Boulogne.
CHAPTER VII
How the queen of England went and com-
plained her to the king of France her
brother of sir Hugh Spencer.
When queen Isabel was arrived at Bou-
logne, and her son with her and the earl
of Kent, the captains and abbot of the
town came against her and joyously re-
ceived her and her company into the
abbey, and there she abode two days :
then she departed and rode so long by
her journeys that she arrived at Paris.
Then king Charles her brother, who was
informed of her coming, sent to meet her
divers of the greatest lords of his realm,
as the lord sir Robert de Artois, the
lord of Coucy, the lord of Sully, the
lord of Roye and divers other, who
honourably did receive her and brought
her into the city of Paris to the king her
brother. And when the king saw his
sister, whom he had not seen long before,
as she should have entered into his chamber
he met her and took her in his arms and
kissed her, and said, ' Ye be welcome,
fair sister, with my fair nephew your son,'
and took them by the hands and led them
forth. The queen, who had no great joy
at her heart but that she was so near to the
king her brother, she would have kneeled
down two or three times at the feet of the
king, but the king would not suffer her,
but held her still by the right hand, de-
manding right sweetly of her estate and
business. And she answered him right
sagely, and lamentably recounted to him
all the felonies and injuries done to her
by sir Hugh Spencer, and required him
of his aid and comfort. When the noble
king Charles of France had heard his
sister's lamentation, who weepingly had
shewed him all her need and business,
he said to her : ' Fair sister, appease your-
self, for by the faith I owe to God and to
Saint Denis I shall right well purvey for
you some remedy.' The queen then
kneeled down, whether the king would
or not, and said : * My right dear lord
and fair brother, I pray God reward you.'
The king then took her in his arms and
led her into another chamber, the which
was apparelled for her and for the young
Edward her son, and so departed from
her, and caused at his costs and charges
all things to be delivered that was behoveful
for her and for her son. After it was not
long, but that for this occasion Charles
king of France assembled together many
great lords and barons of the realm of
France, to have their counsel and good
advice how they should ordain for the
need and besynes of his sister queen of
England. Then it was counselled to the
king that he should let the queen his sister
to purchase for herself friends, whereas
she would, in the realm of France or in
any other place, and himself to feign and
be not. known thereof; for they said, to
move war with the king of England, and
to bring his own realm into hatred, it were
nothing appertinent nor profitable to him
nor to his realm. But they concluded that
conveniently he might aid her with gold
and silver, for that is the metal whereby \\
love is attained both of gentlemen and of '
poor soldiers. And to this counsel and
advice accorded the king, and caused this
to be shewed to the queen privily by sir
Robert d 'Artois, who as then was one of the
greatest lords of all France,
CHAPTER VIII
How that sir Hugh Spencer purchased that the
queen Isabel was banished out of France.
Now let us speak somewhat of sir Hugh
Spencer. When he saw that he had drawn
the king of England so much to his will,
that he could desire nothing of him but it
was granted, he caused many noblemen
and other to be put to death without
justice or law, because he held them
suspect to be against him ; and by his pride
he did so many marvels, that the barons
that were left alive in the land could not
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
bear nor suffer it any longer, but they
besought and required each other among
themselves to be of a peaceable accord, and
caused it secretly to be known to the
queen their lady, who had been as then at
Paris the space of three year, certifying
her by writing, that if she could find the
means to have any company of men of arms,
if it were but to the number of a thousand,
and to bring her son and heir with her into
England, that then they would all draw to
her and obey her and her son Edward, as
they were bound to do of duty. These letters
thus sent secretly to her out of England,
she shewed them to king Charles her
brother, who answered her and said : ' Fair
sister, God be your aid, your business shall
avail much the better. Take of my men
and subjects to the number that your friends
have written you for, and I consent well to
this voyage. I shall cause to be delivered
unto you gold and silver as much as shall
suffice you. ' And in this matter the queen
had done so much, what with her prayer,
gifts and promises, that many great lords
and young knights were of her accord, as
to bring her with great strength again into
England. Then the queen, as secretly as she
could, she ordained for her voyage and
made her purveyance ; but she could not
do it so secretly but sir Hugh Spencer
had knowledge thereof. Then he thought
to win and withdraw the king of France
from her by great gifts, and so sent secret
messengers into France with great plenty
of gold and silver and rich jewels, and
specially to the king and his privy council,
and did so much that in short space the
king of France and all his privy council
were as cold to help the queen in her voyage
as they had before great desire to do it.
And the king brake all that voyage, and
defended every person in his realm on pain
of banishing the same, that none should be
so hardy to go with the queen to bring her
again into England.
And yet the said sir Hugh Spencer
advised him of more malice, and be-
thought him how he might get again
the queen into England, to be under the
king's danger and his. Then he caused
the king to write to the holy father the
pope affectuously, desiring him that he
would send and write to the king of
France, that he should send the queen his
wife again into England ; for he will acquit
himself to God and the world, and that it was
not his fault that she departed from him,
for he would nothing to her but all love and
good faith, such as he ought to hold in
marriage. Also there were like letters
written to the cardinals, devised by many
subtle ways, the which all may not be
written here. Also he sent gold and silver
great plenty to divers cardinals and prelates,
such as were most nearest and secretest
with the pope, and right sage and able
ambassadors were sent on this message ;
and they led the pope in such wise by their
gifts and subtle ways, that he wrote to the
king of France that on pain of cursing he
should send his sister Isabel into England
to the king her husband.
These letters were brought to the king
of France by the bishop of Saintes, whom
the pope sent in that legation. And when
the king had read the letters, he caused
them to be shewed to the queen his sister,
whom he had not seen of long space before,
commanding her hastily to avoid his realm,
or else he would cause her to avoid with
shame.
CHAPTER IX
How that queen Isabel departed from France
and entered into the Empire.
When the queen heard this tidings, she
knew not what to say nor what advice to
take ; for as then the barons of the realm
of France were withdrawn from her by the
commandment of the king of France, and
so she had no comfort nor succour, but all
only of her dear cousin sir Robert de
Artois ; for he secretly did counsel and
comfort her as much as he might, for other-
wise he durst not, for the king had de-
fended him. But he knew well that the
queen was chased out of England and also
out of France for evil will and by envy, which
grieved him greatly. Thus was sir Robert de
Artois at the queen's commandment ; but
he durst not speak nor be known thereof,
for he had heard the king say and swear that
whosoever spake to him for the queen his
sister should lose his lands and be banished
the realm ; and he knew secretly how the
king was in mind and will to make his
sister to be taken, and Edward her son
QUEEN ISABEL IN HAINAULT
and the earl of Kent and sir Roger Mor-
timer, and to put them all in the hands of
the king and of sir Hugh Spencer. Where-
foie he came on a night and declared all
this to the queen, and advised her of the
peril that she was in. Then the queen was
greatly abashed, and required him all
veeping of his good counsel. Then he
said : ' Madam, I counsel you that ye
depart and go into the Empire, whereas
there be many great lords, who may right
well aid you, and specially the earl Guil-
liam of Hainault and sir John of Hainault
his brother. These two are great lords
and wise men, true, drad and redoubted
of their enemies. ' Then the queen caused
to be made ready all her purveyance, and
paid for everything as secretly as she
might, and so she and her son, the earl of
Kent and all her company departed from
Paris and rode toward Hainault, and so
long she rode that she came to Cambresis ;
and when she knew she was in the Empire,
she was better assured than she was before,
and so passed through Cambresis and
entered into Ostrevant in Hainault, and
lodged at Bugnicourt, in a knight's house
who was called sir d'Aubrecicourt, who
received her right joyously in the best
manner to his power, insomuch that after-
ward the queen of England and her son
had with them into England for ever the
knight and his wife and all his children,
and advanced them in divers manners.
The coming thus of the queen of England
and of her son and heir into the country of
Hainault was anon well known in the
house of the good earl of Hainault, who
as then was at Valenciennes ; and sir John
of Hainault was certified of the time
when the queen arrived at the place of sir
d'Aubrecicourt, the which sir John was
brother to the said earl Guilliam, and as
he that was young and lusty, desiring all
honour, mounted on his horse and departed
with a small company from Valenciennes,
and came the same night to Bugnicourt,
and did to the queen all honour and rever-
ence that he could devise. The queen,
who was right sorrowful, began to declare
(complaining to him right piteously) her
dolours ; whereof the said sir John had
great pity, so that the water dashed in his
eyen, and said, * Certainly, fair lady,
behold me here your own knight, who shall
not fail you to die in the quarrel. I shall
do the best of my power to conduct you
and my lord your son, and help to bring
you into your estates in England, by the
grace of God and with the help of your
friends in that parts : and I and such other
as I can desire shall put our lives and
goods in adventure for your sake, and shall
get men of war sufficient, if God be pleased,
without the danger of the king of France
your brother.' Then the queen would
have kneeled down for great joy that she
had, and for the good-will he offered her,
but this noble knight took her up quickly
in his arms and said : ' By the grace of
God the noble queen of England shall not
kneel to me ; but, madam, recomfort your-
self and all your company, for I shall keep
you faithful promise ; and ye shall go see
the earl my brother and the countess his
wife and all their fair children, who shall
receive you with great joy, for so I heard
them report they would do.' Then the
queen said : * Sir, I find in you more love
and comfort than in all the world, and for
this that ye say and affirm me I thank you
a thousand times ; and if ye will do this ye
have promised in all courtesy and honour,
I and my son shall be to you for ever
bound, and will put all the realm of
England in your abandon ; for it is right
that it so should be.' And after these
words, when they were thus accorded, sir
John of Hainault took leave of the queen
for that night, and went to Denaing and
lay in the abbey ; and in the morning after
mass he leapt on his horse and came again
to the queen, who received him with great
joy. By that time she had dined and was
ready to mount on her horse to depart with
him ; and so the queen departed from the
castle of Bugnicourt, and took leave of the
knight and of the lady, and thanked them for
their good cheer that they had made her,
and said that she trusted once to see the
time that she or her son should well re-
member their courtesy.
Thus departed the queen in the company
of the said sir John lord Beaumont, who
right joyously did conduct her to Valen-
ciennes ; and against her came many of the
burgesses of the town and received her right
humbly. Thus was she brought before the
earl Guilliam of Hainault, who received
her with great joy, and in likewise so did
8
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
the countess his wife, and feasted her right
nobly. And as then this earl had four fair
daughters, Margaret, Philippa, Jane and
Isabel, among whom the young Edward
set most his love and company on Philippa,
and also the young lady in all honour was
more conversant with him than any of her
sisters. Thus the queen Isabel abode at
Valenciennes by the space of eight days
with the good earl and with the countess
Jane de Valois. In the meantime the
queen apparelled for her needs and busi-
ness, and the said sir John wrote letters right
afFectuously unto knights and such com-
panions as he trusted best in all Hainault,
in Brabant and in Bohemia, and prayed
them for all amities that was between them,
that they would go with him in this enter-
prise into England ; and so there were
great plenty, what of one country and other,
that were content to go with him for his
love. But this said sir John of Hainault
was greatly reproved and counselled the
contrary both of the earl his brother and of
the chief of the council of the country, be-
cause it seemed to them that the enterprise
was right high and perilous, seeing the
great discords and great hates that as then
was between the barons of England among
themselves, and also considering that these
Englishmen most commonly have ever great
envy at strangers. Therefore they doubted
that the said sir John of Hainault and his
company should not return again with
honour. But howsoever they blamed or
counselled him, the gentle knight would
never change his purpose, but said he had
but one death to die, the which was in the
will of God ; and also said that all knights
ought to aid to their powers all ladies and
damosels chased out of their own countries,
being without counsel or comfort.
CHAPTER X
How that the queen Isabel arrived in England
with sir John of Hainault in her company.
Thus was sir John of Hainault moved in his
courage and made his assembly, and prayed
the Hainowes to be ready at Hal, and the
Brabances at Breda, and the Hollanders
to be at Dordrecht at a day limited.
Then the queen of England took leave of
the earl of Hainault and of the countess, and
thanked them greatly of their honour, feast
and good cheer that they had made hsr,
kissing them at her departing. Thus this
lady departed and her son and all her
company with sir John of Hainault, who
with great pain gat leave of his brothel,
saying to him : ' My lord and brother, I
am young and think that God hath pur-
veyed for me this enterprise for mine
advancement. I believe and think verily
that wrongfully and sinfully this lady hath
been chased out of England, and also her
son. It is alms and glory to God and to
the world to comfort and help them that be
comfortless, and specially so high and so
noble a lady as this is, who is daughter to
a king and descended of a royal king ; we
be of her blood and she of ours. I had
rather renounce and forsake all that I have
and go serve God over the sea and never
to return into this country, rather than this
good lady should have departed from us
without comfort and help. Therefore, dear
brother, suffer me to go with your good-will,
wherein ye shall do nobly, and I shall
humbly thank you thereof, and the better
thereby I shall accomplish all the voyage.'
And when the good earl of Hainault had
well heard his brother, and perceived the
great desire that he had to his enterprise,
and saw well it might turn him and his
heirs to great honour hereafter, said to
him : ' My fair brother, God forbid that
your good purpose should be broken or let :
therefore in the name of God I give you
leave ' ; and kissed him, straining him by the
hand in sign of great love.
Thus he departed and rode the same
night to Mons in Hainault with the queen
of England. What should I make long
process ? They did so much by their
journeys that they came to Dordrecht in
Holland, whereas their special assembly
was made. And there they purveyed for
ships great and small, such as they could
get, and shipped their horses and harness
and purveyance, and so commended them-
selves into the keeping of God and took
their passage by sea. In that company
there were of knights and lords, first sir
John of Hainault lord Beaumont, sir
Henry d'Antoing, sir Michael de Ligne,
the lord of Gommegnies, sir Perceval
de Semeries, sir Robert de Bailleul, sir
EXPEDiriOISt TO ENGLAND, 1326
Sanses de Boussoit, the lord of Vertaing,
the lord of Potelle, the lord Villers, the
lord of Hennin, the lord of Sars, the
lord of Bousies, the lord of Aubrecicourt,
the lord of Estrumel, and sir Wulfart of
Ghistelles, and divers other knights and
squires, all in great desire to serve their
master. And when they were all departed
from the haven of Dordrecht, it was a fair
fleet as for the quantity, and well ordered,
the season was fair and clear and right
temperate, and at their departing with the
first flood they came before the dikes of
Holland ; and the next day they drew up
their sails and took their way in coasting
Zealand ; and their intents were to have
taken land at Dongport ; ^ but they could
not, for a tempest took them in the sea, that
put them so far out of their course that they
wist not of two days where they were : of
the which God did them great grace, for if
they had taken land at the port whereas
they had thought, they had been all lost,
for they had fallen in the hands of their
enemies, who knew well of their coming,
and abode them there to have put them all
to death. So it was that about the end of
two days the tempest ceased, and the
mariners perceived land in England and
drew to that part right joyously, and there
took land on the sands without any right
haven or port at Harwich, as the English
chronicle saith,^ the 24th day of September,
the year of our Lord Mcccxxvi., and so
abode on the sands three days with little
purveyance of victual, and unshipped their
horses and harness, nor they wist not in
what part of England they were in, other
in the power of their friends or in the
power of their enemies. On the fourth day
they took forth their way in the adventure
of God and of Saint George, as such
people as had suffered great disease of cold
by night and hunger and great fear, whereof
they were not as then clean rid. And so
they rode forth by hills and dales on the
1 This name is a false reading in the text which
the translator followed, a corruption of the words
*ung port.'
2 The statement from the ' English chronicle' that
they landed at Harwich on the 24th of September
1326 is due to the translator. The English chronicle
to which he refers here and also in chaps. 18, 19, 20,
etc., is evidently Fabyan's iVifw Chronicles of Eng-
land and France, or Concordance of Histories,
printed by Pynson in 1516. The reference here is
to p. 429.
one side and on the other, till at the last
they found villages and a great abbey of
black monks, the which is called Saint-
Edmund, whereas they three days refreshed
themselves.
CHAPTER XI
How the queen of England besieged the king
her husband in the town of Bristow.
And then this tiding spread about the
realm so much, that at the last it came to
the knowledge of the lords by whom the
queen was called again into England. And
they apparelled them in all haste to come
to Edward her son, whom they would have
to their sovereign lord. And the first that
came and gave them most comfort was
Henry earl of Lancaster with the wry
neck, called Tort Col, who was brother to
Thomas earl of Lancaster, beheaded as ye
have heard herebefore, who was a good
knight and greatly recommended, as ye
shall hear after in this history. This earl
Henry came to the queen with great com-
pany of men of war, and after him came
from one part and other earls, barons,
knights and squires, with so much people
that they thought them clean out of perils,
and always increased their power as they
went forward. Then they took counsel
among them that they should ride straight
to the town of Bristow, whereas the king
was, and with him the Spencers. The
which was a good town and a strong, and
well closed, standing on a good port of the
sea, and a strong castle, the sea beating
round about it. And therein was the king
and sir Hugh Spencer the elder, who was
about ninety of age, and sir Hugh Spencer
his son, who was chief governour of the
king and counselled him in all his evil
deeds. Also there was the earl of Arundel,
who had wedded the daughter of sir Hugh
Spencer, and divers other knights and
squires repairing about the king's court.
Then the queen and all her company,
lords of Hainault, earls and barons, and
all other Englishmen, took the right way
to the said town of Bristow, and in every
town whereas they entered they were re-
ceived with great feast and honour, and
always their people increased ; and so long
they rode by their journeys that they arrived
THE CHRONICLES OP PI^OISSART
at Bristow, and besieged the town round
about as near as they might : and the king
and sir Hugh Spencer the younger held
them in the castle, and the old sir Hugh
Spencer and the earl of Arundel held
them in the town. And when the people
of the town saw the great power that the
queen was of (for almost all England
was of her accord), and perceived what
peril and danger evidently they were in,
they took counsel among themselves and
determined that they would yield up the
town to the queen, so that their lives and
goods might be saved. And so they sent
to treat with the queen and her council in
this matter ; but the queen nor her council
would not agree thereto without she might
do with sir Hugh Spencer and with the
earl of Arundel what it pleased her.
When the people of the town saw they
could have no peace otherwise, nor save
the town nor their goods nor their lives,
in that distress they accorded to the queen
and opened the gates, so that the queen
and sir John of Hainault, and all her
barons, knights and squires, entered into
the town and took their lodgings within,
as many as might, and the residue without.
Then sir Hugh Spencer and the earl of
Arundel were taken and brought before the
queen, to do her pleasure with them. Then
there was brought to the queen her own
children, John her son and her two
daughters, the which were found there in
the keeping of the said sir Hugh Spencer,
whereof the queen had great joy, for she
had not seen them long before. Then the
king might have great sorrow and sir
Hugh Spencer the younger, who were fast
enclosed in the strong castle, and the most
part of all the realm turned to the queen's
part and to Edward her eldest son.
CHAPTER Xn
How that sir Hugh Spencer the elder and the
earl of Arundel were judged to death.
When the queen and her barons and all
her company were lodged at their ease, then
they besieged the castle as near as they might.
The queen caused sir Hugh Spencer the elder
and the earl of Arundel to be brought forth
before Edward her son and all the barons
that were there present, and said how that
she and her son should take right and law
on them according to their deserts. Then
sir Hugh Spencer said, ' Madam, God be
to you a good judge and give you good
judgment,^ and if we cannot have it in this
world, I pray God we may have it in
another.' Then stept forth sir Thomas
Wake, a good knight and marshal of the
host, and there openly he recounted their
deeds in writing, and then turned him to
another ancient knight to the intent that
he should bring him on that case fauty,^
and to declare what should be done with
such persons, and what judgment they
should have for such causes. Then the
said knight counselled with other barons
and knights, and so reported their opinions,
the which was, how they had well deserved
death for divers horrible deeds, the which
they have commised, for all the trespass
rehearsed before to justify to be of truth ; ^
wherefore they have deserved for the
diversities of their trespasses to have judg-
ment in three divers manners — first, to be
drawn, and after to be headed, and then
to be hanged on the gibbet. This in like-
wise as they were judged so it was done
and executed before the castle of Bristow in
the sight of the king and of sir Hugh Spencer
the younger. This judgment was done in
the year of our Lord Mcccxxvi., on Saint
Denis' day in October
And .after this execution the king and the
young Spencer, seeing themselves thus be-
sieged in this mischief, and knew no comfort
that might come to them, in a morning be-
times they two with a small company entered
into a little vessel behind the castle, thinking
to have fled to the country of Wales. But
they were eleven days in the ship, and en-
forced it to sail as much as they might ; but
whatsoever they did, the wind was every day
so contrary to them by the will of God, that
^ This should be, 'God give us a good judge
and good judgment ' ; but Verard's edition, from
which the translation was made, has 'vous' for
'nous.'
2 This appears to mean, ' To the intent that he
should find him guilty on the charge ' (' fauty ' for
'faulty'); but the original means, 'To the intent
that he should declare upon his fealty (fiiault^)
what should be done with such persons,' etc.
3 Or rather as follows : ' That the accused had
well deserved death for divers horrible deeds which
they had heard in that place rehearsed, and held
them for true and manifest.'
TH& SPENCERS EXECUTED
every day once or twice they were ever
brought again within a quarter of a mile
to the same castle.
At the last it fortuned, sir Henry Beau-
mont, son to the viscount Beaumont in
England, entered into a barge and certain
company with him, and spied this vessel
and rowed after him so long that the ship
wherein the king was could not flee fast
before them, but finally they were over-
taken, and so brought again to the town of
Bristow and delivered to the queen and her
son as prisoners.
Thus it befell of this high and hardy
enterprise of sir John of Hainault and his
company. For when they departed and
entered into their ships at Dordrecht, they
were but three hundred men of arms ; and
thus by their help and the lords in England,^
the queen Isabel conquered again all her
estate and dignity, and put unto execution
all her enemies, whereof all the most part
of the realm were right joyous, without it
were a few persons such as were favourable
to sir Hugh Spencer and of his part.
And when the king and sir Hugh Spencer
were brought to Bristow by the said sir
Henry Beaumont, the king was then sent
by the counsel of all the barons and knights
to the strong castle of Berkeley, and put
under good keeping and honest, and there
were ordained people of estate about him,
such as knew right well what they ought
to do ; but they were straitly commanded
that they should in no wise suffer him to
pass out of the castle. And sir Hugh
Spencer was delivered to sir Thomas Wake,
marshal of the host. And after that the
queen departed and all her host toward
Ixmdon, which was the chief city of
England, and so rid forth on their jour-
neys, and sir Thomas Wake caused sir
Hugh Spencer to be fast bound on the
least and leanest ^ horse of all the host, and
caused him to wear on a tabard such as
traitors and thieves were wont to wear.
1 'And the lords in England,' is added by the
translator.
2 This is a correction of the words 'best and
leviest,' which I take to be a misprint for ' lest and
lenest.' The original is *sur le plus petit et le plus
maigre cheval.' In what follows the translator has
added the explanation, ' such as traitors and thieves
were wont to wear,' which is certainly wrong, for
Froissart says it was a tabard with the arms that
sir Hugh Spencer was wont to bear, put upon him
here in derision.
And thus he was led in scorn after the
queen's route throughout all the towns as
they passed, with trumps and canayrs to
do him the greater despite, till at the last
they came to the city of Hereford,^ whereas
the queen was honourably received with
great solemnity and all her company, and
there she kept the feast of All Saints with
great royalty, for the love of her son and
strangers that were there.
CHAPTER XIII
How sir Hugh Spencer was put to his
judgment.
When this feast was done, then sir Hugh
Spencer, who was nothing beloved, was
brought forth before the queen and all the
lords and knights, and there before him in
writing was rehearsed all his deeds, against
the which he could give no manner of
answer. And so he was then judged by
plain sentence, first to be drawn on an
hurdle with trumps and trumpets through
all the city of Hereford, and after to be
brought into the market-place, whereas all
the people were assembled, and there to be
tied on high upon a ladder that every man
might see him ; and in the same place there
to be made a great fire, and there his privy
members cut from him, because they re-
puted him as an heretic and so deemed, and
so to be brent in the fire before his face ;
and then his heart to be drawn out of his
body and cast into the fire, because he was
a false traitor of heart, and that by his
traitor's counsel and exhortation the king
had shamed his realm and brought it to
great mischief, for he had caused to be
beheaded the greatest lords of his realm,
by whom the realm ought to have been
sustained and defended ; and he had so
induced the king that he would not see the
queen his wife nor Edward his eldest son,
and caused him to chase them out of the
realm for fear of their lives ; and then his
head to be stricken off and sent to London.
And according to his judgment he was
executed. Then the queen and all her
lords took their way toward London, and
did so much by their journeys that they
1 Froissart evidently thought that Hereford was
on the way from Bristol to London.
li
THE CHkOmCLES Of PROISSART
arrived at the city of London, and they of
the city with great company met them and
did to the queen and to her son great
reverence, and to all their company, as
they thought it best bestowed.
And when they had been thus received and
feasted the space of fifteen days, the knights
strangers, and namely sir John of Hai-
nault, had great desire to return again into
their own countries, for they thought they
had well done their devoir and achieved
great honour, and so took their leave of the
queen and of the lords of the realm : and
the queen and the lords required them to
tarry longer a little space, to see what should
be done with the king, who was in prison ;
but the strangers had so great desire to
return into their own countries that to
pray them the contrary availed not. And
when the queen and her council saw that,
they yet desired sir John of Hainault to
tarry till it was past Christmas, and to
retain with him such of his company as
pleased him best. The gentle knight
would not leave to perform his service,
but courteously granted the queen to tarry
as long as it pleased her, and caused to
tarry such of his company as he could get :
that was but a few, for the remnant would
in no wise tarry, whereof he was displeased.
When the queen and her council saw that
they would not abide for no prayers, then
they made them great cheer and feasts.
And the queen made to be given to them
plenty of gold and silver for their costs and
services, and did give great jewels to each
of them according to their degrees, so as
they all held themselves right well content.
And over that they had silver for their
horses, such as they would leave behind
them, at their own estimation without any
grudging. And thus sir John of Hainault
abode still with a small company among the
Englishmen, who always did him as much
honour as they could imagine, and to all
his company. And in likewise so did the
ladies and damosels of the country ; for
there were great plenty of countesses and
great ladies [and] gentle pucelles, who
were come thither to accompany the queen.
For it seemed well to them that the knight
sir John of Hainault had well deserved the
cheer and feast that they made him.
CHAPTER XIV
The coronation of king Edward the third.
After that the most part of the company
of Hainault were departed and sir John
Hainault lord of Beaumont tarried, the
queen gave leave to her people to depart,
saving a certain noble knights, the which
she kept still about her and her son to
counsel them, and commanded all them
that departed to be at London the next
Christmas, for as then she was determined
to keep open court, and all they promised
her so to do. And when Christmas was
come, she held a gteat court. And thither
came dukes,-'^ earls, barons, knights, and all
the nobles of the realm, with prelates and
burgesses of good towns ; and at this
assembly it was advised that the realm
could not long endure without a head and
a chief lord. Then they put in writing all
the deeds of the king who was in prison,
and all that he had done by evil counsel,
and all his usages and evil behavings, and
how evil he had governed his realm, the
which was read openly in plain audience,
to the intent that the noble sages of the
realm might take thereof good advice, and
to fall at accord how the realm should be
governed from thenceforth. And when all
the cases and deeds that the king had done
and consented to, and all his behaving and
usages were read and well understanded, the
barons and knights and all the counsels ^
of the realm drew them apart to counsel ;
and the most part of them accorded, and
namely the great lords and nobles with the
burgesses of the good towns, according as
they had heard say and knew themselves
the most part of his deeds. Wherefore
they concluded that such a man was not
worthy to be a king, nor to bear a crown
royal, nor to have the name of a king.
But they all accorded that Edward his
eldest son, who was there present and was
rightful heir, should be crowned king instead
of his father, so that he would take good coun-
sel, sage and true, about him, so that the realm
from thenceforth might be better governed
1 Froissart says nothing about dukes here.
2 The French word is ' consul/, ' (or ' consauls '),
which elsewhere in this passage is rightly rendered
' burgesses,' as just below, ' avec les consuiz des
bonnes villes.'
ACCESSION OF EDWARD III.
13
than it was before, and that the old king
his father should be well and honestly kept
as long as he lived, according to his estate.
And thus as it was agreed by all the
nobles, so it was accomplished ; and then
was crowned with a crown royal at the
palace of Westminster beside London the
young king Edward the third, who in his
days after was right fortunate and happy
in arms. This coronation was in the year
of our Lord MCCCXXVi., on Christmas-
day, and as then the young king was about
the age of sixteen ; and they held the feast
till the Conversion of Saint Paul following,
and in the meantime greatly was feasted
sir John of Hainault and all the princes
and nobles of his country, and was given to
him and to his company many rich jewels.
And so he and his company in great feast
and solace both with lords and ladies tarried
till the Twelfth day. ^ And then sir John of
Hainault heard tidings how that the king
of Bohemia and the earl of Hainault his
brother and other great plenty of lords of
France had ordained to be at Conde^ at a
great feast and tourney that was there cried.
Then would sir John of Hainault no longer
abide for no prayer, so great desire he had
to be at the said tourney, and to see the
earl his brother and other lords of his
country, and specially the right noble king
in largess^ the gentle Charles king of
Bohemia. When the young king Edward
and the queen his mother and the barons
saw that he would no longer tarry, and
that their request could not avail, they gave
him leave sore against their wills, and the
king by the counsel of the queen his mother
did give him four hundred marks sterlings
of rent heritable to hold of him in fee, to
be paid every year in the town of Bruges,
and also did give to Philip of Chateaux, his
chief esquire and his sovereign counsellor,
a hundred mark of rent yearly, to be paid
at the said place, and also delivered him
much money to pay therewith the costs of
him and of his company, till he come into his
own country, and caused him to be con-
ducted with many noble knights to Dover,
and there delivered him all his passage free.
And to the ladies that were come into
1 ' Jusques au jour des Roys.*
2 Conde-sur-Escaut.
'•* ' Le plus noble roy en largesse ,' the most
noble and liberal king. '
England with the queen, and namely to the
countess of Garennes, who was sister to
the earl of Bar, and to divers other ladies
and damosels, there were given many fair
and rich jewels at their departing.^ And
when sir John of Hainault was departed
from the young king Edward, and all his
company, and were come to Dover, they
entered incontinent into their ships to pass
the sea, to the intent to come betimes to
the said tourney ; and there went with him
fifteen young lusty knights of England, to
go to this tourney with him and to acquaint
them with the strange lords and knights that
should be there, and they had great honour
of all the company that tourneyed at that
time at Conde.
CHAPTER XV
How that king Robert de Bruce of Scotland
defied king Edward.
After that sir John of Hainault was
departed from king Edward, he and the
queen his mother governed the realm by
the counsel of the earl of Kent, uncle to the
king, and by the counsel of sir Roger
Mortimer, who had great lands in England
to the sum of seven hundred pounds of rent
yearly. And they both were banished and
chased out of England with the queen, as
ye have heard before. Also they used
much after the counsel of sir Thomas
Wake, and by the advice of other who
were reputed for the most sagest of the
realm. Howbeit there were some had
envy thereat, the which never died in
England, and also it reigneth and will
reign in divers other countries. Thus
passed forth the winter and the Lent season
till Easter, and then the king and the queen
and all the realm was in good peace all this
season. Then so it fortuned that king
Robert of Scotland, who had been right
hardy and had suffered much travail against
Englishmen, and oftentimes he had been
chased and discomfited in the time of king
Edward the first, grandfather to this young
1 This should be : ' And the ladles . . .
especially the countess of Warren, who was sister
to the earl of Bar, and divers other ladies, gave
him great abundance of fair and rich jewels at his.
departing.' The countess of Warren was daughter
of Henry earl of Bar and of Eleanor, sister of
Edward I.
14
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
king Edward the third, he was as then
become very old and ancient, and sick (as
it was said) of the great evil and malady,^
When he knew the adventures that was
fallen in England, how that the old king
Edward the second was taken and deposed
down from his regaly and his crown, and
certain of his counsellors beheaded and put
to destruction, as ye have heard herebefore,
then he bethought him that he would defy
the young king Edward the third, because
he was young and that the barons of the
realm were not all of one accord, as it was
said : therefore he [thought] the better to
speed in his purpose to conquer part of
England. And so about Easter in the year
of our Lord Mcccxxvii. he sent his de-
fiance to the young king Edward the third
and to all the realm, sending them word
how that he would enter into the realm of
England and bren before him as he had done
beforetime at such season as the discom-
fiture was at the castle of Stirling, whereas
the Englishmen received great damage.
When the king of England and his
council perceived that they were defied,
they caused it to be known over all the
realm, and commanded that all the nobles
and all other should be ready apparelled
every man after his estate, and that they
should be by Ascension-day next after at
the town of York, standing northward.
The king sent much people before to keep
the frontiers against Scotland, and sent a
great ambassade to sir John of Hainault,
praying him right affectuously that he would
help to succour and to keep company with
him in his voyage against the Scots, and
that he would be with him at the Ascension-
day next after at York, with such company
as he might get of men of war in those
parts. When sir John of Hainault lord
of Beaumont heard the king's desire, he
sent straight his letters and his messengers
in every place whereas he thought to
recover or attain to have any company of
men of war, in Flanders, in Hainault, in
Brabant, and in other places, desiring them
that in their best apparel for the war they
would meet him at Wissant, for to go over
1 ' La grosse maladie,' which is commonly ex-
plained to mean leprosy, but Scheler in the
supplement to his Froissart glossaiy says ' epilepsy,
referring to ^ ' morbus grossus ' in Du Cange.
Another reading here is 'gouttes.'
the sea with him into England. And all
such as he sent unto came to him with a
glad cheer, and divers other that heard
thereof, in trust to attain to as much honour
as they had that were with him in England
before at the other voyage. So that by
that time the said lord Beaumont was
come to Wissant, there was ready ships for
him and his company, brought out of
England. And so they took shipping and
passed over the sea and arrived at Dover,
and so then ceased not to ride till they
came within three days of Pentecost to the
town of York, whereas the king and the
queen his mother and all his lords were
with great host tarrying the coming of sir
John of Hainault, and had sent many before
of their men of arms, archers and common
people of the good towns and villages ;
and as people resorted, they were caused to
be lodged two or three leagues oif, all
about in the country. And on a day thither
came sir John of Hainault and his company,
who were right welcome and well received
both of the king, of the queen his mother,
and of all other barons, and to them was
delivered the suburbs of the city to lodge
in. And to sir John of Hainault was
delivered an abbey of white monks for him
and his household. There came with him
out of Hainault the lord of Enghien, who
was called sir Gaultier, and sir Henry
lord d'Antoing, and the lord of Fagnolle,
and sir Fastres du Roeulx, sir Robert de
Bailleul, and sir Guilliam de Bailleul his
brother, and the lord of Havreth, chatelain
of Mons, sir Allard de Briffeuil, sir Michael
de Ligne, sir John de Montigny the younger
and his brother, sir Sanses de Boussoit, the
lord of Gommegnies, sir Perceval de
S emeries, the lord of Beaurieu and the
lord of Floyon. Also of the country of
Flanders there was sir Hector of Vilain,
sir John de Rhodes, sir Wulfart de
Ghistelles, the lord of Straten, sir Gossuin
de la Moere : and divers came thither of
the country of Brabant, as the lord of Duffel,
sir Thierry of Walcourt, sir Rasse de Gres,
sir John de Kesterbeke, sir John Pyliser,
sir Giles de Coterebbe, the three brethren
de Harlebeke, sir Gaultier de Huldeberg
and divers other : and of Hesbegnons^
1 The translator found ' Behaygnons ' (Bohe-
mians) in his edition and has reproduced it, but it is
clearly wrong. Hesbaing is in the district of Liege.
IVA/^ WITH SCOTLAND, 1327
15
there was sir John le BeP and sir Henry
his brother, sir Godfrey de la Chapelle,
sir Hugh d'Ohey, sir John de Libyne, sir
Lambert d'Oupey, and sir Gilbert de
Herck: and out of Cambresis and Artois
there were come certain knights of their
own good wills to advance their bodies : so
that sir John of Hainault had well in his
company five hundred men of arms, well
apparelled and richly mounted. And after
the feast of Pentecost came thither sir
Guilliam de Juliers, who was after duke of
Juliers after the decease of his father, and
sir Thierry of Heinsberg, who was after
earl of Loos, and with them a right fair
rout, and all to keep company with the
gentle knight sir John of Hainault lord
Beaumont.
CHAPTER XVI
The dissension that was between the archers
of England and them of Hainault.
The gentle king of England, the better
to feast these strange lords and all their
company, held a great court on Trinity
Sunday in the Friars,^ whereas he and the
queen his mother were lodged, keeping
their house each of them apart. At this
feast the king had well five hundred knights,
and fifteen were new made. And the
queen had well in her court sixty ladies and
damosels, who were there ready to make
feast and cheer to sir John of Hainault and
to his company. There might have been
seen great nobless [in serving] plenty of
all manner of strange victuals. There were
ladies and damosels freshly apparelled, ready
to have danced if they might have leave.
But incontinent after dinner there began a
great fray between some of the grooms and
1 This is John le Bel, canon of Saint Lambert's
in Liege, on whose chronicle this early part of
Froissart's history is founded. He was therefore
an eye-witness of the events of this campaign. In
the account which follows of the affray at York
some MSS. have this addition : 'There sir John le
Bel, canon of Liege, upon whose chronicles and on
whose relation of this and of other events I have
founded and ordered this book, was in great peril :
for all unarmed he was among them for a long
time, and arrows were flying on all sides, and he
himself was wounded by them and also divers of
his companions, nigh unto death.'
2 ' En la maison des Freres Mineurs.'
pages of the strangers and of the archers of
England, who were lodged among them in
the said suburbs ; and anon all the archers
assembled them together with their bows,
and drove the strangers home to their
lodging. And the most part of the knights
and masters of them were as then in the king's
court ; but as soon as they heard tidings of
the fray, each of them drew to their own
lodging in great haste, such as might enter.
And such as could not get in were in great
peril, for the archers, who were to the
number of three thousand,^ shot fast their
arrows, not sparing masters nor varlets.
And it was thought and supposed that this
fray was begun by some of the friends of
the Spencers and of the earl of Arundel's,
who were put to death before by the aid
and counsel of sir John of Hainault, as ye
have heard before, [who] as then perad-
venture thought to be somewhat revenged
and to set discord in the host. And so
the Englishmen, that were hosts to these
strangers, shut fast their doors and windows
and would not suffer them to enter into
their lodgings : howbeit some gat in on the
back side and quickly armed them, but
they durst ifot issue out into the street for
fear of the arrows.
Then the strangers brake out on the
back side, and brake down pales and
hedges of gardens, and drew them into a
certain plain place and abode their com-
pany, till at the last they were a hundred and
above of men of arms and as many unhar-
nessed, such as could not get to their
lodgings. And when they were assembled
together, they hasted them to go and suc-
cour their companions, who defended their
lodgings in the great street. And as they
went forth, they passed by the lodging of
the lord d'Enghien, whereas there were
great gates both before and behind, open-
ing into the great street. And the archers
of England shot fiercely at the house, and
there were many of the Hainaulters hurt,
and the good knight Fastres de Roeulx and
sir Perceval de Semeries, and sir Sanses
de Boussoit, these three could not enter in
to their lodgings to arm them, but they did
as valiantly as though they had been
armed. They had great levers in their
hands, the which they found in a car-
penter's yard, with the which they gave
1 A better reading is 'two thousand.'
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
such strokes that men durst not approach
to them. They three beat down that day,
with such few company as they had, more
than sixty ; for they were great and mighty
knights. Finally the archers that were at
the fray were discomfited and put to chase,
and there was dead in the place well to the
number of three hundred. And it was said
they were all of the bishopric of Lincoln.
I trow God did never give more grace and
fortune to any people than he did as then
to this gentle knight sir John of Hainault
and to his company. For these English
archers intended to none other thing but to
murder and to rob them, for all that they
were come to serve the king in his busi-
ness. These strangers were never in so
great peril all the season that they lay, nor
they were never after in surety till they were
again at Wissant in their own country.
For they were fallen in so great hate with
all the archers of the host, that some of the
barons and knights of England shewed
unto the lords of Hainault, giving them
warning that the archers and other of the
common people were allied together to
the number of six thousand to the intent
to bren or to kill them in their lodgings
either by night or by day. And so they
lived at a hard adventure ; but each of
them promised to help and aid other, and
to sell dearly their lives or they were slain.
So they made many fair ordinances among
themselves by good and great advice, where-
by they were fain oftentimes to lie in their
harness by night, and in the day to keep their
lodgings and to have all their harness ready
and their horses saddled. Thus continu-
ally they were fain to make watch by their
constables in the fields and highways about
the court, and to send out scout-watches a
mile off to see ever if any such people were
coming to themward, as they were in-
formed of, to the intent that if their scout-
watch heard any noise or moving of people
drawing to the city-ward, then incontinent
they should give them knowledge, whereby
they might the sooner gather together, each
of them under their own banner in a
certain place, the which they had ad-
vised for the same intent. And in this
tribulation they abode in the said suburbs
by the space of four weeks, and in all that
season they durst not go far from their
harness nor from their lodgings, saving a
certain of the chief lords among them, who
went to the court to see the king and his
council, who made them right good cheer.
For if the said evil adventure had not been,
they had sojourned there in great ease, for
the city and the country about them was
right plentiful. For all the time of six
weeks that the king and the lords of Eng-
land and more than sixty thousand men of
war lay there, the victuals were never the
dearer ; for ever they had a pennyworth
for a penny, as well as other had before
they came there, and there was good wine
of Gascoyne and of Alsace, and of the
Rhine, and plenty thereof, with right good
cheap as well of pullen as of other victuals ;
and there was daily brought before their
lodgings hay, oats and litter, whereof they
were well served for their horses and at a
meetly price.
CHAPTER XVn
Here the history speaketh of the manner of
the Scots and how they can war.
And when they had sojourned three weeks
after this said fray, then they had know-
ledge from the king by the marshals of the
host, that the next week every man should
provide for carts and charettes, tents and .
pavilions, to Ue in the field, and for alii
other necessaries thereto belonging, to thej
intent to draw toward Scotland. And
when every man was ready apparelled, the
king and all his barons went out of the]
city, and the first night they lodged sij
mile forward. And sir John of Hainault]
and his company were lodged always as]
near the king as might be, to do him thej
more honour, and also to the intent that]
the archers should have no advantage ofj
him nor of his company. And there the j
king abode two days and two nights, tarry-
ing for all them that were behind, and to
be well advised that they lacked nothing.
And on the third day they dislodged and
went forward till they came to the city of
Durham, a day's journey within the country
called Northumberland, the which at that
time was a savage and a wild country, full
of deserts and mountains, and a right poor
country of everything saving of beasts,
through the which there runneth a river
IVA/^ WITH THE SCOTS, 1327
17
full of flint and great stones, called the
water of Tyne. And on this river standeth
the town and castle of Carlisle, the which
sometime was king Arthur's, and held his
court there oftentimes. Also on that river
is assised the town of Newcastle-upon-Tyne,
in the which town was ready the marshal
of England with a great company of men
of arms, to keep the country against the
Scots : and at Carlisle was the lord Here-
ford and the lord Mowbray, who were
govemours there, to defend the Scots the
passage ; for the Scots could not enter into
England, but they must pass this said river
in one place or other. The Englishmen
could hear no tidings of the Scots till they
were come to the entry of the said country.
The Scots were passed this river so privily,
that they of Carlisle nor yet of Newcastle
knew nothing thereof, for between the said
towps it was twenty-four Enghsh mile.^
iThese Scottish men are right hardy and
sore travailing in harness and in wars. For
when they will enter into England, within
a day and a night they will drive their
whole host twenty-four mile, for they are
all a-horseback, without it be the trandals
and laggers of the host, who follow after
afoot. The knights and squires are well
horsed, and the common people and other
on little hackneys and geldings ; and they
carry with them no carts nor chariots, for
the diversities of the mountains that they
must pass through in the country of North-
umberland. They take with them no pur-
veyance of bread nor wine, for their usage
and soberness is such in time of war, that
they will pass in the journey a great long
time with flesh half sodden, without bread,
and drink of the river water without wine,
and they neither care for pots nor pans, for
they seethe beasts in their own skins. They
are ever sure to find plenty of beasts in the
country that they will pass through : there-
fore they carry with them none other pur-
veyance, but on their horse between the
1 In the original, 'twenty-four English leagues.'
The actual distance in a straight line is over fifty
miles. The translator, in spite of what he says in
his preface on the subject, has not taken any pains
to distinguish the leagues or miles of different
countries, and translates the word ' lieue ' by
' mile ' or ' league ' indifferently, not only in Eng-
land, where he seems to think that miles and leagues
are the same, but also in France, where he admits
that they are different.
saddle and the panel they truss a broad
plate of metal, and behind the saddle they
will have a little sack full of oatmeal, to
the intent that when they have eaten of the
sodden flesh, ^ then they lay this plate on
the fire and temper a little of the oatmeal ;
and when the plate is hot, they cast of
the thin paste thereon, and so make a
little cake in manner of a cracknell or
biscuit, and that they eat to comfort withal
their stomachs. Wherefore it is no great
marvel though they make greater journeys
than other people do. And in this manner
were the Scots entered into the said country,
and wasted and brent all about as they
went, and took great number of beasts.
They were to the number of four thousand
men of arms, knights and squires, mounted
on good horses, and other ten thousand
men of war were armed after their guise,
right hardy and fierce, mounted on Little
hackneys, the which were never tied nor
kept at hard meat, but let go to pasture in
the fields and bushes. They had two good
captains, for king Robert of Scotland, who
in his days had been hardy and prudent,
was as then of great age and sore grieved
with the great sickness ; but he had made
one of his captains a gentle prince and a
valiant in arms called the earl of Moray,
bearing in his arms silver, three oreillers
gules;- and the other was the lord William
Douglas,^ who was reputed for the most
hardy knight and greatest adventurer in all
the realm of Scotland, and he bare azure,
a chief silver."* These two lords were
renowned as chief in all deeds of arms and
great prowess in all Scotland.
1 Froissart says, 'When they have eaten so
much of the cooked flesh that their stomachs seem
weak and feeble, they set this upon the fire,' etc.
The original has * une grant piece plate,' which
the translator makes into a plate of metal, but the
better reading is ' plate pierre,' a flat stone.
2 ' Ung escut d'argent a trois oreilles de gueules':
'oreilles' for 'oreillers,' i.e. pillows.
3 Froissart calls him William throughout, but
his name was in fact James, as the chronicler, who
claims personal acquaintance with the Douglas
family and had stayed at Dalkeith castle, ought to
have known.
4 The better text adds ' et trois ^toiles de gueules
dedens I'argent.'
i8
THE CHRONICLES OF PR 01 SS ART
CHAPTER XVIII
How the king of England made his first
journey against the Scots.
I When the king of England and his host
had seen and heard of the fires that the
vScots had made in England, incontinent
was cried alarm, and every man commanded
to dislodge and follow after the marshals'
banners, f^hen every man drew to the
field ready apparelled to fight. There was
ordained three great battles afoot, and to
every battle two wings of five hundred rnen
of arms, knights and squires, and thirty
thousand other, armed and well apparelled,
the one half on little hackneys and the
other were men of the country afoot, sent
out of good towns at their wages ; and
twenty-four thousand archers afoot,^ beside
all the other rascal and followers of the
host. fAnd as these battles were thus
ordered, so they advanced forward, well
ranged and in good order, and followed the
Scots by the sithe of the smoke that they
made with burning ; and thus they followed
all that day till it was near night. Then
the host lodged them in a wood by a little
river side, there to rest and to abide for
their carriage and purveyances.f'And at that
day the Scots had brent and wasted and
pilled the country about within five mile ^ of
the English host ; but the Englishmen
could not overtake them. And the next
day in the morning all the host armed them
and displayed their banners on the field,
every man ready apparelled in his own
battle, and so advanced without disordering
all the day through mountains and valleys ;
but for all that they could never approach
near to the Scots, who went wasting the
country before them. There were such
marishes and savage deserts, mountains and
dales, that it was commanded on pain of
death that none of the host should pass
before the banners of the marshals. J| And
. when it drew toward the night, the people,
1 The meaning of the original is that each of the
three divisions (or battles) had two wings of five
hundred men-at-arms on horseback, and altogether
there were eight thousand fully armed men, knights
and squires, thirty thousand other armed men, some
mounted and some on foot, sent by the good towns,
and twenty-four thousand archers.
2 The translator renders ' lyeue ' by ' mile '
throughout this narrative.
horse and carriage, and namely the men
afoot, were so sore travailed, that they
could not endure to labour any further that
day. And when the lords saw that their
labour in following the Scots was in vain,
and also they perceived well, though the
Scots would abide them, yet they might
take their field in such a place or on such a
hill that they could not fight with them,
without it were to their great damage and
jeopardy, then was it commanded in the
king's name by the marshals that the host
should take their lodging for that night,
and so to take counsel and advice what
should be best to do the next day. So the
host was lodged in a wood by a river side,
and the king was lodged in a little poor
abbey : his men of war, horse and carriage
were marvellously fortravailed. And when
every man had taken his place to lodge
there all night, then the lords drew them
apart to take counsel how they might fight
with the Scots, considering the country that
they were in : for as far as they could
understand, the Scots went ever forwards,
all about burning and wasting the country,
and perceived well how they could not in
any wise fight with them among these
mountains without great peril or danger,
and they saw well also they could not over-
take them : but it was thought that the
Scots must needs pass again the river
Tyne homeward ; therefore it was detei'
mined by great advice and counsel that al
the host should remove at midnight, and tc
make haste in the morning to the intent tc
stop the passage of the river from the Scots
whereby they should be advised ^ by forci
either to fight with them, or else to abidi
still in England to their great danger an<
loss.
And to this conclusion all the host wa
accorded, and so supped and lodged as wel
as they might that night, and every mai
was warned to be ready at the first sounc'
ing of the trumpet, and at the second bk
every man to arm him without delay, aniP
at the third every man quickly to mount on
their horses and to draw under their own
standard and banner ; and every man to
take with him but one loaf of bread, and to
truss it behind him on his horse. It wa
also determined that they should leav^
1 'Advised' here seems to mean 'brought
resolve.'
WAR WITH THE SCOTS, 1327
19
behind them all their loose harness and all
manner of carriages and purveyances, for
they thought surely to fight with the Scots
the next day, whatsoever danger they were
in, thinking to jeopard, either to win or to
lose all. And thus it was ordained and so
it was accomplished : for about midnight
every man was ready apparelled ; few had
slept but little, and yet they had sore
travailed the day before. As great haste as
they made, or they were well ranged in
battle the day began to appear. Then they
advanced forward in all haste through
mountains, valleys and rocks, and through
many evil passages without any plain coun-
try. And on the highest of these hills and
on the plain of these valleys there were
marvellous great marshes and dangerous
passages, that it was great marvel that much
people had not been lost, for they rode ever
still forward and never tarried one for
another ; for whosoever fell in any of these
marshes with much pain could get any aid
to help them out again, so that in divers
places there were many lost, and specially
horse and carriages ; and oftentimes in the
day there was cried alarum, for it was said
ever that the foremost company of their
host were fighting with their enemies, so
that the hindermost weened it had been
true ; wherefore they hasted them over
rocks and stones and mountains with helm
and shield ready apparelled to fight, with
spear and sword ready in hand, without
tarrying for father, brother or companion.
And when they had thus run forth often-
times in the day the space of half a mile
together toward the cry, weening it had
been their enemies, they were deceived ;
for the cry ever arose by the raising of harts,
hinds and other savage beasts that were
seen by them in the forward, after the which
beasts they made such shouting and crying,
that they that came after weened they had
been a-fighting with their enemies.
_ Thus rode forth all that day the young
king of England by mountains and deserts
without finding any highway, town or
village. And when it was against night
they came to the river of Tyne, to the same
place whereas the Scots had passed over
into England, weening to them that they
must needs repass again the same way.
Then the king of England and his host
passed over the same river with such guides
as he had,^ with much pain and travail, for
the passage was full of great stones. And
when they were over, they lodged them that
night by the river side, and by that time
the sun was gone to rest, and there was but
few among them that had either axe or
hook, or any instrument to cut down any
wood to make their lodgings withal ; and
there were many that had lost their own
company and wist not where they were.
Some of the footmen were far behind and
wist not well what way to take ; but such
as knew best the country said plainly they
had ridden the same day twenty -four
English miles, for they rode as fast as they
might without any rest, but at such passages
as they could not choose. All this night
they lay by this river side, still in their
harness, holding their horses by their reins
in their hands, for they wist not whereunto
to tie them. Thus their horses did eat no
meat of all that night nor day before : they
had neither oats for forage for them, nor
the people of the host had no sustenance of
all that day nor night, but every man his
loaf that he had carried behind him, the
which was sore wet with the sweat of the
horses ; nor they drank none other drink
but the water of the river, without it were
some of the lords that had carried bottles
with them ; nor they had no fire nor light,
for they had nothing to make light withal,
without it were some of the lords that had
torches brought with them.
In this great trouble and danger they
passed all that night, their armour still on
their backs, their horses ready saddled.
And when the day began to appear, the
which was greatly desired of all the whole
host, they trusted then to find some redress
for themselves and for their horses, or else
to fight with their enemies, the which they
greatly desired to the intent to be delivered
out of the great travail and pain that they
had endured. And all that day it rained
so fast that the river and passage was
waxen great and risen so high, that or it
were noon there might none pass the
passages again ; wherefore they could not
send to know whereas they were, nor where
to have any forage or litter for their horses,
nor bread nor drink for their own susten-
1 'Passed over the said river by fording.' The
translator mistakes the meaning of the words '^
gu6s,' as he does also elsewhej-e,
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
ances ; but so all that night they were fain
to fast, nor their horses had nothing but
leaves of trees and herbs : they cut down
boughs of trees with their swords to tie
withal their horses and to make themselves
lodges. And about noon some poor folks
of the country were found, and they said
how they were as then fourteen mile from
Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and eleven mile from
Carlisle, and that there was no town nearer
to them wherein they might find anything
to do them ease withal. And when this
was shewed to the king and to the lords of
his council, incontinent were sent thither
horses and sumpters to fetch thence some
purveyance ; and there was a cry in the
king's name made in the town of Newcastle,
that whosoever would bring bread or wine
or any other victual should be paid there-
fore incontinent at a good price, and that
they should be conducted to the host in
safe-guard ; for it was published openly
that the king nor his host would not depart
from the place that they were in, till they
had some tidings where their enemies were
become. And the next day by noon such
as had been sent for victual returned again
to the host with such purveyances as they
could get, and that was not over much, and
with them came other folks of the country
with little nags charged with bread evil
baken in panniers, and small poor wine in
barrels, and other victual to sell in the host,
whereby great part of the host were well
refreshed and eased.
And thus they continued day by day the
space of eight days, abiding every day the
returning again of the Scots, who knew no
more where the English host lay than they
knew where they were ; so each of them
were ignorant of other. Thus three days
and three nights they were in manner with-
out bread, wine, candle or light, fodder or
forage, or any manner of purveyance, either
for horse or man : and after the space of
four days a loaf of bread was sold for six-
pence the which was worth but a penny,
and a gallon of wine for six groats that was
worth but sixpence. And yet for all that,
there was such rage of famine that each
took victuals out of other's hands, whereby
there rose divers battles and strifes between
sundry companions ; and yet beside all
these mischiefs it never ceased to rain all
the whole week, whereby their saddles,
Id
I
panels and countersingles were all rottei
and broken, and most part of their hors^
hurt on their backs : nor they had m
wherewith to shoe them that were unsh(
nor they had nothing to cover themselv^
withal from the rain and cold but gree:
bushes and their armour, nor they
nothing to make fire withal but green
boughs, the which would not burn because
of the rain. In this great mischief they
M^ere all the week without hearing of any
word of the Scots, upon trust they should
repass again into their own countries thej
same way or near thereabout ; whereb;
great noise and murmur began to rise in th
host, for some said and laid it to others'
charge that by their counsel the king an(
all they were brought into that danger,
and that they had done it to betray the
king and all his host. Wherefore it was
ordained by the king and by his council
that the next morning they should remove
the host and repass again the river about
seven mile thence, whereas they might pas;
more at their ease. Then it was crie<
throughout the host that every man shouh
be ready apparelled to remove the next da;
betimes : also there was a cry made tha
whosoever could bring to the king certaii
knowledge where the Scots were, he tha
brought first tidings thereof should have fc
his labour a hundred pounds [of] land t<
him and to his heirs for ever, and to b
made a knight of the king's hand.
When this cry was made in the host
divers English knights and squires to th
number of fifteen or sixteen, for covetisi
of winning of this promise, they passec
the river in great peril and rode fort"
through the mountains, and departed eacl
one from other, taking their adventure
The next morning the host dislodged an<
rode fair and easily all the day, for the^
were but evil apparelled, and did so mucl
that they repassed again the river with
much pain and travail, for the water was
deep because of the rain that had fallen,
wherefore many did swim and some were
drowned. And when they were all over,
then they lodged the host ; and there
they found some forage, meadows and fields
about a little village, the which the Scots
had brent when they passed that way.
And the next day they departed from
thence and passed over hills and dales all
Vy'A/? WITH THE SCOTS, 1327
day till it was noon, and then they found
some villages brent by the Scots, and there-
about was some champaign country with
corn and meadows, and so that night the
host lodged there. Again the third day
they rode forth, so that the most part of
the host wist not which way, for they knew
not the country nor they could hear no
tidings of the Scots. And again the fourth
day they rode forth in like manner, till it
was about the hour of three, ^ and there
came a squire fast riding toward the king
and said : ' An it like your grace, I have
brought you perfect tidings of the Scots
your enemies. Surely they be within three
mile of you, lodged on a great mountain,
abiding there for you ; and there they have
been all this eight days, nor they knew no
more tidings of you than ye did of them.
Sir, this that I shew you is of truth, for I ap-
proached so near to them that I was taken
prisoner and brought before the lords of
their host ; and there I shewed them tidings
of you, and how that ye seek for them to the
intent to have battle. And the lords did
quit me my ransom and prison, when I had
shewed them how your grace had promised
a hundred pounds sterling of rent to him
that brought first tidings of them to you ;
and they made me to promise that I should
not rest till I had shewed you this tidings,
for they said they had as great desire to
fight with you as ye had with them : and
there shall ye find them without fault.'
And as soon as the king had heard this
tidings, he assembled all his host in a fair
meadow to pasture their horses ; and be-
side there was a little abbey, the which was
all brent, called in the days of king Arthur
le Blanche Lande.^ There the king con-
fessed him, and every man made him ready.
The king caused many masses to be sung
to housel all such as had devotion thereto ;
and incontinent he assigned a hundred
pounds sterling of rent to the squire that
had brought him tidings of the Scots, ac-
cording to his promise, and made him
knight [with] his own hands before all the
host. And when they had well rested
them and taken repast, then the trumpet
sounded to horse, and every man mounted,
1 'Jusque a heure de tierce,' which of course
would be nine o'clock in the morning, not three
o'clock, as the translator has it. They arrived within
sight of the Scots * about mid-day ' on the same day,
2 The abbey of Blanckland, south of Hexham.
and the banners and standards followed
this new-made knight, every battle by
itself in good order, through mountains and
dales, ranged as well as they might, ever
ready apparelled to fight ; and they rode
and made such haste that about noon they
were so near the Scots that each of them
might clearly see other.
And as soon as the Scots saw them, they
issued out of their lodges afoot, and or-
dained three great battles in the availing
of the hill, and at the foot of this moun-
tain there ran a great river full of great
rocks and stones, so that none might pass
over without great danger or jeopardy ;
and though the Englishmen had passed
over the river, yet was there no place nor
room between the hill and the river to set
the battle in good order. The 'Scots had
stablished their two first battles at the two
corners of the mountain, joining to the
rocks, so that none might well mount upon
the hill to assail them, but the Scots were
ever ready to beat with stones the assail-
ants, if they passed the river. And when
the lords of England saw the behaving and
the manner of the Scots, they made all
their people to'alight afoot and to put off their
spurs, and arranged three great battles, as
they had done before, and there were made
many new knights. And when their
battles were set in good order, then some
of the lords of England brought their
young king a -horseback before all the
battles of the host, to the intent to give
thereby the more courage to all his people,
the which king in full goodly manner
prayed and required them right graciously
that every man would pain them to do
their best to save his honour and common
weal of his realm. And it was commanded
upon pain of death that none should go
before the marshals' banners, nor break
their array without they were commanded.
And then the king commanded that they
should advance toward their enemies fair
and easily ; and so they did, and every
battle went forth in good array and order
a great space of ground, to the descending
of the mountain whereas the Scots were.
And this the English host did to the intent
to see if their enemies would break their
field or not, and to see what they would
do ; but they could not perceive that they
were about to remove in any wise : they
22
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
were so near together that they might
know each other's arms. Then the host
stood still to take other counsel. And
some of the host mounted on good horses
and rode forth to skirmish with them and
to behold the passage of the river and to
see the countenance of their enemies more
nearer. And there were heralds of arms
sent to the Scots, giving them knowledge,
if that they would come and pass the river
to fight with them in the plain field, they
would draw back from the river and give
them sufficient place to arrange their
battles either the same day or else the
next, as they would choose themselves, or
else to let them do likewise and they would
come over to them. And when the Scots
heard this, they took counsel among them-
selves, and anon they answered the heralds,
how they would do neither the one nor the
other, and said, ' Sirs, your king and his
lords see well how we be here in this realm
and have brent and wasted the country as
we have passed through, and if they be
displeased therewith, let them amend it
when they will, for here we will abide as
long as it shall please us.'
And as soon as the king of England
heard that answer, it was incontinent cried
that all the host should lodge there that
night without reculing back. And so the
host lodged there that night with much
pain on the hard ground and stones, always
still armed. They had no stakes nor rods
to tie withal their horses, nor forage, nor
bush to make withal any fire. And when
they were thus lodged, then the Scots
caused some of their people to keep still
the field, whereas they had ordained their
battles ; and the remnant went to their
lodgings, and they made such fires that it
was marvel to behold. And between the
day and the night they made a marvellous
great bruit, with blowing of horns all at
once, that it seemed properly that all the
devils of hell had been there. Thus these
two hosts were lodged that night, the
which was Saint Peter's night in the begin-
ning of August^ the year of our Ix)rd
MCCCXXVII.
And the next morning the lords of Eng-
land heard mass and ranged again their
battles as they had done the day before ;
and the Scots in like wise ordered their
1 St. Peter in Vinculis, ist August.
battles. Thus both the hosts stood still in
battle till it was noon. The Scots made
never semblant to come to the English
host to fight with them, nor in like wise
the Englishmen to them ; for they could not
approach together without great damage.
There were divers companions a-horsebackj
that passed the river, and some afoot, to
scrimmish with the Scots, and in likewise!
some of the Scots brake out and scrim-
mished with them ; so that there were
divers on both parties slain, wounded and^
taken prisoners. And after that noon wa
past, the lords of England commandec
every man to draw to their lodging, for
they saw well the Scots would not fight^
with them.
And in like manner thus they did three
days together, and the Scots in like case
kept still their mountains. Howbeit there
was scrimmishing on both parties, and
divers slain and prisoners taken. And
every night the Scots made great fires an(i
great bruit with shouting and blowing oi
horns. The intention of the Englishmen was
to hold the Scots therein manner as besiegec
(for they could not fight with them there-
as they were), thinking to have famished
them. And the Englishmen knew well bj
such prisoners as they had taken that the
Scots had neither bread, wine nor salt, noi
other purveyance, save of beasts they hac
great plenty, the which they had taken ii
the country and might eat at their pleasure
without bread, which was an evil diet, foi
they lacked oaten meal to make cak(
withal, as is said before ; ^ the which diel
some of the Englishmen used when the]
had need, specially borderers when the]
make roads into Scotland.
And in the morning the fourth da]
the Englishmen looked on the mountair
whereas the Scots were, and they coulc
see no creature, for the Scots were departec
at midnight. Then was there sent mera
a-horseback and afoot over the river to^
know where they were become ; and about
noon they found them lodged on another
mountain, more stronger than the other
was, by the same river side, and where
there was a great wood on the one side,
to go and come secretly when they list.
Then incontinent the English host dis-
1 Froissart says only that they did not object to
this diet provided they had oatmeal.
IVA/^ WITH THE SCOTS, 1327
23
Icdged, and drew to that part, embattled
in good order, and lodged them on another
hill against the Scots, and ranged their
battles and made semblant to have come
to them. Then the Scots issued out of
their lodges and set their battles along the
river side against them ; but they would
never come toward the English host, and
the Englishmen could not go to them,
without they would have been slain or
taken at advantage. Thus they lodged
each against other the space of eighteen
days ; and oftentimes the king of England
sent to them his heralds of arms, offering
them that if they would come and fight
with him, he would give them place suffi-
cient on the plain ground to pitch their
field ; or else let them give him room and
place, and he assured them that he would
come over the river and fight with them :
but the Scots would never agree thereto.
Thus both the hosts suffered much pain
and travail the space that they lay so near
together : and the first night that the
English host was thus lodged on the second
mountain the lord William Douglas took
with him about two hundred men of arms
and passed the river far off from the host,
so that he ^Yas not perceived, and suddenly
he brake into the English host about mid-
night crying, 'Douglas ! Douglas ! Ye shall
all die, thieves ^ of England ! ' and he slew,
or he ceased, three hundred men, some in
their beds and some scant ready ; and he
strake his horse with the spurs and came
to the king's own tent, always crying
• Douglas ! ' and strake asunder two or
three cords of the king's tent and so
departed, and in that retreat he lost some
of his men. Then he returned again to
the Scots, so that there was no more done :
but every night the English host made
good and sure watch, for they doubted
making of skryes ; and ever the most
part of the host lay in their harness ; and
every day there were scrimmishes made, and
men slain on both parties : and in conclu-
sion, the last day of twenty-four, there was
a Scottish knight taken, who against his
will shewed to the lords of England what
state and condition the Scots were in : he
1 The translator found ' larron ' in his text, but
a better reading is ' baron ' : ' Ye shall all die, ye
English barons ' ; or with ' Engles ' alone, ' Ye
shall all die, ye English.'
was so sore examined that for fear of his
life he shewed how the lords of Scotland
were accorded among themselves that the
same night every man should be ready
armed, and to follow the banners of the
lord William Douglas, and every man
to keep him secret. But the knight could
not shew them what they intended to do.
Then the lords of England drew them to
council, and there it was thought among
them that the Scots might in the night
time come and assail their host on both
sides, to adventure themselves either to
live or die, for they could endure no longer
the famine that was among them. Then
the English lords ordained three great
battles, and so stood in three parties with-
out their lodgings, and made great fires,
thereby to see the better, and caused all
their pages to keep their lodgings and
horses.
Thus they stood still all that night
armed, every man under his own standard
and banner ; and in the breaking of the
day two trumpets of Scotland met with
the English scout -watch, who took the
trumpets and brought them before the king
of England and his council, and then they
said openly, * Sirs, what do ye watch
here ? Ye lose but your time, for on the
jeopardy of our heads the Scots are gone
and departed before midnight, and they
are at the least by this time three or four
mile on their way ; and they left us two
behind to the intent that we should shew
this to you.' Then the English lords said
that it were but a folly to follow the Scots,
for they saw well they could not overtake
them : yet for doubt of deceiving they
kept still the two trumpets privily, and
caused their battles to stand still arranged
till it was near prime. And when they
saw for truth that the Scots were departed,
then every man had leave to retray to
their lodging, and the lords took counsel
to determine what should be best to do.
And in the meantime divers of the English
host mounted on their horses and passed
over the river, and came to the mountain
whereas the Scots had been ; and there
they found more than five hundred great
beasts ready slain, because the Scots could
not drive them before their host and because
that the Englishmen should have but small
profit of them. Also there they found
24
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
three hundred cauldrons made of beasts'
skins with the hair still on them, strained
on stakes over the fire, full of water and
full of flesh to be sodden, and more than a
thousand spits full of flesh to be roasted,
and more than ten thousand old shoes
made of raw leather with the hair still
on them, the which the Scots had left
behind them ; also there they found five
poor Englishmen prisoners, bound fast to
certain trees, and some of their legs broken.^
Then they were loosed and let go : and
then they returned again, and by that time
all the host was dislodged : and it was
ordained by the king and by the advice of
his council that the whole host should
follow the marshals' banners and draw
homeward into England. And so they did,
and at the last came into a fair meadow,
whereas they found forage sufficient for
their horses and carriages,^ whereof they
had great need, for they were nigh so
feeble that it should have been great pain
for them to have gone any further. The
English chronicle saith that the Scots had
been fought withal, an sir Roger Mortimer,
a lord of England, had not betrayed the
king ; for he took meed and money of
the Scots, to the intent they might depart
privily by night unfought withal, as it
may be seen more plainly in the English
chronicle, and divers other matters, the
which I pass over at this time and follow
mine author.^
And so then the next day the host dis-
lodged again and went forth, and about
noon they came to a great abbey two mile
from the city of Durham ; and there the
king lodged, and the host there about in
the fields, whereas they found forage suffi-
cient for themselves and for their horses.
And the next day the host lay there still,
and the king went to the city of Durham
to see the church, and there he offered.^
And in this city every man found their
own carriages,^ the which they had left
1 Or (according to a better text) 'and two {or
two others) who had their legs broken.'
2 Froissart says simply ' horses.'
3 This statement about Roger Mortimer is an
addition by the translator from Fabyan's Chronicles.
^ In the original we have : ' Then the kin^ did
fealty to the church of Durham and to the bishop
{or bishopric), and also to the burgesses, for he had
not done it as yet.'
5 Throughout this passage 'carriages' is a
translation of ' charois,' ' charettes,' or some similar
thirty-two days before in a wood at mid-
night, when they followed the Scots first,
as it hath been shewed before ; for the
burgesses and people of Durham had found
and brought them into their town at their
own costs and charges. And all these
carriages were set in void granges and
barns in safe-guard, and on every man's
carriage his own cognisance or arms, where-
by every man might know his own. And
the lords and gentlemen were glad when
they had thus found their carriages.
Thus they abode two days in the city of
Durham, and the host round about, for
they could not all lodge within the city ;
and there their horses, were new shod.
And then they took their way to the city
of York, and so within three days they
came thither ; and there the king found
the queen his mother, who received him
with great joy, and so did all other ladies,
damosels, burgesses and commons of the
city.
The king gave licence to all manner of
people, every man to draw homeward to
their own countries. And the king thanked
greatly the earls, barons and knights of
their good counsel and aid that they had
done to him in his journey ; and he retained
still with him sir John of Hainault and all
his company, who were greatly feasted by
the queen and all other ladies. Then the
knights and other strangers of his company
made a bill of their horses and such other
stuff as they had lost in that journey, and
delivered it to the king's council, every
man by itself; and in trust of the king's
promise, sir John of Hainault lord Beau-
mont bound himself to all his company that
they should be content for everything com-
prised in their own bills within a short
space : for the king nor his council could
not so soon recover gold or silver to con-
tent their desires ; but he delivered them -
sufficient by reason to pay all their small
charges and to bring them home withal
into their own countries ; and anon after
within the same year they were paid for
everything they could desire. Then they
of Hainault bought little nags to ride at
their ease, [and sent back] their lackeys and
pages and all their harness and baggages
by water in two ships that was delivered to
word, and means carts for the baggage and not the
baggage itself.
MARRIAGE OF EDWARD III., 1328
25
them, the which ships with their stuff
arrived at Sluys in Flanders. And sir
John of Hainault and his company took
their leave of the king, of the old queen,
of the earl of Kent, of the earl of Lancaster
and of all the other barons, who greatly
did honour them. And the king caused
twelve knights and two hundred men of
arms to company them, for doubt of the
archers of England, of whom they were not
well assured, for they must needs pass
through the bishopric of Lincoln.
Thus departed sir John of Hainault and
his rout in the conduct of these knights,
and rode so long in their journey that they
came to Dover, and there entered into the
sea in ships and vessels that they found
ready there apparelled for them. Then the
English knights departed from thence, and
returned to their own houses ; and the
Hainowes arrived at Wissant, and there
they sojourned two days in making ready
their horses and harness. And in the
meantime sir John of Hainault and some
of his company rode a pilgrimage to our
Lady of Boulogne ; and after they returned
into Hainault, and departed each from
other to their own houses and countries.
Sir John of Hainault rode to the earl his
brother, who was at Valenciennes, who
received him joyously, for greatly he loved
him, to whom he recounted all his tidings,
that ye have heard herebefore.
CHAPTER XIX
How king Edward was married to my lady
Philippa of Hainault.
It was not long after but that the king and
the queen his mother, the earl of Kent his
uncle, the earl of Lancaster, sir Roger
Mortimer and all the barons of England,
and by the advice of the king's council,
they sent a bishop ^ and two knights ban-
nerets, with two notable clerks, to sir John
of Hainault, praying him to be a mean that
their lord the young king of England might
have in marriage one of the earl's daughters
1 This should be: 'And the other barons of
England who had continued to be of the council of
the king sent a bishop,' etc. Or according to a
better text, ' took advice to marry him. So they sent
a bishop,' etc.
of Hainault, his brother, named Philippa ;
for the king and all the nobles of the realm
had rather have her than any other lady,
for the love of him. Sir John of Hainault
lord Beaumont feasted and honoured
greatly these ambassadors, and brought
them to Valenciennes to the earl his brother,
who honourably received them and made
them such cheer, that it were over long
here to rehearse. And when they had
shewed the content of their message, the
earl said, ' Sirs, I thank greatly the king
your prince and the queen his mother
and all other lords of England, sith they
have sent such sufficient personages as ye
be to do me such honour as to treat for the
marriage ; to the which request I am well
agreed, if our holy father the pope will
consent thereto ' : with the which answer
these ambassadors were right well content.
Then they sent two knights and two
clerks incontinent to the pope, to Avignon,
to purchase a dispensation for this marriage
to be had ; for without the pope's licence
they might not marry, for [by] the lineage
of France they were so near of kin as at
the third degree, for the two mothers were
cousin - germans issued of two brethren. ^
And when these ambassadors were come to
the pope, and their requests and considera-
tions well heard, our holy father the pope
with all the whole college consented to this
marriage, and so feasted them. And then
they departed and came again to Valen-
ciennes with their bulls.
Then this marriage was concluded and
affirmed on both parties. Then was there
devised and purveyed for their apparel and
for all things honourable that belonged to
such a lady, who should be queen of
England : and there this princess was
married by a sufficient procuration brought
from the king of England ; and after all
feasts and triumphs done, then this young
queen entered into the sea at Wissant, and
arrived with all her company at Dover.
And sir John of Hainault lord Beaumont,
her uncle, did conduct her to the city of
London, where there was made great feast,
and many nobles of England, and the
1 "Hie meaning is that the kinship came by the
relationship of both to the house of France. The
mother of Edward was daughter of Philip the Fair
and the mother of Philippa was daughter of Charles
I of Valois.
26
THE CHROmCLES OF FROISSART
queen was crowned. And there was also
great jousts, tourneys, dancing, carolling
and great feasts every day, the which en-
dured the space of three weeks. The
English chronicle saith this marriage and
coronation of the queen was done at York
with much honour, the Sunday in the even
of the Conversion of Saint Paul, in the year
of our Lord mcccxxvji. In the which
chronicle is shewed many other things of
the ruling of the realm, and of the death of
king Edward of Caernarvon, and divers
other debates that were within the realm,
as in the same chronicle more plainly it
appeareth : the which the author of this
book speaketh no word of, because per-
adventure he knew it not ; for it was hard
for a stranger to know all things.-^ "But
according to his writing this young queen
Philippa abode still in England with a
small company of any persons of her own
country, saving one who was named Watelet
of Manny, who abode still with the queen
and was her carver, and after did so many
great prowesses in divers places, that it were
hard to make mention of them all.
CHAPTER XX
How king Robert of Scotland died.
And when that the Scots were departed by
night from the mountain, whereas the
king of England had besieged them, as ye
have heard herebefore, they went twenty-
two mile through that savage country with-
out resting, and passed the river of Tyne
right near to Carlisle; and the next day
they went into their own land, and so de-
1 The reference is to Fabyan, p. 439. It maybe
noted that the inaccuracy here was corrected in
Froissart's final revision, where he says that the
young queen after landing came to Canterbury and
thence by Rochester and Dartford to Eltham,
where she was met by the bishop of Durham, who
had espoused her by procuration, and many lords
and ladies. Here sir John of Hainault parted from
her and returned, and she passed on to London, and
without making any stay there proceeded north-
wards to York. Here she was received by the
young king and his mother, and the marriage was
celebrated by the archbishop of York in the
cathedral on the day of the Conversion of Saint Paul,
1327 (1328). The king was then seventeen years
old, and the young queen not quite fourteen. At
Easter they came to London and Windsor, where
great festivals and jousts were held.— Vat. MS.
parted every man to his own mansion.
And within a space after there was a peace
purchased between the kings of England
and Scotland ; and as the English chronicle
saith, ^ it was done by the special counsel of
the old queen and sir Roger Mortimer ; for
by their means there was a parliament
holden at Northampton, at the v/hich the
king being within age granted to the Scots
to release all the fealties and homages that
they ought to have done to the crown of
England, by his charter ensealed, and also
there was delivered to the Scots an indent-
ure, the which was called the Ragman,
wherein was contained all the homages and
fealties that the king of Scots and all the
prelates, earls and barons of Scotland ought
to have done to the crown of England,
sealed with all their seals, with all other
rights that sundry barons and knights ought
to have had in the realm of Scotland. And
also they delivered to them again the black
cross of Scotland, the which the good
king Edward conquered and brought it
out of the abbey of Scone, the which was
a precious relic ; and all rights and interests
that every baron had in Scotland was then
clean forgiven. And many other things were
done at that parliament to the great hurt
and prejudice of the realm of England,
and in manner against the wills of all the
nobles of the realm, save only of Isabel the
old queen and the bishop of Ely and the
lord Mortimer : they ruled the realm in
such wise, that every man was miscontent.
So that the earl Henry of Lancaster and sir
Thomas Brotherton, earl marshal, and sir
Edmund of Woodstock, the king's uncle,
and divers other lords and commons were
agreed together to amend these faults, if
they might. And in that meantime the
queen Isabel and sir Roger Mortimer
caused another parliament to be holden at
Salisbury, at the which parliament sir Roger
Mortimer was made earl of March against all
the barons' wills of England, in prejudice
of king and his realm, and sir John of
Eltham the king's brother was made earl
of Cornwall. To the which parliament
the earl Henry of Lancaster would not
come, wherefore the king was brought in
belief that he would have destroyed his
1 The whole of this which follows down to the
words ' follow mine author ' is inserted by the
translator from Fabyan.
DEATH OF ROBERT BRUCE, 1329
27
person ; for the which they assembled a
great host and went toward Bedford,
whereas the earl Henry was with his com-
pany. Then the earl marshal and the earl
of Kent, the king's uncle, made a peace
between the king and the earl of Lancaster,
on whose part was sir Henry lord Beau-
mont, sir Fulke Fitz-Warin, sir Thomas
Rocelin, sir William Trussel, sir Thomas
"Wither and about a hundred knights, who
were all expelled out of England by the
counsel of queen Isabel and the earl
Mortimer : for he was so covetous, that he
thought to have the most part of all their
lands into his own hands, as it is more
plainly shewed in the English chronicle, the
which I pass over and follow mine author.
The foresaid peace, which was purchased
between England and Scotland, was to
endure three year ; and in the meantime
it fortuned that king Robert of Scotland
was right sore aged and feeble : for he was
greatly charged with the great sickness, so
that there was no way with him but death.
And when he felt that his end drew near,
he sent for such barons and lords of his
realm as he trusted best, and shewed them
how there was no remedy with him, but he
must needs leave this transitory life, com-
manding them on the faith and truth that
they owed him, truly to keep the realm and
aid the young prince David his son, and
that when he were of age they should obey
him and crown him king, and to marry him
in such a place as was convenient for his
estate. Then he called to him the gentle
knight sir William Douglas, and said before
all the lords, * Sir William, my dear friend,
ye know well that I have had much ado
in my days to uphold and sustain the right
of this realm ; and when I had most ado, I
made a solemn vow, the which as yet I
have not accomplished, whereof I am right
sorry : the which was, if I might achieve
and make an end of all my wars, so that I
might once have brought this realm in rest |
and peace, then I promised in my mind to
have gone and warred on Christ's enemies, ad-
versaries to our holy Christian faith. To this
purpose mine heart hath ever intended, but
our Lord would not consent thereto ; for I
have had so much ado in my days, and now
in my last enterprise I have taken such a
malady that I cannot escape. And sith it
is so, that my body cannot go nor achieve
that my heart desireth, I will send the
heart instead of the body to accomplish
mine avow. And because I know not in all
my realm no knight more valiant than ye
be, nor of body so well furnished to accom-
plish mine avow instead of myself, therefore
I require you, mine own dear especial
friend, that ye will take on you this voyage,
for the love of me, and to acquit my soul
against my Lord God. For I trust so
much in your nobleness and truth, that an
ye will take on you, I doubt not but that
ye shall achieve it, and declare then shall I
die in more ease and quiet, so that it be
done in such manner as I shall declare unto
you. I will that as soon as I am trespassed
out of this world, that ye take my heart out
of my body and embalm it, and take of my
treasure, as ye shall think sufficient for that
enterprise, both for yourself and such com-
pany as ye will take with you, and present
my heart to the Holy Sepulchre, whereas
our Lord lay, seeing my body cannot come
there : and take with you such company
and purveyance as shall be appertaining to
your estate. And wheresoever ye come,
let it be known how ye carry with you the
heart of king Robert of Scotland at his
instance and desire, to be presented to the
Holy Sepulchre.'
Then all the lords that heard these words
wept for pity : and when this knight sir
William Douglas might speak for weeping,
he said: 'Ah, gentle and noble king, a
hundred times I thank your grace of the
great honour that ye do to me, sith of so
noble and great treasure ye give me in
charge ; and, sir, I shall do with a glad
heart all that ye have commanded me, to
the best of my true power, howbeit I am
not worthy nor sufficient to achieve such a
noble enterprise.' Then the king said,
*Ah, gentle knight, I thank you, so that
ye will promise to do it.' 'Sir,' said the
knight, * I shall do it undoubtedly by the
faith that I owe to God and to the order of
knighthood.' 'Then I thank you,' said
the king, ' for now shall I die in more ease
of my mind, sith that I know that the most
worthy and sufficient knight of my realm
shall achieve for me that which I could
never attain unto.' And thus soon after
this noble Robert de Bruce king of Scot-
land trespassed out of this uncertain world,
and his heart taken out of his body and
28
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
embalmed, and honourably he was interred
in the abbey of Dunfermline in the year of
our Lord God Mcccxxvii., the seventh day
of the month of November.^
And when the springing- time began,
then sir William Douglas purveyed him of
that which appertained for his enterprise
and took his ship at the port of Montrose
in Scotland, and sailed into Flanders, to
Sluys, to hear tidings and to know if there
were any nobleman in that country that
would go to Jerusalem, to the intent to
have more company. And he lay still at
Sluys the space of twelve days or he de-
parted, but he would never come a-land,
but kept still his ship, and kept always his
port and behaviour with great triumph,
with trumpets and clarions, as though he
had been king of Scots himself; and in
his company there was a knight banneret
and seven other knights of the realm of
Scotland, and twenty-six young squires and
gentlemen to serve him ; and all his vessel
was of gold and silver — pots, basins, ewers,
dishes, flagons, barrels, cups and all other
things ; and all such as would come and
see him, they were well served with two
manner of wines and divers manner of
spices, all manner of people according to
their degrees.
And when he had thus tarried there the
space of twelve days, he heard reported
that Alphonso king of Spain made war
against a Saracen king of Granade. Then
he thought to draw to that part, thinking
surely he could not bestow his time more
nobly than to war against God's enemies :
and that enterprise done, then he thought
to 'go forth to Jerusalem and to achieve
that he was charged with. And so he
departed and took the sea toward Spain,
and arrived at the port of Valence the
great. 2 Then he went straight to the king
of Spain, who held his host against the
king of Granade Saracen, and they were
near together, on the frontiers of his land.
1 This date should be 7th June 1329. Froissart
adds that the earl of Moray died almost immedi-
ately after, but the corruption of the text made the
statement unintelligible to the translator, who there-
fore omitted it. It is in fact inaccurate. Note
that the William Douglas of this story is really
James Douglas.
2 Valenza in Aragon, called ' Valence le grant '
to distinguish it from Valence in Dauphine and
from Valencia in Portugal.
And within a while after that this knight
sir William Douglas was come to the king
of Spain, on a day the king issued out into
the field to approach near to his enemies.
And the king of Granade issued out in
like wise on his part, so that each king
might see other with all their banners
displayed. Then they arranged their battles
each against other. Then sir William
Douglas drew out on the one side with all
his company, to the intent to shew his
prowess the better. And when he saw
these battles thus ranged on both parties,
and saw that the battle of the king of
Spain began somewhat to advance toward
their enemies, he thought then verily that
they should soon assemble together to fight
at hand strokes ; and then he thought
rather to be with the foremost than with
the hindermost, and strake his horse with
the spurs, and all his company also, and
dashed into the battle of the king of
Granade, crying, ' Douglas ! Douglas ! '
weening to him the king of Spain and his
host had followed, but they did not ; where-
fore he was deceived, for the Spanish host
stood still. And so this gentle knight was
enclosed, and all his company, with the
Saracens, whereas he did marvels in arms,
but finally he could not endure, so that he
and all his company were slain. The
which was great damage, that the Spaniards
would not rescue them.
Also in this season there were certain
lords that treated for peace between Eng-
land and Scotland. So that at the last
there was a marriage made and solemnised
between the young king of Scotland and
dame Joan of the Tower, sister to king
Edward of England, at Berwick, as the
Enghsh chronicle saith,i on Mary Maudlin
day, the year of our Lord Mcccxxviii.,
against the assent of many of the nobles
of the realm. But queen Isabel the king's
mother and the earl Mortimer made that
marriage ; at the which, as mine author
saith, there was great feast made on both
parties.
1 The addition from the 'English chronicle' is
from the words ' on Mary Maudlin day ' to ' that
marriage.' — Fabyan, p. 439.
PHILIP OF V A LOIS CROWNED, 1328
29
CHAPTER XXI
How Philip of Valois was crowned king of
France.
King Charles of France, son to the fair
king Philip, was three times married, and
yet died without issue male. The first of
his wives was one of the most fairest ladies
in all the world, and she was daughter to
the earl of Artois. Howbeit she kept but
evil the sacrament of matrimony, but brake
her wedlock ; wherefore she was kept a
long space in prison in the castle Gaillard,
before that her husband was made king.
And when the realm of France was fallen
to him, he was crowned by the assent of the
twelve douze-peers^ of France, and then
l^ecause they would not that the realm of
France should be long without an heir
male, they advised by their counsel that
the king should be remarried again ; and
so he was, to the daughter of the emperor
Henry of Luxembourg, sister to the gentle
king of Bohemia ; w^hereby the first
marriage of the king was fordone, between
him and his wife that was in prison, by the
licence and declaration of the pope that
was then. And by his second wife, who
was right humble, and a noble wise lady,
the king had a son, who died in his young
age, and the queen also at Issoudun in
Berry. And they both died suspiciously,
wherefore divers persons were put to blame
after privily. And after this, the same
king Charles was married again the third
time to the daughter of his uncle, the lord
Louis earl of Evreux, and she was sister
to the king of Navarre, and was named
queen Joan. And so in time and space
this lady was with child, and in the mean-
time the king Charles her husband fell
sick and lay down on his death-bed. And
when he saw there was no way with him
but death, he devised that if it fortuned
the queen to be delivered of a son, then he
would that the lord Philip of Valois should
be his governour, and regent of all his
realm, till his son come to such age as he
might be crowned king ; and if it fortuned
the queen to have a daughter, then he
would that all the twelve peers of France
should take advice and counsel for the
further ordering of the realm, and that
1 Froissart says simply ' les douze pers.'
they should give the realm and regaly to
him that had most right thereto. And so
within a while after the king Charles died,
about Easter in the year of our Lord
Mcccxxviii., and within a short space
after the queen was delivered of a daughter.
Then all the peers of France assembled
a council together at Paris, as shortly as
they might conveniently, and there they
gave the realm by common accord to sir
Philip of Valois, and put clean out the
queen Isabel of England and king Edward
her son. P'or she was sister-german to
king Charles last dead, but the opinion of
the nobles of France was, and said and
maintained that the realm of France was
of so great nobless, that it ought not by
succession to fall into a woman's hand.
And so thus they crowned king of France
Philip Valois at Rheims on Trinity Sunday
next after.
And anon after he summoned all his
barons and men of war, and went with all
his power to the town of Cassel and laid
siege thereto, in making war against the
Flemings, who rebelled against their own
lord, and namely they of Bruges, of Ypres,
and of [the] Franc ; for they would not
obey the earl of Flanders, but they had
chased him out of his own country, so that
he might not abide in no part thereof, but
only in Gaunt, and scantly there. These
Flemings were a sixteen thousand, and had
a captain called Colin Dannequin,^ a hardy
man and a courageous. And they had
made their garrison at Cassel, at the wages
of divers towns in Flanders, to the intent
to keep the frontiers there about ; but ye
shall hear how the Flemings were discom-
fited, and all by their own outrage.
CHAPTER XXII
Of the battle of Cassel in Flanders.
And on a day they of the garrison of
Cassel departed out to the intent to have
discomfited the king and all his host. And
they came privily without any noise in
three battles well ordered, whereof the first
battle took the way to the king's tents,
and it was a fair grace that the king had
not been taken, for he was at supper, and
I Nicholas (or Clais) Zannequin.
30
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
all his company, and thought nothing of
them. And the other battle took the
straight way to the tents of the king of
Bohemia, and in manner they found him
in like case. And the third battle went to
the tents of the earl of Hainault, and in
like wise had near taken him. These hosts
came so peaceably to the tents, that with
much pain they of the host could arm them,
whereby all the lords and their people had
been slain, an the more grace of God had
not been : but in manner by miracle of
God these lords discomfited all three
battles, each battle by itself, all in one
hour, in such wise that of sixteen thousand
Flemings there escaped never a person,^
captains and all were slain. And the king
and lords of France knew not one of
another, nor what they had done, till all
was finished and achieved ; for they lay in
three sundry parties one from another : but
as for the Flemings, there was not one left
alive, but all lay dead on heaps, one upon
another in the said three sundry places.
And this was done on Saint Bartholomew's
day the year of our Lord Mcccxxviil.
Then the Frenchmen entered into the
town of Cassel and set up the banners of
France. And the town yielded them' to
the king, and also the town [of] Poperinghe
and of Ypres, and all they of the chatelainy
of Bergues, and then they received the earl
Louis their lord, and sware to him faith
and loyalty for ever. Then after the king
and his people departed and went to Paris,
and he was much honoured and praised
for this enterprise and aid that he had done
to his cousin Louis earl of Flanders.
And thus the king was in great prosperity
and every day increased his royal estate ;
for, as it was said, there was never king in
France 'that held like estate as did this
king Philip of Valois.
CHAPTER XXIII
How the earl of Kent and the earl Mortimer
in England were put to death.
This young king Edward of England was
1 Another text of Frolssart says, ' Of all these
sixteen thousand Flemings there escaped but one
thousand,' In any case the exaggeration is very
great. The loss on the Flemish side was probably
less than four thousand.
governed a great space, as ye have heard
before, by the counsel of the queen his
mother and of Edmund of Woodstock
earl of Kent, his uncle, and by sir Roger
Mortimer earl of March. And at the last
envy began to grow between the earl of
Kent and the earl Mortimer, insomuch
that this earl Mortimer informed so the
young king by the consenting of the old
queen Isabel his mother, bearing the king
in hand, that the earl of Kent would have
empoisoned him, to the intent to be king
himself, as he that was next heir-apparent
to the crown; for the king's younger
brother, who was called John of Eltham,^
was newly dead. And then the king, who
gave light credence to them, caused his
uncle the earl of Kent to be taken and
openly to be beheaded, without any manner
of excuse to be heard ; wherewith many of
the nobles of the realm were sore troubled
and bare a grudge in their hearts toward
the earl Mortimer : and according to the
English chronicle ^ the earl suffered death
at Winchester, the tenth day of October,
the third year of the king's reign, and lieth
buried at the Friars in Winchester. But,
as mine author saith, within a while after,
as it was reported, queen Isabel the king's
mother was with child, and that by the
earl Mortimer, whereof the king was in-
formed, and how the said Mortimer had
caused him to put to death the earl of Kent
his uncle without good reason or cause, for
all the realm reputed him for a noble man.
Then by the king's commandment this earl
Mortimer was taken and brought to Lon-
don ; and there before the great lords and
nobles of the realm was recited by open
declaration all the deeds of the said Mor-
timer. Then the king demanded of his
council what should be done with him; and
all the lords by common assent gave judg-
ment and said, ' Sir, he hath deserved to die
the same death that sir Hugh Spencer died.'
And after this judgment there was no dila-
tion of sufferance nor mercy, but incon-
tinent he was drawn throughout London
and then set on a scaffold and his members
cut from him and cast into a fire, and his
heart also, because he had imagined trea-
son, and then quartered, and his quarters
1 A correction for 'John a Gaunt.'
2 The references are to Fabyan, p. 441 and
thereabout.
HOMAGE OF EDWARD III.
31
sent to four of the best cities of the realm,
and his head remained still in London.
And within a little space after, the king
commanded, by the advice of his council,
that the queen his mother should be kept
close in a castle, and so it was done ; and she
had with her ladies and damosels, knights
and squires, to serve her according to her
estate, and certain ladies assigned to her to
maintain therewith her noble estate all
days of her life ; but in no wise she should
not depart out of the castle, without it
were to see such sports as was sometime
shewed before the castle gate for her re-
creation. Thus this lady led forth her life
there meekly, and once or twice a year the
king her son would come and see her.
The English chronicle sheweth divers other
considerations why the earl Mortimer
suffered death, the which was on Saint
Andrew's even in the year of our Lord a
thousand three hundred and twenty-nine,
the which I pass over and follow mine
author.
CHAPTER XXIV
Of the homage that king Edward of Eng-
land did to the king of France for the
duchy of Guyenne.
And after that the king had done these
two executions, he took new councillors of
the most noblest and sagest persons of his
realm. And so it was, about a year after
that Philip of Valois was crowned king of
France, and that all the barons and nobles
of the realm had made their homage and
fealty to him, except the young king of
England, who had not done his homage
for the duchy of Guyenne, nor also he
was not summoned thereto, then the king
of France by the advice of all his council
sent over into England the lord d'Aubigny,
the lord Beausault, and two notable clerks,
masters of the parliament of Paris, named
master Simon of Orleans and master Peter
of Maisieres. These four departed from
Paris and did so much by their journeys
that they came to Wissant, and there they
took sea and arrived at Dover, and there
tarried a day to abide the unshipping of their
horses and baggages ; and then they rode
forth so long that they came to Windsor,
whereas the king and the young queen of
England lay : and then these four caused
to be known to the king the occasion of
their coming. The king of England for
the honour of the French king his cousin
caused them to come to his presence and
received them honourably ; and then they
published their message. And the king
answered them how that the nobles of his
realm nor his council was not as then about
him, but desired them to draw to London,
and there they should be answered in such
wise, that of reason they should be con-
tent. And so they dined in the king's
chamber, and after departed and lay the
same night at Colebrook, and the next day
at London.
It was not long after but that the king
came to his palace of Westminster, and all
his council was commanded to be there at
a certain day limited. And when they
were all assembled, then the French ambas-
sadors were sent for, and there they declared
the occasion of their coming and delivered
letters from their master. Then the king
went apart with his council to take advice
what was best for him to do. Then was it
advised by his council that they should be
answered by the ordinance and style of his
predecessors, by the bishop of London.
And so the Frenchmen were called into
the council-chamber. Then the bishop of
London said, * Lords that be here assem-
bled for the king of France, the king's
grace my sovereign lord hath heard your
words and read the tenour of your letters.
Sirs, we say unto you that we will counsel
the king our sovereign lord here present,
that he go into France to see the king your
master, his dear cousin, who right amiably
hath sent for him : and as touching his
faith and homage, he shall do his devoir in
everything that he ought to do of right.
And, sirs, ye may shew the king your
master that within short space the king of
England our master shall arrive in France
and do all that reason shall require. '
Then these messengers were feasted, and
the king rewarded them with many great gifts
and jewels ; and they took their leave and
did so much that at last they came to Paris,
where they found king Philip, to whom
they recounted all their news, whereof the
king was right joyous, and specially to see
32
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
the king of England his cousin, for he had
never seen him before.
And when these tidings were spread
abroad in the realm of France, then dukes,
earls and other lords apparelled them in
their best manner ; and the king of France
wrote his letters to king Charles of
Bohemia his cousin and to the king of
Navarrfe, certifying them the day and time
when the king of England should be with
him, desiring them to be with him at the
same day : and so they came thither with
great array. Then was it counselled the
king of France that he should receive the
king of England at the city of Amiens.
And there to make provision for his coming
there was chambers, halls, hostelries and
lodgings made ready and apparelled to
receive them all and their company, and
also for the duke of Burgoyne, the duke
of Bourbon, the duke of Lorraine and sir
John of Artois. There was purveyance for
a thousand horse, and for six hundred
horse that should come with the king of
England.
The young king of England forgat not
the voyage that he had to do into France ;
and so he apparelled for him and his com-
pany well and sufficiently: and there de-
parted out of England in his company two
bishops, beside the bishop of London, and
four earls, the lord Henry earl of Derby,
his cousin-german, son to sir Thomas earl
of Lancaster with the wry neck, the earl
of Salisbury, the earl of Warwick and the
earl of Hereford, and six barons, the lord
Raynold Cobham, the lord Thomas Wake,
marshal of England, the lord Percy, the
lord Manne^ and the lord Mowbray, and
more than forty other knights ; so that the
king and his company were about a thou-
sand horse : and the king was two days in
passing between Dover and Wissant. Then
the king and his company rode to Bou-
logne, and there tarried one day. This
was about the mid of August the year of
our Lord God a thousand three hundred and
twenty-nine.
And anon the tidings came to king
Philip of France how the king of England
was at Boulogne. Then the king of
France sent his constable with great plenty
of knights to the king of England, who
1 This name, which the translator writes
'Manny,' perhaps stands for ' Mohun.'
as then'was at Montreuil by the sea-side,^
and there was great tokens of love and
good cheer made on both parties. Then
the king of England rode forth with all
his rout, and in his company the constable
of France ; and he rode so long that they
came to the city of Amiens, whereas king
Philip, and the king of Bohemia, the king
of Mallorca and the king of Navarre were
ready apparelled to receive the king of
England, with many other dukes, earls
and great barons; for there was all the
twelve peers of France ready to feast and
make cheer to the king of England, and
to be there peaceably to bear witness of
the king of England's homage. There
was the king of England nobly received,
and thus these kings and other princes
tarried at Amiens the space of fifteen
days.
And in the mean time there were many
words and ordinances devised ; but as far as
I could know, king Edward of England
made his homage to the king of France all
only by word, and not putting his hands
between the king of France hands, nor
none other prince nor prelate limited for
him : nor the king of England would not
proceed any further in doing any more con-
cerning his homage, but rather he was de-
termined to return again into England. And
there was read openly the privileges of
ancient time granted, [in] the which was de-
clared in what manner the king should do
his homage, and how and in what wise he
should do service to the king of France.
Then the king of France said, ' Cousin,
we will not deceive you : this that ye have
done pleaseth us right well as for this pre-
sent time, till such time as ye be returned
again into your realm, and that ye have
seen under the seals of your predecessors
how and in what wise ye should do.'
And so thus the king of England took
his leave and departed from the king of
France right amiably, and of all other
princes that was there, and returned again
into England, and laboured so long that he
came to Windsor, where his queen received
him right joyously, and demanded tidings
of king Philip her uncle and of her lineage
of France. The king shewed her all that
he knew, and of the great cheer and honour
that he had there, and said, in his mind
1 Montreuil-sur-Mer.
HOMAGE OF EDWARD III., 1329
33
there was no realm could be compared to
the realm of France.
And then within a space after the king
of France sent into England of his special
council the bishop of Chartres and the
bishop of Beauvais, the lord Louis of
Clermont, the duke of Bourbon, the earl
of Harcourt and the earl of Tancarville,
with divers other knights and clerks, to the
council of England, the which was then
holden at I^ondon, for the performance of
the king of England's homage, as ye have
heard before. And also the king of Eng-
land and his council had well overseen the
manner and form, how his ancient prede-
cessors had done their homage for the
duchy of Acquitaine. There were many as-
then in England that murmured and said
how the king their lord was nearer by true
succession of heritage to the crown of
France than Philip of Valois, who was as
then king of France. Howbeit, the king
and his council would not know it nor
speak thereof as at that time. Thus was
there great assembly, and much ado how
this homage should be performed. These
ambassadors tarried still in England all that
winter, till it was the month of May follow-
ing, or they had answer definitive. How-
beit, finally the king of England by the
advice of his council and on the sight of his
privileges, whereunto they gave great faith,
was determined to write letters in the
manner of patents sealed with his great
seal, knowledging therein the homage that
he ought to do to the king of France, the
tenor and report of the which letters patents
followeth : —
* Edward, by the grace of God king
of England, lord of Ireland, and duke of
Acquitaine, to them that these present letters
shall see or hear send greeting. We would
it be known that as we made homage at
Amiens to the right excellent prince, our
right dear cousin, Philip king of France,
and there it was required by him that we
should knowledge the said homage, and to
make it to him expressly, promising to bear
him faith and troth, the which we did not
as then, because we were not informed of
the truth ; we made him homage by general
words, in saying how we entered into his
homage in like manner as our predecessors,
dukes of Guyenne, in times past had entered
into the homage of the king of France for
that time being ; and sith that time we have
been well informed of the truth : therefore
we knowledge by these presents that such
homage as we have made in the city of
Amiens to the king of France in general
words was and ought to be understanded
this word, liege man ; and that to him we
owe to bear faith and troth as duke of
Acquitaine and peer of France, earl of
Ponthieu and of Montreuil.^ And to the
intent in time coming that there should
never be discord, for this cause we promise
for us and our successors, dukes of Acqui-
taine, that this homage be made in this
manner following. The king of England,
duke of Acquitaine, holdeth his hands
between the hands of the king of France,
and he that shall address the words to the
king of England, duke of Acquitaine, shall
speak for the king of France in this
manner : Ye shall become liege man to the
king, my lord here present, as duke of
Guyenne and peer of France, and to him
promise to bear faith and troth : say "Yea."
And the king of England, duke of Guyenne,
and his successors, saith ' ' Yea. " And then
the king of France receiveth the king of
England, duke of Guyenne, to this said
homage as liege man, with faith and troth
spoken by mouth, ^ saving his right and all
other. And furthermore when the said
king entereth in homage to the king of
France for the earldom of Ponthieu and
1 The translator has made sad work here. It
should be : ' We make it known hereby that when
we did homage at Amiens to the excellent prince
our dear lord and cousin Philip king of France,
it was said and required of us on his part that we
should acknowledge the said homage to be liege
homage, and that in doing the said homage we
should promise expressly to bear faith and loyalty
to him ; the which thing we did not as then, because
we were not informed of the truth. And we did
homage then to the king of France in general
words, saying that we entered into his homage as
our predecessors, dukes of Guyenne, had formerly
entered into the homage of the kings of France
that then were. And after being well informed ol
the truth, we acknowledge bj^ these presents that
the said homage . . . was, is and ought to be
understanded for liege homage, and that we owe to
bear faith and loyalty to him, as duke of Acquitaine
and peer of France, and earl of Ponthieu and
Montreuil. And we promise henceforth to bear
faith and loyalty to him.' It is surprising that lord
Berners, familiar as he must have been with the
true names, should have allowed ' Ponthieu ' to be
printed as ' Poyters ' throughout this document.
2 ' A la foi et a la bouce,' that is, ' homage de foi
et de bouche,' according to the usual forms.
34
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
of Montreuil, he shall put his hands between
the hands of the king of France for the
said earldom. And he that shall speak for
the king of France shall address his words
to the king and earl and say thus : Ye
shall become liege man to the king of
France, my lord here present, as earl of
Ponthieu and Montreuil, and to him pro-
mise to bear faith and troth: say "Yea."
And the king, earl of Ponthieu, saith
'* Yea." Then the king of France receiveth
the king and earl to this said homage, by
his faith and by his mouth, saving his right
and all other. And after this manner it
shall be done and renewed as often as
homage should be done. And of that we
shall deliver, and our successors, dukes of
Guyenne, after these said homages made,
letters patents sealed with our great seal, if
the king of France require it : and beside
that we promise in good faith to hold and
to keep effectuously the peace and concord
made between the kings of France and
the kings of England, dukes of Guyenne,'
etc.
These letters the lords of France brought
to the king their lord, and the king caused
them to be kept in his chancery.
CHAPTER XXV
How the lord sir Robert of Artois was chased
out of the realm of France.
The man in the world that most aided
king Philip to attain to the crown of
France was sir Robert earl of Artois, who
was one of the most sagest and greatest
lords in France, and of high lineage ex-
traught, from the blood royal, and had to
his wife [the] sister - german to the said
king Philip, and always was his chief and
special companion and lover in all his
estates. And the space of three year all
that was done in the realm of France was
done by his advice, and without him no-
thing was done. And after it fortuned that
this king Philip took a marvellous great
displeasure and hatred against this noble-
man sir Robert of Artois, for a plea that
was moved before him whereof the earl of
Artois was cause. ^ For he would have won
1 This should be : ' Whereof the earldom of
Artois was cause, the which the said sir Robert
his intent by the virtue of a letter that he
laid forth the which was not true, as it was
said : wherefore the king was in such dis-
pleasure, that if he had taken him in his
ire, surely it had cost him his life without
remedy. So this sir Robert was fain to
void the realm of France and went to
Namur, to the earl John his nephew.
Then the king took the earl's wife and her
two sons, who were his own nephews, John
and Charles, and did put them in prison,
and were kept straitly, and the king sware
that they should never come out of prison
as long as they lived : the king's mind
would not be turned by no manner of
means.
Then the king in his fury sent hastily to
the bishop RaouP of Liege, and desired
him at his instance that he would defy and
make war against the earl of Namur, with-
out he would put out of his country sir
Robert earl of Artois. And this bishop,
who greatly loved the king of France and
but little loved his neighbours, did as the
king desired him. Then the earl of
Namur sore against his will caused the
earl of Artois to avoid his land.
Then this earl sir Robert went to the
duke of Brabant, his cousin, who right
joyously received him and did him great
comfort : and as soon as the king of
France knew that, he sent word to the
duke that if he would sustain, maintain or
suffer the earl of Artois in his country, he
should have no greater enemy than he
would be to him, and that he would make
war against him and all his to the best of
his power with all the realm of France.
Then the duke sent the earl of Artois
privily to Argenteul, to the intent to see
what the king would do further in the case :
and anon the king knew it, for he had spies
in every corner.
The king had great despite that the duke
should so deal with him ; and within a
brief space after the king purchased so by
reason of his gold and silver, that the king
of Bohemia, who was cousin-german to the
duke of Brabant, and the bishop of Liege,
the archbishop of Cologne, the duke of
Gueldres, the marquis of Juliers, the earl
would have won by,' etc. The translator mistook
* la comte' for 'le comte,' as he has several times
done elsewhere.
1 Aoul (or Adolf) de la Marck,
PVA/^ WITH THE SCOTS, 1332
35
of Bar, the lord of Loos, the lord Fau-
queniont and divers other lords were
allied together all against the duke of
Brabant, and defied him and entered with
a great host into his country by Hesbaing,
and so came to Hanut, and brent twice
over the country whereas it pleased them.
And the king of France sent with them the
earl of Eu his constable, with a great host
of men of arms.
Then the earl William of Hainault sent
his wife, sister to the king, and his brother
sir John of Hainault lord Beaumont into
France to treat for a peace and sufferance
of war between the king and the duke of
Brabant. And at last the king of France
with much work consented thereto, upon
condition that the duke should put himself
utterly to abide the ordinance of the king
of France and of his council in every matter
that the king and all such as had defied
him had against him ; and also within a
certain day limited to avoid out of his
:;ountry theearlof Artois : and to make short,
all this the duke did sore against his will.
CHAPTER XXVI
How king Edward of England took the town
of Berwick against the Scots.
Ye have heard herebefore recited of the
truce between England and Scotland for
the space of three year. And so the space
of one year they kept well the peace, so
that in three hundred year before there was
not so good peace kept. Howbeit king
Edward of England was informed that the
young king David of Scotland, who had
wedded his sister, was seized of the town of
Berwick, the which ought to appertain to
the realm of England : for king Edward
the first, his grandfather, had it in his
possession peaceably. Also the king was
informed that the realm of Scotland should
hold in chief of the crown of England, and
how the young king of Scots had not done
as then his homage. Wherefore the king
of England sent his ambassade to the king
of Scots, desiring him to leave his hands
off the town of Berwick, for it pertaioed to
his heritage ; for kings of England his
predecessors have been in possession there-
of: and also they summoned the king of
Scots to come to the king of England, to
do his homage for the realm of Scotland.
Then the king of Scots took counsel how
to answer this matter ; and finally the king
answered the English ambassadors and said,
' Sirs, both I and all the nobles of my realm
marvel greatly of that ye have required us
to do : for we find not anciently that the
realm of Scotland should anything be
bound or be subject to the realm of England,
neither by homage or any other ways : nor
the king of noble memory our father would
never do homage to the kings of England,
for any war that was made unto him by any
of them : no more in like wise I am in will
to do. And also king Robert our father
conquered the town of Berwick by force of
arms against king Edward, father to the
king your master that now is ; and so my
father held it all the days of his life as his
good heritage : and so in like manner we
think to do to the best of our power, How-
beit, lords, we require you to be means to
the king your master, whose sister we have
married, that he will suffer us peaceably to
enjoy our franchises and rights, as his an-
cestors have done herebefore, and to let us
enjoy that our father hath won and kept it
peaceably all his life days : and desire the
king your master that he would not believe
any evil counsel given him to the contrary.
For if there were any other prince that
would do us wrong, he should aid, succour
and defend us for the love of his sister,
whom we have married.' Then these am-
bassadors answered and said, * Sir, we have
well understanded your answer. We shall
shew it to the king our lord in like manner
as ye have said. ' And so took their leave
and returned into England to the king, with
the which answer the king of England was
nothing content. Then he summoned a
parliament to be holden at Westminster,
whereas all the nobles and wise men of the
realm were assembled, to determine what
should be best to be done in this matter.
And in this meantime sir Robert earl of
Artois came into England, disguised like a
merchant, and the king received him right
joyously and retained him as one of his
council, and to him assigned the earldom
of Richmond.
And when the day of the parliament ap-
proached, and that all the nobles of the
land were assembled about Eondon, then
36
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
the king caused to be shewed the message,
and how he had written to the king of
Scots, and of the answer of the same king.
Wherefore the king desired all the nobles of
his realm, that they would give him such
counsel as should appertain to the saving
of his honour and right. And when they
were all assembled in council, they thought
that the king might no longer bear by his
honour the injuries and wrongs that the
king of Scots did him daily : and so they
reported their advice to the king, exhorting
him to provide for his force and strength of
men of war, to attain thereby the town of
Berwick, and to enter into the realm of
Scotland in such wise, that he should con-
strain the king of the Scots to be joyful to
come and do his homage to him. And so
all the nobles and commons of the realm of
England said they would gladly and will-
ingly go with him in that journey. And of
their good wills the king thanked them
greatly, and desired them to be ready ap-
parelled at a day assigned, and to assemble
together at Newcastle-upon-Tyne. And
then every man went home and prepared
for that journey.
Then the king sent again other ambassa-
dors to the king of Scots his brother-in-
law, sufficiently to summon him ; and if he
would not be otherwise advised, then the
king gave them full authority to defy him.
And so the day of the assembly of the king's
host approached, at the which day the king
of England and all his host arrived at New-
castle-upon-Tyne, and there tarried three
days for the residue of his host that was
coming after. And on the fourth day he
departed with all his host toward Scotland,
and passed through the lands of the lord
Percy and of the lord Neville, who were
two great lords in Northumberland, and
marched on the Scots. And in like wise so
did the lord Ros and the lord Lucy and
the lord Mowbray. Then the king and all
his host drew toward the city of Berwick,
for the king of Scotland made no other
answer to these second messengers, but as
he did to the first ; wherefore he was openly
defied and summoned.
And so the king of England and his host
entered into Scotland ; for he was counselled
that he should not tarry at siege at Berwick,
but to ride forth and to burn the country,
as his grandfather did. And so he did j in
which journey he wasted and destroyed all
the plain country of Scotland, and exiled
divers towns that were closed with dikes
and with pales, and took the strong castle
of Edinburgh and set therein a garrison ;
and so passed the second river in Scotland,
under Stirling, and ran over all the country
thereabout to Scone, and destroyed the good
town of Dunfermline ; but they did no evil
to the abbey, for the king of England com-
manded that no hurt should be done thereto :
and so the king conquered all the country
to Dundee and to Dumbarton, a strong castle
standing on the marches against the wild
Scots, whereas the king of Scots and the
queen his wife were withdrawn unto for
surety. For there were no Scots that would
appear afore the Englishmen ; for they were
all drawn into the forests of Gedworth, the
which were inhabitable, and specially for
them that knew not the country ; wherein
all the Scots were, and all their goods, and
so they set but a little by all the remnant.
And it was no marvel though they were thus
driven, for the king their lord was but fifteen
year of age, and the earl of Moray was but
young, ^ and the nephew of William Douglas
that was slain in Spain was also of the same
age ; so as at that time the realm of Scot-
land was dispurveyed of good captains.
And when the king of England had run
over all the plain country of Scotland and
tarried there the space of six months, and
saw that none would come against him,
then he garnished divers castles that he had
won, and thought by them to make war to
all the other. Then he withdrew fair and
easily toward Berwick, and in his returning
he won the castle of Dalkeith, pertaining to
the heritage of the earl Douglas. It was a
five leagues from Edinburgh, and therein
the king set good captains and then rode
small journeys till he came to Berwick, the
which is at the entry of Scotland. And
there the king laid round about his siege,
and said he would never depart thence till
he had won it, or else the king of Scots to
come and to raise his siege perforce.
And within the town there were good
men of war, set there by the king of Scots.
Before this city there were many assaults
and sore scrimmishes nigh every day ; for
they of the city would not yield them up
simply, for always they thought to be res-
1 ' Plus jeune,' says Froissart.
CAPTURE OF BERWICK, 1333
37
cued : howbeit there was no succour ap-
peared. The Scots on mornings and nights
made rnany skryes to trouble the host, but
little hurt they did ; for the English host
was so well kept that the Scots could not
enter but to their damage, and oftentimes
lost of their men.
And when they of Berwick saw that no
comfort nor aid came to them from any part,
and that their victuals began to fail, and
how they were enclosed both by water and
by land, then they began to fall in a treaty
with the king of England, and desired a
truce to endure a month : and if within the
month king David their lord, or some
other for him, come not by force to raise
the siege, then they to render up the city,
their lives and goods saved, and that the
soldiers within might safely go into their
country without any damage.
This treaty was not lightly granted ; for
the king of England would have had them
yielded simply, to have had his pleasure of
some of them, because they had held so
long against him : but finally he was con-
tent by the counsel of his lords. And also
sir Robert of Artois did put thereto his
pain, who had been all that journey with
the king, and had shewed him always how
he was next inheritor to the crown of France.
He would gladly that the king should have
made war into France, and aleft the wars
of Scotland. So his words and others in-
clined greatly the king to condescend to
the treaty of Berwick ; so this truce and
treaty was granted. Then they within the
city sent word to their king in what case
they stood ; but for all that they could find
no remedy to raise the siege ; so the city
was delivered up at the end of the month,
and also the castle ; and the marshals of the
host took possession for the king of Eng-
land, and the burgesses of the city came and
did their fealty and homage to the king,
and sware to hold of him. Then after the
king entered with great solemnity and tarried
there twelve days, and made a captain there
called sir Edward Balliol : and when the
king departed, he left with the said knight
certain young knights and squires, to help
to keep the lands that he had conquered of
the Scots and the frontiers thereof.
Then the king and his people returned
to London, and every man into their own
countries ; and the king went to Windsor,
and sir Robert of Artois with him, who
never ceased day nor night in shewing the
king what right he had to the crown of
France : and the king hearkened gladly to
his words.
Thus in this season the king of England
won the most part of the realm of Scotland,
who had many expert knights about him :
among other was sir William Montague
and sir Walter of Manny ; they were hardy
knights and did many deeds of arms against
the Scots. And the better to have their
entry into Scotland, they fortified the
bastide of Roxburgh and made it a strong
castle, and sir William Montague did so
well in all his enterprises that the king
made him earl of Salisbury and married
him nobly. And also the lord of Manny
was made of the king's privy council and
well advanced in the court.
True it was that some of the knights
of Scotland did ever the annoyance they
could to the Englishmen, and kept them
in the wild country among marishes and
great forests, so that no man could follow
them. Some season the Englishmen fol-
lowed them so near, that all day they
scrimmished together ; and in a scrimmish
this said lord William Montague lost one
of his eyen. In the said forest the old king
Robert of Scotland did keep himself, when
king Edward the first conquered nigh all
Scotland, for he was so often chased that
none durst lodge him in castle nor fortress
for fear of the said king. And ever when
the king was returned into England, then he
would gather together again his people, and
conquer towns, castles and fortresses, just
to Berwick, some by battle and some by
fair speech and love. And when the said
king Edward heard thereof, then would
he assemble his power and win the realm
of Scotland again. Thus the chance went
between these two foresaid kings. It was
shewed me how that this king Robert
won and lost his realm five times. So this
continued till the said king Edward died
at Berwick. And when he saw that he
should die, he called before him his eldest
son, who was king after him, and there
before all the barons he caused him to
swear that as soon as he were dead, that
he should take his body and boil it in a
cauldron, till the flesh departed clean from
the bones ; and then to bury the flesh and
38
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
keep still the bones ; and that as often as the
Scots should rebel against him, he should
assemble his people against them, and
carry with him the bones of his father : for
he believed verily that if they had his bones
with them, that the Scots should never
attain any victory against them. The which
thing was not accomplished ; for when the
king was dead, his son carried him to
London, and there he was buried.^
CHAPTER XXVII
How king Philip of France and divers other
kings made a croisey to the Holy Land.
Now let us return to our first purpose.
When king Philip returned from Paris,
after that the king of England had been
there, ^ he went to visit his realm ; and in
his company the king of Bohemia and the
king of Navarre, with many dukes, earls
and lords, for he held great estate and
noble. So he rode through Burgoyne
till he came to Avignon, where he was
honourably received of pope Benedict and
of all the college, and did him as much
honour as they could : and he tarried a
long space there, and was lodged at Ville-
neuve without Avignon. In the same season
the king of Aragon came to the court of
Rome, and there was great cheer and feast
made at their meeting, and there they were
all the Lent season. And in that season
tidings came to the court of Rome, that the
enemies of God were greatly strong, and
had nigh conquered all the realm of Rasse,
and taken the king there, who was before
become Christian, and made him to die by
a great martyrdom ; and also these infidels
sore did menace Christendom. And on
the Good Friday the pope himself preached
of the passion of God before these kings,
exhorting them to take on them the cross
against the Saracens ; so that the French
king moved with pity took on him the
cross, and desired the pope to agree thereto.
The pope accorded and confirmed it with
his absolution de pena et culpa, clean con-
fessed and repentant.^ So thus the king
1 Froissart adds : * Wherefore mischief befel him
after, as ye have heard.'
2 The original does not imply that the king of
England had visited Paris.
3 * Then the pope granted and confirmed it, with
took on him this voyage, and with him the
king Charles of Bohemia, the king of
Navarre, and king Peter of Aragon, with
many dukes, earls, barons, knights and
squires, and also the cardinal of Naples,
the cardinal of Perigord, the cardinal
Blanc, and the cardinal of Ostia. And
anon after, this croisey was preached and
published abroad in the world, the which
tidings was great pleasure to many lords,
and specially to such as were in mind to
dispend their season in deeds of arms.
When the French king and these said
lords had been a certain space with the
pope and had devised and confirmed their
enterprise, then they departed from the
court and took their leave ; and the king of
Aragon went into his country, and the
French king in his company, till they
came to Montpellier, and there tarried a
certain space. And there king Philip of
France made a peace between the king of
Aragon and the king of Mallorca, and
then returned into France by small journeys
at great dispense, and visited his towns and
castles, and passed through Auvergne,
Berry, Beauce and Gatinois, and so came
to Paris, whereas he was received with
great feast and glory. At that time France
was rich, in great puissance and in good
rest and peace : there was no war spoken of.
This croisey thus taken by the French
king, whereof he was as chief, there were
divers lords in sundry countries by great
devotion took on them the same. The
French king made the greatest apparel for
his voyage that ever was seen, either in
Godfrey de Boulogne's days or any other,
and had prepared in certain ports, as at
Marseille, Aigues-Mortes, at Nar bonne,
and about Montpellier such a number of
vessels, ships, carracks and galleys, suffi-
cient to pass over sixty thousand men of
arms with all their purveyances, well pro-
vided of biscuit, wine, fresh water, salt
flesh, and all other things necessary for
men of war, to endure three years, if need
were.
And the French king sent certain mes-
sengers to the king of Hungary, desiring
him to be ready and to open the passages
condition that he would absolve from pain and
fault those who should truly confess themselves and
repent, the king of France first and also all those
who shouli go with him on this holy voyage.'
EDWARD'S DESIGNS ON FRANCE, 1337
39
of his country to receive the pilgrims of
God. The king of Hungary was glad
thereof, and said how he was all ready.
In like wise the French king sent to the
king of Cyprus and also to the king of
Sicily and to the Venetians. In like
manner they answered that they were
ready to obey, and the Genoways and all
they on the river of Genes. ^ And also the
king sent the great prior of France to the
isle of Rhodes to prepare all things necessary
in those quarters, and they of the Rhodes
accorded with the Venetians to provide
things necessary in the isle of Crete, the
which was under their seignory. Briefly,
every country was ready prepared to receive
the pilgrims of God. There were more
than three hundred thousand persons that
took on them the cross to go in this noble
voyage over the sea.
CHAPTER XXVIII
How king Edward was counselled to make
war against the French king.
In this season, when this croisey was in
great forwardness, for there was no speak-
ing but thereof, sir Robert of Artois was
as then in England, banished out of
France, and was ever about king Edward :
and always he counselled him to defy the
French king, who kept his heritages from
him wrongfully : of the which matter the
king oftentimes counselled with them of
his secret council, for gladly he would
have had his right, an if he wist how ; and
also he thought that if he should demand
his right and it refused, what he might do
then to amend it ; for if he should then sit
still and do not his devoir to recover his
right, he should be more blamed than
before. Yet he thought it were better to
speak not thereof, for he saw well that by
the puissance of his realm it would be hard
for him to subdue the great realm of
France, without help of some other great
lords either of the Empire or in other places
for his money.
The king oftentimes desired counsel of
his chief and special friends and councillors.
Finally, his councillors answered him and
1 That is, the Riviera of Genoa.
said, ' Sir, the matter is so weighty and of
so high an enterprise, that we dare not
speak therein, nor give you any counsel.
But, sir, this we would counsel you to do :
send sufficient messengers, well informed
of your intention, to the earl of Hainault,
whose daughter ye have married, and to
sir John of Hainault his brother, who hath
valiantly served you at all times ; and desire
them by way of love that they would coun-
sel you in this matter : for they know better
what pertaineth to such a matter than we
do. And, sir, if they agree to your intent,
then will they counsel you what friends ye
may best make.' The king was content
with this answer, and desired the bishop of
Lincoln to take on him this message, and
with him two bannerets and two doctors.
They made them ready and took shipping
and arrived at Dunkirk, and rode through
Flanders till they came to Valenciennes,
where they found the earl lying in his bed
sick of the gout, and with him sir John
his brother. They were greatly feasted,
and declared the cause of their coming,
and shewed all the reasons and doubts that
the king their master had made. Then
the earl said, ' As help me God, if the
king's mind might be brought to pass, I
would be right glad thereof : for I had
rather the wealth of him that hath married
my daughter than of him that never did
nothing for me, though I have married his
sister ; and also he did let the marriage of
the young duke of Brabant, who should
have married one of my daughters : where-
fore I shall not fail to aid my dear and well-
beloved son the king of England. I shall
give him counsel and aid to the best of my
power, and so shall do John my brother,
who hath served him or this. Howbeit he
must have more help than ours ; for Hai-
nault is but a small country as to the regard
of the realm of France, and England is far
off to aid us.' Then the bishop said, ' Sir,
we thank you in our master's behalf of the
comfort that ye give us : sir, we desire you
to give our master counsel, what friends he
were best to labour unto to aid him.'
' Surely,' said the earl, ' I cannot devise a
more puissant prince to aid him than the
duke of Brabant, who is his cousin-german,
and also the bishop of Liege, the duke of
Gueldres, who hath his sister to his wife,
the archbishop of Cologne, the marquis
40
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
of Juliers, sir Arnold de Baquehem and
the lord of Fauquemont. These lords be
they that may make most men of war in
short space of any that I know : they are
good men of war, they may well make ten
thousand men of war, so they have wages
thereafter : they are people that would
gladly win advantage. If it were so that
the king my son, your master, might get
these lords to be on his part, and so to
come into these parts, he might well go
over the water of Oise and seek out king
Philip to fight with him.' With this answer
these ambassadors returned into England to
the king and reported all that they had
done, whereof the king had great joy and
was well comforted.
These tidings came into France and
multiplied little and little, so that king
Philip's enterprise of the said croisey began
to assuage and wear cold, and he counter-
manded his officers to cease of making of
any further provision, till he knew more
what king Edward would do. Then king
Edward ordained ten bannerets and forty
other knights and sent them over the sea
to Valenciennes, and the bishop of Lincoln
with them, to the intent to treat with the
lords of the Empire, such as the earl of
Hainault had named. When they were
come to Valenciennes, each of them kept a
great estate and port, and spared nothing,
no more than if the king of England had
been there in proper person, whereby they
did get great renown and praise. They
had with them young bachelors, who had
each of them one of their eyen closed with
a piece of silk : it was said how they had
made a vow among the ladies of their
country, that they would not see but with
one eye, till they had done some deeds of
arms in P>ance : howbeit they would not
be known thereof.
And when they had been well feasted at
Valenciennes, then the bishop of Lincoln
and part of his company went to the duke
of Brabant, who feasted them greatly and
agreed and promised to sustain the king of
England and all his company in his country,
so that he might go and come armed and
unarmed, at his pleasure, and to give him
the best counsel he could. And also, if
the king of England would defy the French
king, that he would do the same, and enter
into the country of France with men of war,
so that their wages might be borne, to the
number of a thousand men of arms.
Thus then the lords returned again
to Valenciennes, and did so much by
messengers and by promise of gold and
silver, that the duke of Gueldres, who was
the king's brother-in-law, and the marquis
of Juliers, the archbishop of Cologne and
Waleran his brother, and the lord of
Fauquemont came to Valenciennes to speak
with these lords of England before the earl
of Hainault and the lord John his brother.
And by the means of a great sum of florins,
that each of them should have for them-
selves and for their men, they made promise
to defy the French king and to go with the
king of England when it pleased him, with
a certain men of war ; promising also to
get other lords to take their part for wages,
such as be beyond the river of Rhine and
be able to bring good numbers of men of
war. Then the lords of Almaine took
their leave and returned into their own
countries, and the Englishmen tarried still
with the earl of Hainault, and sent certain
messengers to the bishop of Liege and
would gladly have had him on their party ;
but he would never be against the French
king, for he was become his man and
entered into his fealty. King Charles of
B(5hemia was not desired, for they knew
well he was so firmly joined with the
French king by reason of the marriage of
John duke of Normandy, who had to wife
the king's daughter, whereby they knew well
he would do nothing against the French
king.
CHAPTER XXIX
How that Jaques d'Arteveld governed all
Flanders.
In this season there was great discord
between the earl of Flanders and the
Flemings : for they would not obey him,
nor he durst not abide in Flanders but in
great peril. And in the town of Gaunt
there was a man, a maker of honey, ^ called
1 ' Qui avolt este brasseur de miel,' ' who had
been a brewer of mead.' It seems probable that
Jaques d'Arteveld, who belonged to the craft of
weavers and exercised like his father the dis-
tinguished trade of a cloth-merchant, inscribed him-
self as ' brasseur ' only in order to conciliate the
support of the 'petits metiers.'
JAQUES D'ARTEVELD
41
Jaques d'Arteveld ; he was entered into
such fortune and grace of the people, that
all thing was done that he devised : he
might command what he would through all
Flanders, for there was none, though he
were never so great, that durst disobey his
commandment. He had always going with
him up and down in Gaunt sixty or four-
score varlets armed, and among them there
were three or four that knew the secretness
of his mind, so that if he met a person that
he hated or had him in suspicion, in-
continent he was slain : for he had com-
manded his secret varlets, that whensoever
he met any person and made such a sign to
them, that incontinent they should slay him,
whatsoever he were, without any words or
reasoning ; and by that means he made
many to be slain, whereby he was so doubted,
that none durst speak against anything
that he would have done, so that every man
was glad to make him good cheer. And
these varlets, when they had brought him
home to his house, then they should go to
dinner where they list, and after dinner
return again into the street before his
lodging, and there abide till he come out,
and to wait on him till supper-time. These
soldiers had each of them four groats
Flemish by the day, and were truly paid
weekly. Thus he had in every town
soldiers and servants at his wages, ready
to do his commandment and to espy if
there were any person that would rebel
against his mind, and to inform him thereof:
and as soon as he knew any such, he would
never cease till they were banished or slain
without respite. All such great men, as
knights, squires or burgesses of good towns,
as he thought favourable to the earl in any
manner, he banished them out of Flandei-s,
and would levy the moiety of their lands to
his own use and the other half to their
wives and children. Such as were banished,
of whom there were a great number, abode
at Saint-Omer's.-^
To speak properly, there was never in
Flanders nor in none other country, prince,
duke nor other that ruled a country so
peaceably so long as this Jaques d'Arteveld
did rule Flanders. He levied the rents,
winages and rights that pertained to the
1 The original says ' abode at Saint-Omer for the
most part and were called les avoUes or les outre-
avolUs.''
earl throughout all Flanders, and spended
all at his pleasure without any account
making. And when he would say that he
lacked money, they believed him, and so
it behoved them to do, for none durst say
against him : when he would borrow any-
thing of any burgess, there was none durst
say him nay.
These English ambassadors kept an
honourable estate at the town of Valen-
ciennes : they thought it should be a great
comfort to the king their lord, if they might
get the Flemings to take their part. Then
they took counsel of the earl in that matter,
and he answered that truly it should be one
of the greatest aids that they could have ;
but, he said, he thought their labour in that
behalf could not prevail without they get
first the good -will of Jaques d'Arteveld.
Then they said they would assay what they
could do ; and so thereupon they departed
from Valenciennes and went into Flanders,
and departed into three or four companies ;
some went to Bruges, some to Ypres, and
some to Gaunt : and they all kept such port
and made so large dispense, that it seemed
that silver and gold fell out of their hands ;
and made many great promises and offers
to them that they spake to for that matter.
And the bishop with a certain with him
went to Gaunt, and he did so much, what
with fair words and otherwise, that he gat
the accord of Jaques d'Arteveld and did
get great grace in the town, and specially
of an old knight that dwelt in Gaunt, who
was there right well beloved, called the
lord Courtrisien,^ a knight banneret, and
was reputed for a hardy knight and had
always served truly his lords. This knight
did much honour to the Englishmen, as a
valiant knight ought to do to all strangers.
Of this he was accused to the French king,
who incontinent sent a strait command-
ment to the earl of Flanders, that he
should send for this said knight, and as
soon as he had him, to strike off his head.
The earl, who durst not break the king's
commandment, did so much that this
knight came to him at his sending, as he
that thought none evil : and incontinent he
was taken, and his head stricken off ; where-
of many folks were sorry and were sore
displeased with the earl, for he was well
beloved with the lords of the country.
1 Sohier de Courtray.
42
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
These English lords did so much that
Jaques d'Arteveld divers times had together
the counsels of the good towns ^ to speak
of the besynes that these lords of England
desired, and of the franchises and amities
that they offered them in the king of
England's behalf. So often they spake of
this matter, that finally they agreed thatthe
king of England might come and go into
Flanders at his pleasure. Howbeit they
said they were so sore bound to the French
king, that they might not enter into the
realm of France to make any war, without
they should forfeit a great sum of florins :
and so they desired that they would be
content with this answer as at that time.
The English lords returned again to Valen-
ciennes with great joy. Oftentimes they
sent word to the king of England how they
sped, and ever he sent them gold and silver
to bear their charges and to give to the lords
of Almaine, who desired nothing else.
In this season the noble earl of Hainault
died, the sixth day of June the year of our
Lord Mcccxxxvri., and was buried at
the Friars in Valenciennes. The bishop of
Cambray sang the mass : there were many
dukes, earls and barons, for he was well
beloved and honoured of all people in his
life days. After his decease the lord
William his son entered into the counties of
Hainault, Holland and Zealand, who had
to wife the daughter of duke John of
Brabant, and had to name Jahane. She
was endowed with the land of Binche, the
which was a right fair heritage and a pro-
fitable ; and the lady Jahane her mother
went to Fontenelles on I'Escault, and there
used the residue of her life in great devotion
in the abbey there, and did many good
deeds.
CHAPTER XXX
How certain nobles of Flanders kept the isle
of Cadsand against the Englishmen.
Of all these ordinances and comforts that
the king of England had got on that side
of the sea, king Philip of France was well
informed of all the matter, and would
gladly have had the Flemings on his part.
1 'Consulz des bonnes villes,' i.e. deputies repre-
senting them. It is the word used for the burgesses
in the EngHsh parliament, see chap. 14.
But Jaques d'Arteveld had so surmounted
all manner of people in Flanders, that none
durst say against his opinion ; nor the earl
himself durst not well abide in the country,
for he had sent the countess his wife and
Louis his son into France for doubt of the
Flemings.
In this season there were in the isle of
Cadsand certain knights and squires of
Flanders in garrison, as sir Ducre^ of
Halewyn, sir John de Rhodes and the sons
of Le Trief ; they kept that passage against
the Englishmen and made covert war,
whereof the English lords being in Hainault
were well informed, and how that if they went
that way homeward into England, they should
be met withal to their displeasure : where-
fore they were not well assured. Howbeit
they rode and went about the country at their
pleasure ; all was by the comfort of Jaques
d'Arteveld, for he supported and honoured
them as much as he might. And after
these lords went to Dordrecht in Holland,
and there they took shipping to eschew the
passage of Cadsand, whereas the garrison
was laid for them by the commandment of
the French king. So these English lords
came again into England, as privily as they
could, and come to the king, who was right
joyous of their coming ; and when he
heard of the garrison of Cadsand, he said
he would provide for them shortly ; and
anon after he ordained the earl of Derby,
sir Walter Manny and divers other knights
and squires, with five hundred men of arms
and two thousand archers, and they took
shipping at London in the river of Thames.
The first tide they went to Gravesend, the
next day to Margate, and at the third tide
they took the sea and sailed into Flanders.
So they apparelled themselves and came
near to Cadsand.
CHAPTER XXXI
Of the battle of Cadsand between the
Englishmen and the Frenchmen.
When the Englishmen saw the town of
Cadsand before them, they made them
ready and had wind and tide to serve them.
And so in the name of God and Saint
1 'Ducre' .seems to be a title. The person in
question is called by Froissart ' Messires Jehans
dit Ducres de Halluin.'
BATTLE OF CADS AND, 1337
43
George they approached, and blew up their
trumpets and set their archers before them
and sailed toward the town. They of
Cadsand saw well this great ship ^ approach :
they knew well that they were Englishmen,
and arranged them on the dikes and on the
sands with their banners before them, and
they made sixteen new knights. They
were a five thousand men of war, good
knights and squires : there was sir Guy of
Flanders, a good and a sure knight, but he
was a bastard, and he desired all his com-
pany to do well their devoir ; and also
there was sir Ducre de Halewyn, sir John
de Rhodes, sir Giles Le Trief, sir Simon
and sir John of Brugdam, who were
there made knights, and Peter of Ingel-
munster, with many other knights and
squires, expert men of arms.
The Englishmen were desirous to assail
and the Flemings to defend. The English
archers began to shout and cried their
cries, so that such as kept the passage were
fain perforce to recule back. At this first
assault there were divers sore hurt, and the
Englishmen took land and came and
fought hand to hand. The Flemings fought
valiantly to defend the passage, and the
Englishmen assaulted chivalrously. The
earl of Derby was that day a good knight,
and at the first assault he was so forward
that he was stricken to the earth ; and then
the lord of Manny did him great comfort,
for by pure feat of arms he relieved him up
again and brought him out of peril, and
cried, * Lancaster for the earl of Derby ! '
Then they approached on every part ; and
many were hurt, but more of the Flemings
than of the Englishmen, for the archers shot
so wholly together,^ that they did to the
Flemings much damage.
Thus in the haven of Cadsand there was
a sore battle : for the Flemings were good
men of war, chosen out by the earl of
Flanders to defend that passage against the
1 * Ceste grosse navire. ' Froissart uses 'navire'
in its older meaning, i.e. * fleet.'
2 ' Qui continuelment traioient,' 'who shot with-
out ceasing.' It was the rapidity of the shooting
that made the long-bow so fatal a weapon, as com-
pared for example with the cross-bow. The author
in his last revision says : ' The cross-bowmen shot as
best they might, but the English set nothing by it,
for archers are much more rapid in shooting than
cross-bowmen.' Villani, speaking of the English
archers, says that they shot three arrows for one
of the cross-bows.
Englishmen ; and of England there was the
earl of Derby, son to the earl Henry of
Lancaster with the wry neck, the earl of
Suffolk, sir Raynold Cobham, sir Louis
Beauchamp, sir William Fitz-Warin, the
lord Berkeley, sir Walter Manny and
divers other. There was a sore battle and
well foughten hdnd to hand : but finally the
Flemings were put to the chase, and were
slain more than three thousand, what in the
haven, streets and houses. Sir Guy the
bastard of Flanders was taken ; and sir
Ducre de Halewyn and sir John de
Rhodes were slain, and the two brethren of
Brugdam, and sir Giles de Le Trief and
more than twenty-six knights and squires ;
and the town taken and pilled, and all the
goods and prisoners put into the ships, and
the town brent. And so thus the English-
men returned into England without any
damage. The king caused sir Guy bastard
of Flanders to swear and to bind himself
prisoner, and in the same year he became
English, and did faith and homage to the
king of England.
CHAPTER XXXII
How king Edward of England made great
alliances in the Empire.
After this discomfiture at Cadsand tidings
thereof spread abroad in the country, and
they of Flanders said that without reason
and against their wills the earl of Flanders
had laid there that garrison ; and Jaques
d'Arteveld would not it had been otherwise :
and incontinent he sent messengers to
king Edward, recommending him to his
grace with all his heart, counselling him to
come thither and to pass the sea, certifying
him how the Flemings greatly desired to
see him.
Thus the king of England made great
purveyances : and when the winter was
past, he took the sea, well accompanied
with dukes,^ earls and barons, and divers
other knights, and arrived at the town of
Antwerp, as then pertaining to the duke
of Brabant. Thither came people from all
parts to see him and the great estate that
he kept. Then he sent to his cousin the
duke of Brabant, and to the duke of
1 The original has no ' dukes. '
44
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
Gueldres, to the marquis of Juliers, to the
lord John of Ilainault, and to all such as
he trusted to have any comfort of, saying
how he would gladly speak with them.
They came all to Antwerp between Whit-
suntide and the feast of Saint John. And
when the king had well feasted them, he
desired to know their min'ds, when they
would begin that they had promised, re-
quiring them to despatch the matter briefly.
For that intent, he said, he was come
thither and had all his men ready, and how
it should be a great damage to him to defer
the matter long. These lords had long
counsel among them, and finally they said,
* Sir, our coming hither as now was more
to see you than for anything else. We be
not as now purveyed to give you a full
answer : by your licence we shall return to
our people and come again to you at your
pleasure, and then give you so plain an
answer that the matter shall not rest in us.*^
Then they took day to come again a
three weeks after the feast of Saint John.
The king shewed them what charges he was
at with so long abiding, thinking when
he came thither that they had been full
purveyed to have made him a plain answer,
saying how that he would not return into
England till he had a full answer. So
thus these lords departed, and the king
tarried in the abbey of Saint Bernard ; and
some of the English lords tarried still at
Antwerp to keep the king company, and
some of the other rode about the country in
great dispense. The duke of Brabant
went to Louvain, and there tarried a long
time, and oftentimes he sent to the French
king, desiring him to have no suspicions to
him, and not to believe any evil information
made of him ; for by his will, he said, he
would make none alliance nor covenant
against him; sayingalso that the king of Eng-
land was his cousin-german, wherefore he
might not deny him to come into his country.
The day came that the king of England
looked to have an answer of these lords :
and they excused them, and said how they
were ready and their men, so that the duke
of Brabant would be ready for his part,
saying that he was nearer than they, and
that as soon as they might know that he
were ready, they would not be behind, but
at the beginning of the matter as soon as
he. Then the king did so much that he
spake again with the duke, and shewed him
the answer of the other lords, desiring him
by amity and lineage that no fault were
found in him, saying how he perceived well
that he was but cold in the matter, and
that without he were quicker and did other-
wise, he doubted he should lose thereby the
aid of all the other lords of Almaine through
his default. Then the duke said he would
take counsel in the matter ; and when he
had long debated the matter, he said how he
should be as ready as any other, but first
he said he would speak again with the
other lords : and he did send for them,
desiring them to come to him whereas they
pleased best. Then the day was appointed
about the mid of August, and this coun-
cil to be at Hal, because of the young earl
of Hainault, who should also be there, and
with him sir John of Hainault his uncle.
When these lords were all come to this
parliament at Hal, they had long counsel
together. Finally they said to the king of
England : ' Sir, we see no cause why we
should make defiance to the French king,
all things considered, without ye can get
the agreement of the emperor, and that he
would command us to do so in his name.
The emperor may well thus do, for of long
time past there was a covenant sworn and
sealed, that no king of France ought to
take anything pertaining to the Empire ;
and this king Philip hath taken the castle
of Crevecoeur in Cambresis and the castle
of Arleux in Palluel, and the city of
Cambray ; ^ wherefore the emperor hath
good cause to defy him by us. Therefore,
sir, if ye can get his accord, our honour
shall be the more. ' And the king said he
would follow their counsel.
Then it was ordained that the marquis
of Juliers should go to the emperor, and
certain knights and clerks of the king's,
and some of the council of the duke of
Gueldres ; but the duke of Brabant would
send none from him, but he lent the castle
of Louvain to the king of England to lie
in. And the marquis and his company
found the emperor at Nuremburg and
shewed him the cause of their coming.
And the lady Margaret of Hainault did all
her pain to further forth the matter, whom
1 A better reading is, ' and divers other heritages
in the said county of Cambresis,' without any
mention of the city of Cambray.
EDWARD III. VICAR OF THE EMPIRE, 1338
45
sir Louis of Bavaria, then emperor, had
wedded. And there the marquis of Juliers
was made an earl,^ and the duke of
Gueldres, who before was an earl, was
then made a duke. And the emperor gave
commission to four knights and to two
doctors of his council to make king Edward
of England his vicar-general throughout all
the Empire, and thereof these said lords
had ^struments public, confirmed and sealed
sufficiently by the emperor.
CHAPTER XXXIII
How king David of Scotland made alliance
with king Philip of France.
In this season the young king David of
Scotland, who had lost the best part of his
land and could not recover it out of the
hold of the Englishmen, departed privily
with a small company and the queen his
wife with him, and took shipping and
arrived at Boulogne, and so rode to Paris
to king Philip, who greatly did feast him,
and offered him of his castles to abide in
and of his goods to dispend,. on the
condition that he should make no peace
with the king of England without his
counsel and agreement ; for king Philip
knew well how the king of England
apparelled greatly to make him war. So
thus the king there retained king David
and the queen a long season, and they had
all that they needed at his cost and charge ;
for out'of Scotland came but little substance
to maintain withal their estates. And the
French king sent certain messengers into
Scotland to the lords there, such as kept
war against the Englishmen, offering them
great aid and comfort, so that they would
take no peace nor truce with the king of
England, without it were by his agreement
or by the accord of their own king, who
had in like wise promised and sworn.
Then the lords of Scotland counselled
together, and joyously they accorded to his
request, and so sealed and sware with the
king their lord. Thus this alliance was
made between Scotland and France, the
1 The translator follows an inferior reading.
It should be : * And then the marquis of Juliers
was made marquis of Juliers, who before was earl
of Juliers.'
which endured a long season after : and
the French king sent men of war into
Scotland, to keep war against the English-
men, as sir Arnold d'Audrehem, who was
after marshal of France, and the Lord of
Garencieres, and divers other knights and
squires. The French king thought that
the Scots should give so much ado to the
realm of England, that the Englishmen
should not come over the sea to annoy him.
CHAPTER XXXIV
How king Edward of England was made
vicar-general of the Empire of Almaine,
When the king of England and the other
lords to him allied were departed from the
parliament of Hal, the king went to
Louvain and made ready the castle for his
abiding, and sent for the queen to come
thither, if it pleased her ; for he sent her
word he would not come thence of an whole
year, and sent home certain of his knights
to keep his land from the Scots. And the
other lords and knights that were there still
with the king rode about the realm of
Flanders and Hainault, making great dis-
pense, giving great rewards and jewels to
the lords, ladies and damosels of the
country, to get their good-wills. They
did so much that they were greatly praised,
and specially of the common people, because
of the port and state that they kept.
And then about the feast of All Saints
the marquis of Juliers and his company
sent word to the king how they had sped ;
and the king sent to him that he should be
with him about the feast of Saint Martin; and
also he sent to the duke of Brabant, to know
his mind where he would the parliament
should be holden; and he answered at Herck
in the county of Loos, near to his country.
And then the king sent to all other of his
allies that they should be there. And so
the hall of the town was apparelled and
hanged as though it had been the king's
chamber ; and there the king sate crowned
with gold, five foot higher than any other,
and there openly was read the letters of the
emperor, by the which the king was made
vicar-general and lieutenant for the emperor,
and had power given him to make laws and
to minister justice to every person in the
46
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
emperor's name, and to make money of
gold and silver. The emperor also there
commanded by his letters that all persons
of his Empire and all other his subjects
should obey to the king of England his
vicar, as to himself, and to do him homage.
And incontinent there was claim and answer
made between parties, as before the emperor,
and right and judgment given. Also there
was renewed a judgment, and a statute
affirmed, that had been made before in the
emperor's court ; and that was this, that
whosoever would any hurt to other should
make his defiance three days before his
deed, and he that did otherwise should be
reputed as an evil-doer and for a villain's
deed. And when all this was done, the
lords departed and took day that they should
all appear before Cambray three weeks after
the feast of Saint John ; the which town
was become French.
Thus they all departed and every man
went to his own. And king Edward, as
vicar of the Empire, went then to Louvain
to the queen, who was newly come thither
out of England with great nobleness and
well accompanied with ladies and damosels
of England. So there the king and the
queen kept their house right honourably all
that winter, and caused money, gold and
silver, to be made at Antwerp, great plenty.
Yet for all this the duke of Brabant left
not, but with great diligence sent often
messengers to king Philip, as the lord
Leon of Crainhem, his chief counsellor,
with divers other, ever to excuse him ; for
the which cause this knight was oftentimes
sent, and at the last abode still in the French
court with the king, to the intent always to
excuse him against all informations that
might be made of him : the which knight
did all his devoir in that behalf.
CHAPTER XXXV
How king Edward and all his allies did defy
the French king.
Thus the winter passed and summer came,
and the feast of Saint John Baptist ap-
proached ; and the lords of England and
of Almaine apparelled themselves to ac-
complish their enterprise : and the French
king wrought as much as he could to the
contrary, for he knew much of their intents.
King Edward made all his provision in
England, and all his men of war, to be
ready to pass the sea incontinent after the
feast of Saint John ; and so they did. Then
the king went to Vilvorde, and there made
his company to be lodged, as many as
might in the town and the other without
along on the river side in tents and pavilions:
and there he tarried from Maudlin-ticfe till
our Lady day in September,^ abiding weekly
for the lords of the Empire, and specially
for the duke of Brabant, on whose coming
all the other abode. And when the king
of England saw how they came not, he
sent great messengers to each of them,
summoning them to come as they had
promised, and to meet with him at Mechlin
on Saint Giles' day, and then to show him
why they had tarried so long.
Thus king Edward lay at Vilvorde and
kept daily at his cost and charge well to
the number of sixteen hundred men of
arms, all come from the other side of the
sea, and ten thousand archers, beside all
other provisions ; the which was a marvel-
lous great charge, beside the great rewards
that he had given to the lords, and beside
the great armies that he had on the sea.
The French king on his part had set
Genoways, Normans, Bretons, Picards and
Spaniards to be ready on the sea to enter
into England as soon as the war were opened.
These lords of Almaine at the king of
England's summons came to Mechlin and
with much business. Finally they accorded
that the king of England might well set
forward within fifteen days after ; and to
the intent that their war should be the
more laudable, they agreed to send their
defiances to the French king — first the
king of England, the duke of Gueldres,
the marquis of Juliers, sir Robert d'Artois,
sir John of Hainault, the marquis of
Meissen, the marquis of Brandebourg, the
lord of Fauquemont, sir Arnold of
Baquehem, the archbishop of Cologne, sir
Waleran his brother, and all other lords
of the Empire. These defiances were
written and sealed by all the lords except
the duke of Brabant, who said he would do
his deed by himself at time convenient. To
bear these defiances into France was charged
the bishop of Lincoln, who bare them to
1 i.e. from 22nd July to 8th September.
JVAJH WITH FRANCE
47
Paris and did his message in such manner
that he could not be reproached nor
blamed : and so he had a safe-conduct to
return again to his king, who was as then
at Mechlin.
CHAPTER XXXVI
How sir Walter of Manny after the defiances
declared made the first journey into
France.
In the first week that the French king was
thus defied, sir Walter Manny, as soon as
he knew it, he gat to him a forty spears
and -rode through Brabant night and day,
till he came into Hainault and entered into
the wood of Blaton, as then not knowing
what he should do. But he had shewed
to some of them that were most priviest
about him, how he had promised before
ladies and damosels or he came out of
England, that he would be the first that
should enter into France, and to get either
town or castle, and to do some deeds of
arms. And then his intent was to ride to
Mortagne and to get it if he might, the
which pertained then to the realm of
France : and so rode and passed the wood
of Blaton, and came in a morning before
the sun-rising to Mortagne, and by adven-
ture he found the wicket of the gate open.
Then he alighted with his company and
entered in, and did set certain of his com-
pany to keep the gate, and so went into
the high street with his pennon before him
and came to the great tower, but the gate
and wicket was fast closed. And when the
watch of the castle heard the brunt and saw
them, he blew his horn and cried, 'Treason !
treason ! ' Then every man awoke and
made them ready, and kept themselves still
within the castle. Then sir Walter of
Manny went back again and did set fire in
the street joining to the castle, so that there
were a threescore houses brent and the
people sore afraid, for they weened all to
have been taken. Then sir Walter and
his company rode back straight to Conde
and there passed the river of Hayne. Then
they rode the way to Valenciennes and
coasted on the right hand and came to
Denain, and so went to the abbey, and so
passed forth toward Bouchain, and did so
much that the captain did let them pass
through by the river.
Then they came to a strong castle per-
taining to the bishop of Cambray, called
the castle of Thun, the which suddenly
they took, and the captain and his wife
within. And the lord Manny made a
good garrison and set therein a brother of
his called sir Giles Manny, who afterward
did much trouble to the city of Cambray,
for the castle was within a league of the
town. Then sir Walter Manny returned
into Brabant to the king his sovereign
lord, whom he found at Mechlin, and there
shewed him all that he had done.
CHAPTER XXXVII
How that after the said defiances made the
Frenchmen entered into England.
As soon as king Philip knew that he was
defied of the king of England and of his
allies, he retained men of war on every side,
and sent the lord Galois de la Baume, a
good knight of Savoy, into the city of
Cambray, and made him captain there, and
with him sir Thibalt de Moreuil and the
lord of Roye, so that they were, what of
Savoy and of France, a two hundred spears.
And king Philip sent and seized into his
hands the county of Ponthieu, the which
the king of England had before by reason
of his mother : and also he sent to divers
lords of the Empire, as to the earl of Hai-
nault his nephew, to the duke of Lorraine,
the earl of Bar, the bishop of Metz, the
bishop of Liege, desiring them that they
would make no evil purchase against him
or his realm. The most part of these lords
answered how they would do nothing that
should be against him ; and the earl of
Hainault wrote unto him right courteously
how that he would be ready always to aid
him and his realm against all men, but
seeing the king of England maketh his war
as vicar and lieutenant of the Empire, where-
fore, he said, he might not refuse to him
his country nor his comfort, because he
held part of his country of the emperor.
And as soon as sir Hugh Quieret, sir
Peter Behuchet^ and Barbevaire, who lay
1 The true name is Nicholas Behuchet : Froissart
has probably confused him with his brother.
48
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
and kept the straits between England and
France with a great navy, knew that the
war was open, they came on' a Sunday in
the forenoon to the haven of Hampton,
while the people were at mass : and the
Normans, Picards and Spaniards entered
into the town and robbed and pilled the
town, and slew divers, and defoiled maidens
and enforced wives, and charged their
vessels with the pillage, and so entered
again into their ships. And when the tide
came, they disanchored and sailed to Nor-
mandy and came to Dieppe ; and there de-
parted and divided their booty and pillages.
CHAPTER XXXVni
How king Edward besieged the city of
Cambray.
The king of England departed from
Mechlin and went to Brussels, and all his
people passed on by the town. Then
came to the king a twenty thousand
Almains, and the king sent and demanded
of the duke of Brabant what was his
intention, to go to Cambray or else to leave
it. The duke answered and said that as
soon as he knew that he had besieged
Cambray, he would come thither with
twelve hundred spears, of good men of war.
Then the king went to Nivelle and there
lay one night, and the next day to Mons in
Hainault ; and there he found the young
earl of Hainault, who received him joy-
ously. And ever sir Robert of Artois was
about the king, as one of his privy council,
and a sixteen or twenty other great lords
and knights of England, the which were
ever about the king for his honour and
estate, and to counsel him in all his deeds.
Also with him was the bishop of Lincoln,
who was greatly renowned in this journey
both in wisdom and in prowess. Thus the
Englishmen passed forth and lodged abroad
in the country, and found provision enough
before them for their money ; howbeit some
paid truly and some not.
And when the king had tarried two days
at Mons in Hainault, then he went to
Valenciennes ; and he and twelve with him
entered into the town, and no more persons.
And thither was come the earl of Hai-
nault and sir John his uncle, and the lord
of Fagnolle, the lord of Werchin, the lord
of Havreth and divers other, who were
about the earl their lord. And the king
and the earl went hand in hand to the great
hall, which was ready apparelled to receive
them ; and as they went up the stairs
of the hall, the bishop of Lincoln, who
was there present, spake out aloud and
said : * William bishop of Cambray, I
admonish you as procurer to the king of
England, vicar of the Empire of Rome, that
ye open the gates of the city of Cambray ;
and if ye do not, ye shall forfeit your lands
and we will enter by force.' There was
none that answered to that matter, for the
bishop was not there present. Then the
bishop of Lincoln said again : ' Earl of
Hainault, we admonish you in the name of
the emperor, that ye come and serve the
king of England his vicar before the city
of Cambray with such number as ye ought
to do.' The earl, who was there present,
said, 'With a right good will I am ready.'
So thus they entered into the hall, and the
earl led the king into his chamber, and
anon the supper was ready.
And the next day the king departed and
went to Haspres, and there tarried two
days and suffered all his men to pass forth ;
and so then went to Cambray and lodged
at Iwuy, and besieged the city of Cambray
round about, and daily his power increased.
Thither came the young earl of Hainault
in great array, and sir John his uncle, and
they lodged near to the king, and the duke
of Gueldres and his company, the marquis
of Meissen, the earl of Mons, the earl of
Salm, the lord of Fauquemont, sir Arnold
of Bakehem, with all the other lords of the
Empire, such as were allied with the king
of England.
And the sixth day after the siege laid
thither came the duke of Brabant with a
nine hundred spears, beside other, and he
lodged toward Ostrevant on the river of
I'Escault, and made a bridge over the water
to the intent to go from the one host to the
other. And as soon as he was come, he
sent to defy the French king, who was at''
Compiegne, whereof Leon of Crainhem,
who had always before excused the duke,
was so confused, that he would no more
return again into Brabant, but died for
sorrow in France.
This siege during there were many
SIEGE OF CAMBRAY, 1339
49
skirmishes ; and sir John of Hainault and
the lord of P'auquemont rode ever lightly
together, and brent and wasted sore the
country of Cambresis. And on a day these
lords, with the number of five hundred
spears and a thousand of other men of war,
came to the castle of Oisy in Cambresis,
pertaining to the lord of Coucy, and made
there a great assault : but they within did
defend them so valiantly, that they had no
damage ; and so the said lords returned to
their lodgings.
The earl of Hainault and his company
on a Saturday came to the gate toward
Saint -Quentin's, and made there a great
assault. There was John Chandos, who
was then but a squire, of whose prowess
this book speaketh much, he cast himself
between the barriers and the gate, and
fought valiantly with a squire of Verman-
dois called John of Saint-Disier : there was
goodly feats of arms done between them.
And so the Hainowes conquered by force
the bails, and there was entered the earl
of Hainault and his marshals, sir Gerard of
Werchin, sir Henry d'Antoing and other,
who adventured them valiantly to advance
their honour. And at another gate, called
the gate Robert, was the lord Beaumont
and the lord of Fauquemont, the lord
d'Enghien, sir Walter of Manny, and their
companies, made there a sore and a hard
assault. But they of Cambray and the
soldiers set there by the French king
defended themselves and the city so
valiantly, that the assaulters won nothing,
but so returned right weary and well beaten
to their lodgings. The young earl of
Namur came thither to serve the young
earl of Hainault by desire, and he said he
would be on their part as long as they
were in the Empire, but as soon as they
entered into the realm of France, he said,
he would forsake them and go and serve
the French king, who had retained him.
And in likewise so was the intent of the
earl of Hainault, for he had commanded
all his men on pain of death, that none of
them should do anything within the realm
of France.
In this season, while the king of Eng-
land lay at siege before Cambray with forty
thousand men of arms, and greatly con-
strained them by assaults, king Philip
made his summons at Peronne in Verman-
dois. And the king of England counselled
with sir Robert d'Artois, in whom he had
great affiance, demanding of him whether
it were better for him to enter into the
realm of France and to encounter his ad-
versary, or else to abide still before Cam-
bray, till he had won it by force. The
lords of England and such other of his
council saw well how the city was strong
and well furnished of men of war and
victuals and artillery, and that it should
be long to abide there till they had won
the city, whereof they were in no cer-
tainty ; and also they saw well how that
winter approached near, and as yet had
done no manner of enterprise, but lay at
great expense. Theri they counselled the
king to set forward into the realm, whereas
they might find more plenty of forage.
This counsel was taken, and all the lords
ordained to dislodge, and trussed tents and
pavilions and all manner of harness, and so
departed and rode toward Mount Saint-
Martin, the which was at the entry of
France. Thus they rode in good order,
every lord among his own men ; marshals
of the English host were the earl of
Northampton and Gloucester and the earl
of Suffolk, and constable of England was
the earl of Warwick. And so they passed
there the river of I'Escault at their ease.
And when the earl of Hainault had ac-
companied the king unto the departing out
of the Empire, and that he should pass the
river and enter into the realm of France,
then he took leave of the king and said
how he would ride no further with him at
that time, for king Philip his uncle had sent
for him, and he would not have his evil
will, but that he would go and serve him in
France, as he had served the king of Eng-
land in the Empire. So thus the earl of
Hainault and the earl of Namur and their
companies rode back to Quesnoy. And
the earl of Hainault gave the most part of
his company leave to depart, desiring them
to be ready when he [should] send for
them, for he said that shortly after he
would go to king Philip his uncle.
so
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
CHAPTER XXXIX
How king Edward made sir Henry of
Flanders knight.
As soon as king Edward had passed the
river of I'Escault and was entered into the
realm of France, he called to him sir Henry
of Flanders, who was as then a young
squire, and there he made him knight, and
gave him yearly two hundred pounds ster-
ling, sufficiently assigned him in England.
Then the king went and lodged in the
abbey of Mount Saint -Martin, and there
tarried two days, and his people abroad in
the country ; and the duke of Brabant was
lodged in the abbey of Vaucelles.
When the French king at Compiegne
heard these tidings, then he enforced his
summons, and sent the earl of Eu and of
Guines his constable to Saint-Quentin's, to
keep the town and frontiers there against
his enemies, and sent the lord of Coucy
into his own country, and the lord of Ham
to his, and sent many men of arms to
Guise and to Ribemont, to Bohain, and the
fortresses joining to the entry of the realm ;
and so went himself toward Peronne.
In the mean season that king Edward
lay at the abbey of Mount Saint- Martin,
his men ran abroad in the country to Ba-
paume and near to Peronne and to Saint-
Quentin's. They found the country
plentiful, for there had been no war of a
long season ; and so it fortuned that sir
Henry of Flanders, to advance his body
and to increase his honour, [went] on a
day with other knights, whereof sir John
of Hainault was chief, and with him the
lord of Fauquemont, the lord of Berg,
the lord of Bautersem, the lord of Cuyk
and divers other to the number of five
hundred : and they avised a town there-
by, called Honnecourt, wherein much
people were gathered on trust of the for-
tresses, and therein they had conveyed all
their goods ; and there had been sir
Arnold of Baquehem and sir William of
Duvenvoorde and their company, but they
attained nothing there.
There was at this Honnecourt an abbot
of great wisdom and hardiness ; and he
caused to be made without the town a
barrier overthwart the street, like a grate,
not past half a foot wide every grate, and
he made great provisions of stones and
quicklime, and men ready to defend the
place. And these lords, when they came
thither, they lighted afoot and entered to
the barrier with their glaives in their hands,
and there began a sore assault, and they
within valiantly defended themselves.
There was the abbot himself, who received
and gave many great strokes : there was
a fierce assault : they within cast down
stones, pieces of timber, pots full of chalk, ^
and did much hurt to the assailers : and
sir Henry of Flanders, who held his glaive
in his hands, and gave therewith great
strokes. At the last the abbot took the
glaive in his hands and drew it so to
him, that at last he set hands on sir
Henry's arm, and drew it so sore that he
pulled out his arm at the barrier to the
shoulder and held him at a great advan-
tage, for an the barrier had been wide
enough, he had drawn him through ; but
sir Henry would not let his weapon go for
saving of his honour. Then the other
knights strake at the abbot to rescue their
fellow : so this wrastling endured a long
space, but finally the knight was rescued,
but his glaive abode with the abbot. And
on a day, when I wrote this book, as I
passed by I was shewed the glaive by the
monks there, that kept it for a treasure.^
So this said day Honnecourt was sore
assailed, the which endured till it was
night, and divers were slain and sore hurt.
Sir John of Hainault lost there a knight of
Holland called sir Herman. When the
Flemings, Hainowes, Englishmen and Al-
mains saw the fierce wills of them within,
and saw how they could get nothing there,
withdrew themselves against night. And
the next day on the morning the king de-
parted from Mount Saint - Martin, com-
manding that no person should do any hurt
to the abbey, the which commandment
was kept. And so then they entered into
Vermandois, and took that day their
1 'Chaulx,' i.e. 'quicklime.'
2 The fuller text has it as follows : ' But his
glaive abode with the abbot by reason of his great
prowess, who kept it many years after ; and it is
still, as I believe, in the hall of Honnecourt. It
was there assuredly at the time when I wrote
this book, and it was shewed to me on a day when
I passed that way, and I had relation made to me
of the truth of the matter and of the manner how
the assault was made ; and the monks kept it still
as a great ornament."
EDWARD III. ENTERS FRANCE
51
lodging betimes on the mount Saint-
Quentin in good order of battle : and they
of Saint -Quentin's might well see them,
howbeit they had no desire to issue out of
their town. The foreriders came running
to the barriers skirmishing, and the host
tarried still on the mount till the next day.
Then the lords took counsel what way
they should draw, and by the advice of the
duke of Brabant they took the way to
Thierache, for that way their provision
came daily to them, and were determined
that if king Philip did follow them, as
they supposed he would do, that theii
they would abide him in the plain field
and give him battle.
Thus they went forth in three great
battles : the marshals and the Almains had
the first, the king of England in the
middleward, and the duke of Brabant in
the rearward. Thus they rode forth,
brenning and pilling the country, a three
or four leagues a day, and ever took their
lodging betimes. And a company of
Englishmen and Almains passed the river
of Somme by the abbey of Vermand, and
wasted the country all about : another com-
pany, whereof sir John of Hainault, the lord
of P'auquemont and sir Arnold of Baquehem
were chief, rode to Origny-Saint-Benoiste,
a good town, but it was but easily closed :
incontinent it was taken by assault and
robbed, and an abbey of ladies violated,
and the town brent. Then they departed
and rode toward Guise and Ribemont, and
the king of England lodged at Boheries,
and there tarried a day, and his men ran
abroad and destroyed the country.
Then the king took the way to theFlamen-
gerie,^ to come to Leschelle in Thierache ;
and the marshals and the bishop of Lincoln
with a five hundred spears passed the
river of Oise and entered into Laonnois,
toward the land of the lord of Coucy, and
brent Saint-Gobain and the town of Marie,
and on a night lodged in the valley beside
Laon : and the next day they drew again
to their host, for they knew by some of
Iheir prisoners that the French king was
come to Saint- Quentin's with a hundred
thousand men, and there to pass the river
of Somme. So these lords in their return-
ing brent a good town called Crecy and
1 La Flamengerie, dep. Aisne.
divers other towns and hamlets there-
about.
Now let us speak of sir John of Hainault
and his company, who were a five hundred
spears. He came to Guise and brent all
the town and beat down the mills : and
within the fortress was the lady Jane, his
own daughter, wife to the earl of Blois
called Louis : she desired her father to
spare the heritage of the earl his son-in-
law, but for all that sir John of Hainault
would not spare his enterprise. And so
then he returned again to the king, who
was lodged in the abbey of Fervaques,
and ever his people ran over the country.
And the lord of Fauquemont with a
hundred spears came to Nouvion in Thie-
rache, a great town ; and the men of the
town were fled into a great wood and had
all their goods with them, and had fortified
the wood with felling of timber about
them. The Almains rode thither, and there
met with them sir Arnold of Baquehem
and his company, and so there they assailed
them in the wood, who defended them as
well as they might ; but finally they were
conquered and put to flight ; and there
were slain and sore hurt more than forty,
and lost all that they had. Thus the
country was over-ridden, for they did what
they list.
CHAPTER XL
How the king of England and the French king
took day of journey to fight together.
The king of England departed from
Fervaques and went to Montreuil, and
there lodged a night, and the next day
he went to the Flamengerie and made
all his men to lodge near about him,
whereof he had more than forty thousand :
and there he was counselled to abide king
Philip and to fight with him.
The French king departed from Saint-
Quentin's, and daily men came to him
from all parts, and so came to Buironfosse.
There the king tarried, and said how he
would not go thence till he had fought
with the king of England and with his
allies, seeing they were within two leagues
together. And when the earl of Hainault,
who was at Quesnoy ready purveyed of
52
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
men of war, knew that the French king
was at Buironfosse thinking there to give
battle to the Englishmen, he rode forth
till he came to the French host with five
hundred spears, and presented himself to
the king his uncle, who made him but
small cheer, because he had been with his
adversary before Cambray. Howbeit the
earl excused himself so sagely, that the
king and his council were well content.
And it was ordained by the marshals, that
is to say by the marshal Bertrand and by
the marshal of Trie,^ that the earl should
be lodged next the English host.
Thus these two kings were lodged be-
tween Buironfosse and Flamengerie, in
the plain fields without any advantage. I
think there was never seen before so goodly
an assembly of noblemen together as was
there. 2 When the king of England, being
in the Chapel of Thierache,^ knew how
that king Philip was within two leagues,
then he called the lords of his host together
and demanded of them what he should do,
his honour saved, for he said that his inten-
tion was to give battle. Then the lords
beheld each other, and they desired the
duke of Brabant to shew first his intent.
The duke said that he was of the accord
that they should give battle, for otherwise,
he said, they could not depart, saving their
honours : wherefore he counselled that they
should send heralds to the French king to
demand a day of battle. Then an herald
of the duke of Gueldres, who could well
the language of French, was informed
what he should say, and so he rode till
he came into the French host. And then
he drew him to king Philip and to his
council and said, ' Sir, the king of Eng-
land is in the field and desireth to have
battle, power against power.' The which
thing king Philip granted, and took the
day, the Friday next after, and as then
it was Wednesday. And so the herald
returned, well rewarded with good furred
gowns given him by the French king and
other lords because of the tidings that he
brought. So thus the journey was agreed,
1 The marshals of the French host were Robert
Bertrand and Matthieu de Trie.
2 In the fuller text it is observed that there were
in the French army four kings, France, Bohemia,
Navarre and Scotland.
3 La Capelle-en-Thi^rache, a village in the de-
partment of Aisne.
and knowledge was made thereof to all the
lords of both the hosts, and so every man
made him ready to the matter.
The Thursday in the morning there were
two knights of the earl of Hainault's, the
lord Fagnolle and the lord of Tupigny,
they mounted on their horses and they two
all only departed from the French host and
rode to aview the English host. So they
rode coasting the host, and it fortuned that
the lord of FagnoUe's horse took the bridle
in the teeth in such wise, that his master
could not rule him ; and so, whether he
would or not, the horse brought him into
the English host, and there he fell into the
hands of the Almains, who perceived well
that he was none of their company and set
on him and took him and his horse. And
so he was prisoner to a five or six gentle-
men of Almaine, and anon they set him to
his ransom. And when they understood
that he was a Hainowe, they demanded of
him if he knew sir John of Hainault, and he
answered, 'Yes,' and desired them for the
love of God to bring him to his presence,
for he knew well that he would quit him
his ransom. Thereof were the Almains
joyous, and so brought him to the lord
Beaumont, who incontinent did pledge him
out from his master's hands ; and the
lord of Fagnolle returned again to the
earl of Hainault, and he had his horse
again delivered him at the request of the
lord Beaumont. Thus passed that day,
and none other thing done that ought to
be remembered.
CHAPTER XLI
How these kings ordained their battles at
Buironfosse.
When the Friday came in the morning,
both hosts apparelled themselves ready,
and every lord heard mass among their
own companies and divers were shriven.
First we will speak of the order of the
Englishmen, who drew them forward into
the field and made three battles afoot, and
did put all their horses and baggages into a
little wood behind them, and fortified it.
The first battle led ^ the duke of Gueldres,
1 Perhaps a misprint for 'had.' The original
is 'eut.'
THE HOSTS AT BUIRONFOSSE
53
the marquis of Meissen, the marquis of
Brandebourg, sir John of Hainault, the
earl of Mons, the earl of Salm, the lord of
Fauquemont, sir William of Duvenvoorde,
sir Arnold of Baquehem and the Almains ;
and among them was twenty-two banners
and sixty pennons in the whole, and eight
thousand men. The second battle had the
duke of Brabant and the lords and knights
of his country — first the lord of Cuyk, the
lord Berg, the lord of Breda, the lord
of Rotselaer, the lord of Vorsselaer, the
lord of Borgneval, the lord of Schoonvorst,
the lord of W itham, the lord of Aerschot,
the lord of Gaesbeck, the lord of Duffel,
sir Thierry of Walcourt, sir Rasse of Gres,
sir John of Kesterbeke, sir John Pyliser,
sir Giles of Coterebbe, sir Walter of
Huldeberg, the three brethren of Harle-
beke, sir Henry of Flanders, and divers
other barons and knights of Flanders, who
were all under the duke of Brabant's
banner, as the lord of Halewyn, the lord
of Gruthuse, sir Hector Vilain, sir John
of Rhodes, sir Wulfart of Ghistelles, sir
William of Straten, sir Gossuin de la
Moere, and many other : the duke of
Brabant had a twenty-four banners and
eighty pennons, and in all a seven thousand
men. The third battle and the greatest
had the king of England and with him his
cousin the earl of Derby, the bishop of
Lincoln, the bishop of Durham, the earl
of Salisbury, the earl of Northampton, and
of Gloucester, the earl of Suffolk, sir
Robert d'Artois, as then called earl of
Richmond, the lord Raynold Cobham, the
lord Percy, the lord Ros, the lord Mow-
bray, sir Lewis and sir John Beauchamp,
the lord Delaware, the lord of Langton, the
lord Basset, the lord Fitzwalter, sir Walter
Manny, sir Hugh Hastings, sir John Lisle,
and divers other that I cannot name : among
other was sir John Chandos, of whom much
honour is spoken in this book.^ The king
had with him twenty -eight banners and
ninety pennons, and in his battle a six
thousand men of arms and six thousand
^ In the later revision the writer says : ' I,
Froissart, writer of these chronicles, more than
once heard the gentle knight sir John Chandos say
that he was made knight by the hand of the king
Edward of England on this Friday that the assembly
was at Buironfosse ; and since that he was more
valiant than any other who took arms on the side
of the English, I make mention of this here.'
archers ; and he had set another battle as in
aTwing, whereof the earl of Warwick, the
earl of Pembroke, the lord Berkeley, the
lord Multon and divers other were as chief,
and they were on horseback.^ Thus when
every lord was under his banner, as it was
commanded by the marshals, the king of
England mounted on a palfrey, accompanied
all only with sir Robert d'Artois, sir Raynold
Cobham and sir Walter of Manny, and
rode along before all his battles, and right
sweetly desired all his lords and other that
they would that day aid to defend his
honour. And they all promised him so
to do. Then he returned to his own battle
and set everything in good order and com-
manded that none should go before the
marshals' banners.
Now let us speak of the lords of France,
what they did. They were eleven score
banners, four kings, six dukes, twenty-six
earls, and more than four thousand knights,
and of the commons of France more than
sixty thousand. The kings that were there
with king Philip of Valois was the king of
Bohemia, the king of Navarre, and king
David of Scotland : the duke of Normandy,
the duke of Bretayne, the duke of Bourbon,
the duke of Lorraine and the duke of
Athens: 2 of earls, the earl of Alengon
brother to the king, the earl of P'landers,
the earl of Hainault, the earl of Blois, the
earl of Bar, the earl of Forez, the earl of
Foix, the earl of Armagnac, the earl
Dolphin of Auvergne, the earl of Joinville,
the earl of Etampes, the earl of Vendome,
the earl of Harcourt, the earl of Saint-Pol,
the earl of Guines, the earl of Boulogne,
the earl of Roucy, the earl of Dammartin,
the earl of Valentinois, the earl of Auxerre,
the earl of Sancerre, the earl of Geneva,
the earl of Dreux ; and of Gascoyne and of
Languedoc so many earls and viscounts,
that it were long to rehearse. It was a
great beauty to behold the banners and
standards waving in the wind, and horses
barded, and knights and squires richly
armed. The Frenchmen ordained three
great battles, in each of them fifteen
thousand men of arms and twenty thousand
men afoot.
1 The original says : ' So these remained on
horseback to support those battles which should
waver, and were as a rear-guard.'
2 The name of the duke of Burgundy is omitted.
54
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
CHAPTER XLII
How these two kings departed from
Buironfosse without battle.
It might well be marvelled how so goodly
a sight of men of war so near together
should depart without battle. But the
Frenchmen were not all of one accord :
they were of divers opinions : some said it
were a great shame an they fought not, see-
ing their enemies so near them in their own
country, ranged in the field, and also had
promised to fight with them : ^ and some
other said it should be a great folly to fight,
for it was hard to know every man's mind,
and jeopardy of treason ; ^ for, they said,
if fortune were contrary to their king, as to
lose the field, he then should put all his
whole realm in a jeopardy to be lost ; and
though he did discomfit his enemies, yet
for all that he should be never the nearer
of the realm of England, nor of such lands
pertaining to any of those lords that be
with him allied.
Thus in striving of divers opinions the
day passed till it was past noon ; and then
suddenly there started an hare among the
Frenchmen, and such as saw her cried and
made great bruit, whereby such as were
behind thought they before had been fight-
ing, and so put on their helms and took
their spears in their hands ; and so there
were made divers new knights, and specially
the earl of Hainault made fourteen, who
were ever after called knights of the hare.
Thus that battle stood still all that Friday ;
and beside this strife between the council-
lors of France there was brought in letters
to the host of recommendation to the French
king and to his council from king Robert
of Sicily, the which king, as it was said,
was a great astronomer and full of great
science. He had oftentimes sought his
books on the estate of the kings of England
and of France, and he found by his astrology
and by the influence of the heavens, that if
the French king ever fought with king
Edward of England, he should be discom-
fited : wherefore he, like a king of great
1 Or rather, ' and also having followed them to
the intent that they should fight with them '
2 ' For he {i.e. the king) knew not each man s
mind, nor whether there were any treason.'
wisdom and as he that doubted the peril of
the French king his cousin, sent oftentimes
letters to king Philip and to his council,
that in no wise he should make any battle
against the Englishmen, whereas king
Edward was personally present. So that,
what for doubt, and for such writing from
the king of Sicily, divers of the great lords
of France were sore abashed ; and also
king Philip was informed thereof. How-
beit, yet he had great will to give battle ;
but he was so counselled to the contrary,
that the day passed without battle, and
every man withdrew to their lodgings.
And when the earl of Hainault saw that
they should not fight, he departed with all
his whole company and went back the same
night to Quesnoy. And the king of Eng-
land, the duke of Brabant and all the other
lords returned and trussed all their baggages,
and went the same night to Avesnes in
Hainault. And the next day they took
leave each of other ; and the Almains and
Brabances departed, and the king went
into Brabant with the duke his cousin.
The same Friday that the battle should
have been, the French king, when he came to
his lodging, he was sore displeased because
he departed without battle. But they of his
council said how right nobly he had borne
himself, for he had valiantly pursued his
enemies and had done so much that he had
put them out of his realm, and how that the
king of England should make many such
viages or he conquered the realm of France.
The next day king Philip gave licence to
all manner of men to depart, and he thanked
right courteously the great lords of their aid
and succour. Thus ended this great journey,
and every man went to their own. The
French king went to Saint-Omer's, and sent
men of war to his garrisons, and specially
to Tournay, to Lille, and to Douay, and to
the other towns marching on the Empire.
He sent to Tournay sir Godemar du Fay
and made him captain there and regent of
that country thereabout, and he sent sir
Edward of Beaujeu to Mortagne ; _ and
when he had ordered part of his business
then he drew toward Paris.
I
EDWARD TAKES THE ARMS OF FRANCE
55
CHAPTER XLIII
How king Edward took on him to bear the
arms of France and the name, to be called
king thereof.
When that king Edward was departed
from the Flamengerie and came into Bra-
bant and went straight to Brussels, the
duke of Gueldres, the marquis of Juliers,
the marquis of Brandebourg, the earl of
Mons, sir John of Hainault, the lord of
Fauquemont, and all the lords of the
Empire, such as had been at that journey,
brought him thither to take advice and
counsel what should be done more in the
matter that they had begun. And to have
expedition in the cause they ordained a
parliament to be holden at the town of
Brussels, and thither to come was desired
Jaques d'Arteveld of Gaunt, who came
thither with a great company, and all the
counsels of the good towns of Flanders.
There the king of England was sore desired
of all his allies of the Empire that he should
require them of Flanders to aid and to
maintain his war, and to defy the French
king and to go with him whereas he would
have them ; and in their so doing he to
promise them to recover Lille, Douay and
Bethune.
This request was well heard of the
Flemings, and thereupon they desired to
take counsel among themselves : and so
they took counsel at good leisure, and then
they said to the king : ' Sir, or this time ye
have made to us request in this behalf : sir,
if we might well do this, saving your honour
and to save ourselves, we would gladly do
this ; but, sir, we be bound by faith and
oath and on the sum of two millions of
florins in the pope's chamber, that we may
make nor move no war against the king of
France, whosoever it be, on pain to lose
the said sum and beside that to run in the
sentence of cursing. But, sir, if ye will
take on you the arms of France and quarter
them with the arms of England and call
yourself king of France, as ye ought to be
of right, then we will take you for rightful
king of France and demand of you quit-
tance of our bonds, and so ye to give us
pardon thereof as king of France : by this
means we shall be assured and dispensed
withal, and so then we will go with you
whithersoever ye will have us.'
Then the king took counsel, for he
thought it was a sore matter to take on
him the arms of France and the name, and
as then had conquered nothing thereof, nor
could not tell what should fall thereof, nor
whether he should conquer it or not ; and
on the other side, loth he was to refuse the
comfort and aid of the Flemings, who
might do him more aid than any other.
So the king took counsel of the lords of the
Empire and of the lord Robert d'Artois
and with other of his special friends ; so
that finally, the good and the evil weighed,
he answered to the Flemings that if they
would swear and seal to this accord, and to
promise to maintain his war, how he would
do all this with a good will, and promised
to get them again Lille, Douay and
Bethune : and all they answered how they
were content.
Then there was a day assigned to meet
at Gaunt, at which day the king was there,
and the most part of the said lords, and all
the counsels generally in Flanders. And
so then all these said matters were re-
hearsed, sworn and sealed ; and the king
quartered the arms of France with England,
and from thenceforth took on him the name
of the king of France, and so continued
till he left it again by composition, as ye
shall hear after in this book. And so at
this council they determined that the next
summer after they would make great war
into France, promising to besiege the city
of Tournay ; whereof the Flemings were
joyful, for they thought to be strong enough
to get it, and that once gotten, they believed
shortly after to win again Lille, Douay and
Bethune, with the appurtenances pertaining
or holden of the earl of Flanders.
Thus every man departed and went home :
the king of England went to Antwerp, and
the queen abode still at Gaunt and was
oftentimes visited by Jaques d'Arteveld
and by other lords, ladies and damosels of
Gaunt. The king left in Flanders the earl
of Salisbury and the earl of Suffolk : ^ they
went to Ypres and there kept a great
garrison and made sore war against them
of Lille and thereabout. And when the
1 Not really the earl of Suffolk but his eldest
son : he is called earl of Suffolk also in the account
of his capture at Lille, chap. 46.
56
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
king's ships were ready, he took the sea
and so sailed into England and came to
London about the feast of Saint Andrew,
where he was honourably received. And
there he had complaints made hii^ of the
destruction of Hampton, and he said that
he trusted or a year longer that it should be
well revenged.
CHAPTER XLIV
How the Frenchmen brent in the lands of
sir John of Hainault.
Now let us speak of king Philip, who
greatly fortified his navy that he had on
the sea, whereof sir Quieret, Behuchet and
Barbevaire ^ were captains ; and they had
under them a great retinue of Genoways,
Normans, Bretons and Picards. They did
that winter great damage to the realm of
England : sometime they came to Dover,
Sandwich, Winchelsea, Hastings and Rye,
and did much sorrow to the Englishmen,
for they were a great number, as a forty
thousand men. There was none that could
issue out of England, but they were robbed,
taken or slain ; so they won great pillage,
and specially they won a great ship called
the Christofer, laden with wools, as she was
going into Flanders, the which ship had
cost the king of England much money,
and all they that were taken within the ship
were slain and drowned ; of the which
conquest the Frenchmen were right joyous.
The French king then sent and wrote to
the lord of Bosmont, the lord of Vervins,^
to the vidame of Chalons, the lord John
de la Bove, the lord John and Gerard of
Lor, that they should make an army and
to ride into the lands of sir John of Hainault,
and to burn and destroy there as much as
they might. They obeyed, and gathered
together to the number of five hundred
spears ; and so in a morning they came
before the town of Chimay and gathered
together there a great prey ; for they of
the country thought that the Frenchmen
would not have come so far, nor to have
passed the wood of Thierache. So the
1 Hugh Quieret, Nicholas Behuchet and Pietro
Barbavara.
2 'To the lord of Bosmont and Vervlns': his name
was Jean de Coucy.
Frenchmen burnt the suburbs of Chimay
and divers other villages thereabout, nigh
all the land of Chimay except the for-
tresses : then they went to Aubenton in
Thierache and there divided their booty.
In the same season the soldiers of Cam-
bray came to a little strong house without
Cambray, called Relenghes, pertaining to
sir John of Hainault ; and a bastard son of
his kept the house with a fifteen soldiers
with him : so they were assailed a whole
day together, and the dikes were so frozen,
that a man might well come to the walls ;
and so they within trussed all that they
had and about midnight departed, and set
fire themselves on the house. The next
day, when they of Cambray came thither
again and saw how it was brent, they did
beat down all that stood. And the captain
of the house and his company went to
Valenciennes.
Ye have well heard before how sir
Gaultier of Manny took the castle of Thun
and set therein a brother of his called
Giles of Manny : he made many skirmishes
with them of Cambray, and did them much
trouble. And so it happened on a day that
he went from his garrison with a sixscore
men of arms and came to the barriers of
Cambray. And the brunt was so great, that
many armed them within the city and came
to the gate whereas the skirmish was,
whereas sir Giles had put back them of
Cambray. Then they issued out, and
among the Cambreses there was a young
squire, a Gascon, called William Marchand, .
who went out into the field well horsed,
his shield about his neck and his spear in
his hand. And when sir Giles of Manny
saw him, he rode fiercely to him ; and
there sir Giles was stricken through all his
harness to the heart, so that the spear went
clean through his body, and so he fell to the
earth. Then there was a fierce skirmish,
and many stricken down on both parts ;
but finally they of Cambray obtained the
place and drove away their enemies, and
took with them sir Giles of Manny, hurt
as he was, and so brought him to Cambray
with great joy. Then incontinent they dis-
armed him and did get surgeons to dress
his wound, for they would gladly that he
might [have] escaped ; but he died the next
day after. Then they determined to send
his body to his two brethren John and
THE FRENCH IN HAINAULT
57
Thierry, who were in the garrison at Bou-
chain in Ostrevant ; for though that the
country of Hainault at that time was in no
war, yet all the frontiers toward France
were ever in good await. So then they
ordained a horse litter right honourably
and put his body therein, and caused two
friars to convey it to his brethren, who
received him with great sorrow. And they
bare him to the Friars at Valenciennes, and
there he was buried ; and after that the two
brethren of Manny came to the castle of
Thun and made sore war against them of
Cambray in counteravenging the death of
their brother.
In this season captain of Tournay and
Tournesiswas sir Godemar du Fay, and of
the fortresses thereabout ; and the lord of
Beaujeu was within Mortagne on the river
of I'Escault, and the steward of Carcas-
sonne was in the town of Saint-Amand,
sir Aymar of Poitiers in Douay, the lord
Galois de la Baume and the lord of
Villars, the marshal of Mirepoix and the
lord of Moreuil in the city of Cambray.
And these knights, squires and soldiers of
France desired none other thing, but that
theymightenterintoHainaultand toroband
pill the country. Also the bishop of Cam-
bray, who was at Paris with the king, com-
plained how the Hainowes had done him
damage, brent and overrun his country,
more than any other men. And then the
king gave licence to the soldiers of Cam-
bresis to make a road into Hainault. Then
they of the garrisons made a journey and
were to the number of six hundred men of
arms. And on a Saturday in the morning
they departed from Cambray, and also they
of la Malmaison rode forth the same day,
and met together and went to the town of
Haspres, the which was a good town and a
great, without walls. The people there
were in no doubt, for they knew of no war
towards them. So the Frenchmen entered
and found men and women in their houses,
and took them, and robbed the town at
their pleasure, and then set fire in the town
and brent it so clean, that nothing re-
mained but the walls. Within the town
there was a priory of black monks, with
great buildings beside the church, which
held of Saint-Vaast of Arras. ^ The French-
1 The latest revision has here : ' In the church of
Haspres they honour Saint Agaire, who is a very
men also robbed the place and brent it to
the earth, and with all their pillage they
returned to Cambray.
These tidings anon came to the know-
ledge of the earl of Hainault, who was
abed and asleep in his lodging, called the
Salle ; and suddenly he rose and armed
him, and called up all such knights as were
about him : but they were lodged so abroad
that they were not so soon ready as the earl
was ; who without tarrying for any person
came into the market-place of Valenciennes
and caused the bells to be sowned alarum.
Then every man arose and armed them,
and followed the earl their lord, who was
ridden out of the town in great haste and
took the way toward Haspres : and by
that time he had ridden a league, tidings
came to him how the Frenchmen were de-
parted. Then he rode to the abbey of
Fontenelles, whereas the lady his mother
was, and she had much ado to rappease
him of his displeasure, for he said plainly
that the destruction of Haspres should
dearly be revenged in the realm of France.
The good lady his mother did as much as
she could to assuage his ire, and to excuse
the king of that deed.
So when the earl had been there a certain
space, he took leave of her and returned
to Valenciennes, and incontinent wrote
letters to the prelates and knights of his
country to have their advice and counsel in
that behalf. And when sir John of
Hainault knew hereof, he took his horse
and came to the earl his nephew ; and as
soon as the earl saw him, he said, *Ah,
fair uncle, your absence hath set the French-
men in a pride.' ' Ah, sir,' quoth he, * with
your trouble and annoyance I am sore dis-
pleased : howbeit in a manner I am glad
thereof. Now ye be well rewarded for the
service and love that ye have borne to the
Frenchmen. ' Now it behoveth you to make
a journey into France against the French-
men. 'Ah, uncle,' quoth the earl, 'look
into what quarter ye thhik best and it
shall be shortly done. ' So thus the day of
parliament assigned at Mons came, and
cruel saint and much to be feared, and they have
the remains of the saint within the church, which is
a provostry ruled by the monks of Saint-Vaast of
Arras. The provost had taken such care, that the
shrine of Saint Agaire and the reliquary and the
richest ornaments of the church he had caused to be
brought with him to Valenciennes.'
58
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
thither resorted all the counsel of the
country, and also of Holland and Zealand,
There were divers opinions : some would
that certain sufficient persons should be
sent to the French king, to know if he
were consenting to the hurt done in
Hainault, or by what title he should make
war into the earl's land without any de-
fiance : and some other would that the earl
should be revenged in like manner as the
Frenchmen had begun. Howbeit finally,
all reasons debated, it was thought that the
earl could do no otherwise, but to make
war into France. And it was ordained
that the earl should make his defiance to
the French king, and then to enter by
force into the realm of France ; and to
bear these defiances was ordained the abbot
Thibalt of Crespin.^ So then the letters of
defiance were written and sealed by the
earl and by all the nobles of the country.
Then the earl thanked all his lords and
other of their good comfort and of their
promise to aid to revenge him against the
Frenchmen.
The abbot of Crespin came into France
and brought these defiances to king Philip,
who made light thereof and said how his
nephew was but an outrageous fool, and
how that he was a merchant to have his
country brent. ^ The abbot returned to the
earl and to his council and shewed how he
had sped ; and then the earl prepared for
men of war in his country and in Brabant
and in Flanders, so that he had a great
number together : and so set forward
toward the land of Chimay ; for the earl's
intent was to go and bren the lands of the
lord of Vervins and also Aubenton in
Thierache.
CHAPTER XLV
How the earl of Hainault took and destroyed
Aubenton in Thierache.
They of Aubenton doubted greatly the
earl of Hainault and sir John his uncle ;
and so they sent for some aid to the great
bailly of Vermandois, and he sent to them
1 Not 'Saint Crispin' as given by the trans-
lator.
2 'Qu'il marchandoit bien de faire ardoir son
pays.
I
the vidame of Chalons, the lord Bosmont,
the lord de la Bove, the lord of Lor, and
divers other to the number of three hun-
dred men of arms, and so they repaired the
town in certain places, and determined to
abide the Hainowes and to defend the
town, the which was a great town and full
of drapery. ^ The Hainowes came on a
Friday, and lodged near to Aubenton, and
advised the town to see on what quarter it
were most best to be taken ; and in the
morning they approached in three wards,
their banners before them right ordinately.
and also their cross-bows. The earl of
Hainault led the first battle, and with him
great number of the knights and squires of
his country : his uncle sir John of Hai-
nault had the second battle, whereas he had
plenty of men of war : the third had the
lord Fauquemont with a good number of
Almains. And so thus every lord was
under his own banner, and there began a
sore assault, and the bows began to shoot
both within and without, whereby divers
were sore hurt. The earl and his company
came to the gate : there was a great assault
and a sore skirmish: there the vidame of
Chalons did marvels, and he made at the
gate three of his sons knights. But finally
the earl and his company conquered the
bails, and by force made their enemies to
withdraw into the gate. And also at the gate
toward Chimay was sir John la Bove and
sir John Bosmont : there was also a cruel
assault ; they within were fain to withdraw
in at their gates and to leave the barrier,
and the Hainowes won it and the bridge
also. There was a sore assault, for such
as were fled and entered within went up
on the gate and cast down bars of iron,
stones, pots full of quicklime, whereby
many were sore hurt. A squire of Hai-
nault received such a stroke with a stone on
his targe, that it was cloven clean asunder
with the stroke and his arm broken, so
that it was long after or he was whole.
The Saturday in the morning there was
a great assault, and they within did their
devoir to defend themselves ; but finally
the town was won by force and their pales
and defences broken. And first entered
into the town sir John of Hainault with
his banner with great crying and shouting ;
then the vidame of Chalons withdrew him
1 i.e. a town in which much cloth was made.
H^J/^ ON THE FRONTIERS, 1339-40
59
and his company into the place before
the minster, and there made semblant to
defend himself as long as he might endure.
But the lord of Vervins departed without
order, for he knew well that sir John of
Hainault was sore displeased with him, so
that he thought, if he had been taken, that
no ransom should have saved his life. And
when sir John of Hainault knew that he
was departed, that had done so much dis-
pleasure in his land of Chimay, he pur-
sued after him; but the lord of Vervins
fled fast and found the gate of his town
open, and so entered in : and sir John of
Hainault pursued him just to the gate with
his sword in his hand ; but when he saw
that he was escaped, he returned again to
Aubenton : and his men met certain of the
lord Vervin's men, as they followed their
master, and there they were slain without
mercy. The earl and his company fought
sore with them that were by the minster;
and there the vidame of Chalons did
marvels in arms, and so did two of his
sons; but finally they were all slain, there
escaped none but such as fled with the
lord of Vervins, but all were slain or
taken, and a two thousand ^ men of the
town, and all the town robbed and pilled,
and all the goods sent to Chimay, and the
town brent.
And after the burning of Aubenton the
Hainowes went to Maubert- Fontaine, and
incontinent they won it, and robbed and
brent the town, and also the town of
Aubigny, and Signy the great, and Signy
the little, ^ and all the hamlets thereabout,
the which were more than forty. Then
the earl went to Mons, and gave leave to
his men of war to depart, and thanked
them in such wise, that they were all well
content. Then anon after the earl went to
make a sure alliance with the king of Eng-
land, to be the more stronger in his war
against the Frenchmen. But first he made
his uncle sir John of Hainault chief master
and governour of Holland and Zealand :
and sir John lay still at Mons atid provided
for the country, and sent to Valenciennes,
to comfort and aid them, the lord Antoing,
the lord of Wargny, the lord of Gorn-
megnies and sir Henry of Houffalize ; and
1 A better reading is * two hundred.'
- Signy-l'Abbaye and Signy-le-Petit.
the steward of Hainault with a hundred
spears to the town of Landrecies;^ and to
Bouchain three brethren, Almains, called
Conrad ; and to Escaudeuvres sir Gerard
Sassegnies ; and into the town of Avesnes
the lord of Fauquemont. And thus he
did into every fortress on the frontiers of
France.
CHAPTER XLVI
How they of Tournay made a journey into
Flanders.
When the French king knew how the
Hainowes had brent the country of Thie-
rache, taken and slain his knights, and
destroyed the good town of Aubenton, then
he commanded the duke of Normandy his
son that he should make a journ^ into
Hainault, and bring the country into that
case that it should never be recovered
again. Also the king ordained the earl of
risle, Gascon, who was as then with the
king at Paris, that he should make a
voyage into Gascony as his lieutenant, and
to make war to Bordeaux and to Bordelois,
and to all the fortresses that held of the
king of England. And also the French
king enforced his great navy that he had
on the sea, and commanded them to keep
the bounds of Flanders and not to suffer
the king of England to pass over the sea
into Flanders, on pain of their lives.
And when the French king understood
that the Flemings had made homage to
the king of England, he sent unto them a
prelate under the colour of the pope, shew-
ing them that if they would return and
knowledge themselves to hold of him and
of the crown of France, and to forsake the
king of England, who had enchanted them,
then he said he would pardon them of all
their trespasses, and would quit them of
the great sum of money that they were
bound unto him by obligation of old time,
and also to give them many fair franchises.
And the Flemings answered how they
thought themselves right well assoiled and
quitted in anything that they were bound
1 The fuller text says that the seneschal of
Hainault was sent to Maubeuge, the marshal of
Hainault to Quesnoy, and the lord of Potelles to
Landrecles.
6o
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
to the king of France. Then the French
king complained to pope Clement the
sixth, ^ whereupon the pope did cast such
a sentence of cursing, that no priest durst
sing or say there any divine service ;
whereof the Flemings sent a great com-
plaint unto the king of England, who to
appease them sent them word, that when
he came over the sea, he would bring
priests out of his country to sing masses,
whether the pope would or not, for he
said he had privilege so to do : and so by
that means the Flemings were somewhat
appeased.
And when the French king saw that he
could not turn the Flemings from their
opinion, then he commanded them of the
garrisons of Tournay, Lille, and Douay and
other to make war on the Flemings and
to overrun the country. And so sir John
de Roye and sir Matthew de Trie, marshal
of France, and sir Godemar du P^ay, and
divers other lords made an army of a thou-
sand men of arms and three hundred cross-
bows, what of Tournay, Lille and Douay.
And so in an evening they departed from
Tournay, and by that it was day in the
morning, they were before Courtray. By
that time the sun was up, they had gathered
together all the cattle thereabout ; and some
of them ran to the gates, and slew and hurt
divers that they found without. And then
they returned without any damage and
drove before them all their preys, so that
when they came to Tournay, they had
more than ten thousand sheep and as many
swine, beeves and kine, whereof the Flem-
ings were sore troubled.
Then Jaques d'Arteveld sware that it
should be dearly revenged ; and incontinent
he commanded the good towns of Flanders,
that their men of war should be wdth him
before Tournay at a day assigned : and he
wrote to the earl of Salisbury and to the
earl of Suffolk, who were at Ypres, that
they should be there at the same. And so
against the day limited he went out of
Gaunt and came to a place between Oude-
narde and Tournay called the Pont de Fer,
and there he lodged and tarried for the
earls of England and for them of the Franc
of Bruges. The said two earls thought for
1 The pope at this time was in fact Benedict
XII. : Clement VI. became pope in 1342.
their honour the enterprise should not be
delayed by them, and so sent to Jaques
d'Arteveld promising him not to fail to be
at the day appointed. And so on a day
they departed from Ypres with a fifty spears
and a forty cross-bows, and went toward
the place whereas Jaques d'Arteveld abode
for them. And as they passed by the town
of Lille, they were perceived ; and they of
the town issued out with a fifteen hundred
men afoot and a-horseback, and M'ent in
three parts, to the intent that the earls
should not scape them.^ So these two earls
rode forth by the guiding of sir Waflard de
la Croix, who had kept long war against
them of Lille, and he knew all the ways of
the country and as then was at Ypres ; and
so he came forth with these earls to be
their guide and he had well guided them.
And they of Lille had newly made a great
dike, whereas there was never none before :
and when sir Waflard had brought them
thither and saw how the way was newly
stopped, he said to the earls of England,
' Sirs, I see well we cannot pass without
the danger of them of Lille : wherefore
I counsel, let us turn again and take
some other way.' Then the lords said,
*Nay, sir Waflard, it shall never be said
that we will go out of our way for fear of
them of Lille; therefore ride on before : we
have promised Jaques d'Arteveld to be with
him this day.' And so the Englishmen
rode forth without fear. Then sir Waflard
said, * Sirs, ye have taken me in this viage
to be your guide, and I have been with
you all this winter in Ypres, whereof I am
much bound to you. But if they of Lille'
issue out upon us, have no trust that I will
abide them, for I will save myself as soon
as I can ; for if I were taken, it should cost
me my life, the which I love better than
your company.' Then the lords did laugh
at him and said, * Well, an if it be so, we
hold you well excused.* And as he im-
agined, so it befell ; for or they were ware,
they were in danger of the French bush-
ment, who cried, 'Stop, sirs, for ye shall
not pass this way without our licence,' and
1 In the original : 'As they rode and were con-
strained to pass by the town of Lille, their coming
was known in the town. Then they of the town
armed themselves secretly and set forth from their
town to the number of fifteen hundred afoot and
a-horseback, and they set themselves in three bush-
ments, so that they might not escape them.'
BATTLE OF SLUYS, 1340
61
so began to shoot and to run on the Eng-
lishmen. And as soon as sir Waflard saw
the manner, he had no list to ride any
further, but returned as soon as he might
and gat himself out of the press ; and the
two earls fell in the hands of their enemies
like fishes in a net, for they were closed
round about in a narrow strait passage
among hedges, bushes and dikes, so that
they could scape no manner of way for-
ward nor backward. So when they saw
that they were so hardly bestad, they
alighted afoot and defended themselves as
well as they might, and did hurt divers of
them of Lille : but finally their defence
could not avail them, for ever new fresh
men of war came on them. So there they
were taken by force, and with them a
young squire of Limousin, nephew to pope
Clement, called Raymond, who after that he
was yielded prisoner was slain for covetise
of his fair harness and fresh apparel.
These two earls were set in prison in the
hall of Lille and after sent to the French
king, who promised to them of Lille a great
reward for the good service that they had
done him. And when Jaques d'Arteveld,
who was at Pont de Fer, knew those tidings,
he was sore displeased, and so ceased his
enterprise for that time and returned again
to Gaunt.
CHAPTERS XLVII-XLIX
SUMMARY.— The duke of Normandy
invaded Hamault at Easier, 1340. He
burnt many villages, but failed to take any
fortresses except the castle of Escatideuvres,
which was surre?tdered to him with great
suspicion of treason.
The cotcnty of Hainault suffered much
from the garrisons of Lille ami Douay.
Meamvhilethe eai-l was gone to England and
thefi to the e?fiperor Louis of Bavaria. Sir
Johti of Hainault asked for aid from the earl
of Bj-abatit atid from Jaques dArteveld.
The duke of Normandy laid siege to
Thun-t Evesque. The earl of Hainault
came to relieve it, and the duke of
Normandy sent word to king Philip at
Peronne. Ph Hip sent twelve h undred spears,
serving himself with them ' as a soldier,'
that is, taking no command, because he had
taken oath not to levy war on the Empire.
The earl of Hainault received an addition
of sixty thousand Flemings to his army, and
offered battle, which the French refused.
CHAPTER L
Of the battle on the sea before Sluys in
Flanders between the king of England
and the Frenchmen.
Now let us leave somewhat to speak of
the earl of Hainault and of the duke
of Normandy, and speak of the king of
England, who was on the sea to the intent
to arrive in Flanders, and so into Hainault,
to make war against the Frenchmen. This
was on Midsummer-even in the year of our
Lord MCCCXL., all the English fleet was
departed out of the river of Thames and
took the way to Sluys. And the same
time between Blankenberghe and Sluys on
the sea was sir Hugh Quieret, sir Peter
Behuchet and Barbevaire, and more than
sixscore great vessels, beside other ; and
they were of Normans, bidaus, Genoways
and Picards about the number of forty
thousand : there they were laid by the
French king to defend the king of England's
passage. The king of England and his
came sailing till he came before Sluys : and
when he saw so great a number of ships
that their masts seemed to be like a great
wood, he demanded of the master of his
ship what people he thought they were.
He answered and said, * Sir, I think they
be Normans laid here by the French king,
and hath done great displeasure in England,
brent your town of Hampton and taken
your great ship the Christofcr.* *Ah,'
quoth the king, ' I have long desired to
fight with the Frenchmen, and now shall I
fight with some of them by the grace of
God and Saint George ; for truly they have
done me so many displeasures, that I shall be
revenged, an I may.' Then the king set
all his ships in order, the greatest before,
well furnished with archers, and ever
between two ships of archers he had one
ship with men of arms ; and then he made
another battle to lie aloof, with archers, to
comfort ever them that were most weary, if
need were. And there were a great number
of countesses, ladies, knights' wives and
other damosels, that were going to see the
62
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
queen at Gaunt : these ladies the king
caused to be well kept with three hundred
men of arms and five hundred archers.
When the king and his marshals had ordered
his battles, he drew up the sails and came
with a quarter wind to have the vantage
of the sun, and so at last they turned a little
to get the wind at will.^ And when the
Normans saw them recule back, they had
marvel why they did so, and some said,
* They think themselves not meet to meddle
with us, wherefore they will go back.'
They saw well how the king of England
was there personally, by reason of his
banners. Then they did apparel their fleet
in order, for they were sage and good men
of war on the sea, and did set the Christofer,
the which they had won the year before, to
be foremost, with many trumpets and instru-
ments, ^ and so set on their enemies.
There began a sore battle on both parts :
archers and cross-bows began to shoot, and
men of arms approached and fought hand
to hand : and the better to come together
they had great hooks and grappers of iron,
to cast out of one ship into another, and so
tied them fast together. There were many
deeds of arms done, taking and rescuing
again, and at last the great Christofer was
first won by the Englishmen, and all that
were within it taken or slain. Then there
was great noise and cry, and the English-
men approached and fortified the Christofer
with archers, and made him to pass on
before to fight with the Genoways. This
battle was right fierce and terrible ; for the
battles on the sea are more dangerous and
1 The original text says : ' They came with the
wind on their quarter to have the advantage of the
sun, which as they came was in their faces. They
bethought them that this might damage them much,
and therefore they turned a little out of their course
till they had the wind at will.' But the true reading is,
' till they had it {i.e. the sun) at their will.' It must
be supposed that they were coming over before a
west wind, for which they would probably have
waited. On this course they would have the sun
directly in their faces at prime, when the battle
began ; and perceiving this they avoided the dis-
advantage by changing their course, so as to have
the wind on their right quarter and so come in from
the nprth-west instead of directly from the west. To
do this they would have to sail first some little way to
ihe northward, and it was this movement that caused
the Normans to think that they were retiring.
2 In the better text the Christofer is said to be
filled with cross-bowmen and Genoese, and the
'trumpets and instruments' are mentioned only in
general as sounded upon the advance of the fleet.
fiercer than the battles by land : for on the
sea there is no reculing nor fleeing ; there is
no remedy but to fight and to abide fortune,
and every man to shew his prowess. Of a
truth sir Hugh Quieret, and sir Behuchet and
Barbevaire were right good and expert men
of war. This battle endured from the morn-
ing till it was noon, and the Englishmen
endured much pain, for their enemies were
four against one, and all good men on the sea.
There the kingof England was a noble knight
of his own hand ; he was in the flower of
his yongth : in like wise so was the earl of
Derby, Pembroke, Hereford, Huntingdon,
Northampton and Gloucester, sir Raynold
Cobham, sir Richard Stafibrd, the lord
Percy, sir Walter of Manny, sir Henry of
Flanders, sir John Beauchamp, the lord
Felton, the lord Bradestan, sir [John]
Chandos, the lord Delaware, the lord of
Multon, sir Robert d'Artois called earl
of Richmond, and divers other lords and
knights, who bare themselves so valiantly
with some succours that they had of Bruges
and of the country thereabout, that they
obtained the victory ; so that the French-
men, Normans and other were discomfited,
slain and drowned ; there was not one that
scaped, but all were slain.
When this victory was achieved, the king
all that night abode in his ship before
Sluys, with great noise of trumpets and
other instruments. Thither came to see
the king divers of Flanders, such as had
heard of the king's coming. And then the
king demanded of the burgesses of Bruges
how Jaques d'Arteveld did : they answered
that he was gone to the earl of Hainault
against the duke of Normandy with sixty
thousand Flemings. And on the next day,
the which was Midsummer day, the king
and all his took land, and the king on foot
went a pilgrimage to our Lady of Ardem-
bourg, and there heard mass and dined ;
and then took his horse and rode to Gaunt,
where the queen received him with great
joy ; and all his carriage came after, little
and little. Then the king wrote to the
earl of Hainault and to them within the
castle of Thun, certifying them of his
arrival ; and when the earl knew thereof,
and that he had discomfited the army on
the sea, he dislodged and gave leave to all
the soldiers to depart, and took with him
to Valenciennes all the great lords, and
COUNCIL OF VILVORDE
63
there feasted them honourably, and specially
the duke of Brabant and Jaques d'Arteveld.
And there Jaques d'Arteveld openly in the
market-place, in the presence of all the lords
and of all such as would hear him, declared
what right the king of England had to the
crown of France, and also what puissance
the three countries were of, Flanders, Hai-
nault and Brabant, surely joined in one
alliance. And he did so by his great wisdom
and pleasant words, that all people that
heard him praised him much, and said how
he had nobly spoken and by great experience.
And thus he was greatly praised, and it was
said that he was well worthy to govern the
county of Flanders.
Then the lords departed, and promised
to meet again within eight days at Gaunt,
to see the king of England ; and so they
did. And the king feasted them honour-
ably, and so did the queen, who was as
then newly purified of a son called John,
who was after duke of Lancaster by his
wife, daughter to duke Henry of Lancaster.
Then there was a council set to be at
Vilvorde, and a day limited.
CHAPTER LI
How king Robert of Sicily did all that he
might to pacify the kings of France and
England.
When the French king heard how his
army on the sea was discomfited, he dis-
lodged and drew to Arras, and gave leave
to his men to depart till he heard other tid-
ings ; and sent sir Godemar du Fay to
Tournay to see that there lacked nothing.
He feared more the Flemings than any
other, and sent the lord of Beaujeu to Mor-
tagne to keep the frontiers against Hainault:
and he sent many men of war to Saint-
Omer's, to Aire and to Saint-Venant, and
purveyed sufficiently for all the fortresses
fronting on Flanders.
In this season there reigned a king in
Sicily called Robert, who was reputed to be
a great astronomer, and always he warned
the French king and his council, that in no
wise he should fight against the king of
England ; for he said it was given the king
of England to be right fortunate in all his
deeds. This king Robert would gladly
have seen these two kings at a good accord ;
for he loved so much the crown of France,
that he was right sorry to see the desola-
tion thereof. This king of Sicily was at
Avignon with pope Clement and with the
college there, and declared to them the
perils that were likely to fall in the realm
of France by the war between the said two
kings, desiring them that they would help
to find some means to appease them : where-
unto the pope and the cardinals answered
how they would gladly intend thereto, so
that the two kings would hear them.
CHAPTER LII
Of the council that the king of England and
his allies held at Vilvorde.
At this council holden at Vilvorde were
these lords as followeth : the king of Eng-
land, the duke of Brabant, the earl of
Hainault, sir John his uncle, the duke of
Gueldres, the earl of Juliers, the marquis
of Brandebourg, the marquis of Meissen,
the earl of Mons, sir Robert d'Artois, the
lord of Fauquemont, sir William ofDuven-
voorde, the earl of Namur, Jaques d'Arte-
veld, and many other great lords, and of
every good town of Flanders a three or
four personages in manner of a counsel.
There was agreement made between the
three countries, Flanders, Brabant and
Hainault, that from thenceforth each of
them should aid and comfort other in all
cases. And there they made assurance
each to other, that if any of them had to do
with any country, the other two should give
aid, and hereafter if any of them should be
at discord one with another, the third should
set agreement between them : and if he were
not able so to do, then the matter should be
put unto the king of England, in whose
hands this matter was sworn and promised,
and he to agree them. And in confirmation
of love and amity they ordained a law to
run throughout those three countries, the
which was called the law of the companions
or allies.^ And there it was determined
1 This should be : ' They ordained that coins
should be struck to run in all the three countries,
which be called companions or allies.' The trans-
lator has been misled by the expression ' faire une
loys ' (' loys' meaning ' standard of coinage '). In
chap. 29 we are told that Jaques d'Arteveld's attend-
ants had each day * quatre compagnons ou gros de
Flandres' for their wages.
64
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
that the king of England should remove
about Maudlin-tide after, and lay siege to
Tournay ; and there to meet all the said
lords and theirs, with the powers of all the
good towns : and then every man departed
to their own houses, to apparel them in
that behal£
CHAPTER LIII
How the king of England besieged the city
of Tournay with great puissance.
The French king after the departure of
these lords from the council of Vilvorde
he knew the most part of their determina-
tion. Then he sent to Tournay the chief
men of war of all France, as the earl of Eu,
constable of France, the young earl of
Guines his son, the earl of Foix and his
brethren, the earl Aimery of Narbonne,
sir Aymar of Poitiers, sir Geoffrey of Charny,
sir Gerard of Montfaucon, the two mar-
shals, sir Robert Bertrand and sir Matthew
de Trie, the lord of Cayeu, the seneschal
of Poitou, the lord of Chatillon, and sir
John of Landas, and these had with them
valiant knights and squires. They came to
Tournay and found there sir Godemar du
Fay, who was there before. Then they
took regard to the provision of the town,
as well to the victuals as to the artillery and
fortification ; and they caused to be brought
out of the country thereabout wheat, oats
and other provision.
Now let us return to the king of England.
When the time approached that he and his
allies should meet before Tournay, and that
the corn began to ripe, he departed from
Gaunt with seven earls of his country, eight
prelates, twenty-eight bannerets, two hun-
dred knights, four thousand men of arms,
and nine thousand archers, beside footmen.
All his host passed through the town of
Oudenarde, and so passed the river of I'Es-
cault and lodged before Tournay at the gate
called Saint-Martin, the way toward Lille
and Douay. Then anon after came the
duke of Brabant with more than twenty
thousand men, knights, squires and
commons ; and he lodged at the bridge of
Rieux by the river of I'Escault between
the abbey of Saint Nicholas and the gate
Valenciennois. ■■■ Next to him came the earl
1 That IS, the gate leading towards Valenciennes.
of Hainault with a goodly company of his
country, with many of Holland and Zealand ;
and he was lodged between the king and
the duke of Brabant. Then came Jaques
d'Arteveld with more than sixty thousand
Flemings, beside them of Ypres, Pope-
ringhe, Cassel, Bergues ; and they were set
on the other side, as ye shall hear after.
Jaques d'Arteveld lodged at the gate Sainte-
Fontaine : the duke of Gueldres, the earl
of Juliers, the marquis of Brandebourg, the
marquis of Meissen, the earl of Mons, the
earl of Salm, the lord of Fauquemont, sir
Arnold of Baquehem and all the Almains
were lodged on the other side, toward Hai-
nault. Thus the city of Tournay was en-
vironed round about, and every host might
resort each to other, so that none could
issue out without spying.
CHAPTER LIV
SUMMARY.— During the siege of Tour-
nay the earl of Hainault rode into France
and burnt some villages. The Flemings
made assaults on Tournay frotti the river,
but won nothing.
CHAPTER LV
How the Scots won again great part of Scot-
land while the siege was before Tournay.
Now it is to be remembered how sir William
Douglas, son of William Douglas' brother,
who died in Spain, and the earl Patrick,
the earl of Sutherland, sir Robert of Versy,^
sir Simon Eraser and Alexander Ramsay,
they were captains in such part of Scot-
land as was left unwon by the Englishmen.
And they had continued in the forest of
Gedeours the space of seven year, winter
and summer, and as they might they made
war against the Englishmen being there in
garrison. Some time they had good ad-
venture and some time evil : and while the
king of England was at siege before Tour-
nay, the French king sent men of war into
Scotland, and they arrived at Saint John's
1 Kervyn de Lettenhove makes it probable that
this name, which frequently occurs among those of
the leading barons of Scotland, is Froissarl's cor-
ruption of Erskine.
EDINBURGH CASTLE TAKEN, 1341
65
town. And they desired the Scots in the
French king's name, that they would set on
and make such war in the realm of England,
that the king might be fain to return home
to rescue his own realm, and to leave up
the siege at Tournay : and the French king
promised them men and money to aid them
so to do. And so the Scots departed out
of the forest of Gedeours and passed through
Scotland, and won again divers fortresses,
and so passed the town of Berwick and the
river of Tyne, and entered into the country
of Northumberland, the which sometime
was a realm. There they found great plenty
of beasts, and wasted and brent all the
country to Durham : then they returned by
another way, destroying the country. In
this voyage they destroyed more than three
days' journey into the realm of England, and
then returned into Scotland and conquered
again all the fortresses that were holden by
the Englishmen, except the city of Berwick
and three other castles, the which did them
great trouble. They were so strong, that
it would have been hard to have found any
such in any country : the one was Stirling,
another Roxburgh, and the third the chief
of all Scotland, Edinburgh, the which castle
standeth on a high rock, that a man must
rest once or twice or he come to the highest
of the hill ; and captain there was sir
Walter [of Limoges, brother to sir Richard]
Limousin, who had before so valiantly kept
the castle of Thun against the Frenchmen.
So it was that sir William Douglas de-
vised a feat, and discovered his intention
to his companions, to the earl Patrick, to
sir Simon Fraser and to Alexander Ram-
say, and all they agreed together. Then
they took a two hundred of the wild Scots
and entered into the sea, and made pro-
vision of oats, meal, coals and wood ; ^ and
so peaceably they arrived at a port near to
the castle of Edinburgh. And in the night
they armed them and took a ten or twelve
of their company, such as they did trust
best, and did disguise them in poor torn
coats and hats, like poor men of the
country, and charged a twelve small horses
with sacks, some with oats, some with
wheat-meal and some with coals ; and they
did set all their company in a bushment in
1 'De charbon et de feuvre,' but the true reading
is 'de charbon de feuvre,' i.e. charcoal for smiths'
forges {faber).
F
an old destroyed abbey thereby, near to
the foot of the hill. And when the day
began to appear, covertly armed as they
were, they went up the hill with their
merchandise. And when they were in the
mid way, sir William Douglas and sir
Simon Fraser, disguised as they were, went
a little before and came to the porter and
said : ' Sir, in great fear we have brought
hither oats and wheat-meal ; and if ye
have any need thereof, we will sell it to you
good cheap.' ' Marry,' said the porter, * and
we have need thereof; but it is so early,
that I dare not awake the captain nor his
steward. But let them come in and I shall
open the outer gate.' And so they all en-
tered into the gate of the bails : sir William
Douglas saw well how the porter had the
keys in his hands of the great gate of the
castle. Then when the first gate was
opened, as ye have heard, their horses with
carriages entered in ; and the two that
came last, laden with coals, they made
them to fall down on the ground-sill of the
gate, to the intent that the gate should not
be closed again. And then they took the
porter and slew him so peaceably, that he
never spake word. Then they took the
great keys and opened the castle gate :
then sir William Douglas blew a horn and
did cast away their torn coats and laid all
the other sacks overthwart the gate, to the
intent that it should not be shut again.
And when they of the bushment heard the
horn, in all haste they might they mounted
the hill. Then the watchman of the castle
with noise of the horn awoke, and saw
how the people were coming all armed to
the castle-ward. Then he blew his horn
and cried, ' Treason ! treason ! Sirs, arise
and arm you shortly, for yonder be men of
arms approaching to your fortress.' Then
every man arose and armed them and came
to the gate ; but sir William Douglas and
his twelve companions defended so the
gate, that they could not close it : and so
by great valiantness they kept the entry
open, till their bushment came. They
within defended the castle as well as they
might, and hurt divers of them without ;
but sir William and the Scots did so much,
that they conquered the fortress, and "all the
Englishmen within slain, except the captain
and six other squires. So the Scots tarried
there all that day, and made a knight of
66
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
the country captain there, called Shuon
Wisbey, and with him divers other of the
country. These tidings came to the king
of England before Tournay.
CHAPTER LVI
Of the great host that the French king
assembled to raise the siege before Tournay.
Ye have heard before how the king of
England had besieged the city of Tournay
with more than six score thousand men of
arms,- with the Flemings. And because
the victuals within the city began to minish,
the French lords within caused to avoid
out of the town all manner of poor people,
such as were not furnished to abide the
adventure of the siege. They were put
out in the open day, and they passed
through the duke of Brabant's host, who
shewed them grace, for he caused them to
be safely brought to the French host at
Arras, whereas the king lay. And there
he made a great assembly of men of his
own country and part out of the Empire.^
Thither came to him the king of Bohemia,
the duke of Lorraine, the earl of Bar, the
bishop of Metz and of Verdun, the earl of
Montbeliard, sir John of Chalons, the earl
of Geneva, the earl of Savoy and the lord
Louis of Savoy his brother. All these
lords came to serve the French king with
all their powers. Also thither came the
duke of Bretayne, the duke of Burgoyne,
the duke of Bourbon, the earl of Alen^on,
the earl of Flanders, the earl Forez, the
earl Arniagnac, the earl of Blois, sir
Charles of Blois, the earl of Harcourt,
the earl Dammartin, the lord Coucy, and
divers other lords and knights. And after
came the king of Navarre with a goodly
number of men of war out of the country
in France that he held of the French king,
and thereby he came to serve him : also
there was the king of Scots with a certain
number appointed to him.
CHAPTERS LVII, LVIH
SUMMARY. — The king of France with
his army moved up from Arras towards
1 The person spoken of is of course king Philip,
Taut the translator has made the passage obscure by
omissions.
Tournay. Two German knights of the
garrison of Bouchain riding abroad with
five - and - twenty spears routed and ^ dis-
trussed' certain French soldiers of Mortagne,
who were returning with booty.
Sir William de Bailleul and sir Wa-
flard de la Croix with a body of Hainaulters
crossed the Pont-h- Tressin and attacked the
French encampment. They were routed^
chiefly by sir Robert de Bailleul, brother of
sir William ; and sir Waflard de la Croix
being taken prisoner "Jvas put to death by the
men of Lille.
CHAPTER LIX
How the earl of Hainault assailed the for-
tress of Mortagne in Picardy by divers
manners.
Of this deed that sir Robert Bailleul had
done the French king was right joyous.
And within a season after the earl of
Hainault, sir John his uncle, and the
seneschal of Hainault with a six hundred
spears, Hainowes and Almains, departed
from the siege of Tournay. And the earl
sent to them of Valenciennes, that they
should come and meet with him before
Mortagne, and to come between le Scarpe
and I'Escault to assail Mortagne. And
they came thither in great array, and
brought with them great engines. The
lord of Beaujeu, who was captain within
Mortagne, greatly doubted assaulting, be-
cause the fortress stood near to the river
and near to Hainault, as on all parts :
therefore he caused twelve hundred piles to
be driven in the river, to the intent that
no passage should be that way. Howbeit
for all that, the earl of Hainault and the
Hainowes came thither on the one side,
and they of Valenciennes on the other part,
and incontinent they made an assault and
approached the barriers ; but there were
such deep trenches, that they could not
come near. Then some advised to pass
the river of le Scarpe, and so to come on the
side toward Saint-Amand, and to make an
assault at the gate toward Maulde ; and as
they devised, a four hundred passed the river.
So then Mortagne was closed in three
parts ; the weakest side was toward Maulde ;
howbeit there was strength enough. To
EVENTS DURING THE SIEGE OF TOUR NAY
67
that part came the lord Beaujeu himself to
defend it, for he feared none of the other
sides. He had in his hand a great glaive,
sharp and well steeled, and above the blade
there was a sharp hook of steel, that when
he gave his stroke, the hook should take
hold ; and look, on whom that it fastened,
he came to him or else fell in the water : by
that means the same day he cast into the
water more than twelve, at that gate the
assault was fiercest. The earl of Hainault,
who was on the other side, knew nothing
of that assault : he was arranged along the
river side of I'Escault and devised how
they might get out of the river the piles by
force or by subtilty ; for then they might
come just to the walls. They ordained to
make a ship and a great engine to draw out
the piles, each one after other : their car-
penters were set awork and the engine
made in a ship ; and the same day they of
Valenciennes raised on their side a great
engine and did cast in stones, so that it sore
troubled them within. Thus the first day
passed and the night in assailing and de-
vising how they might grieve them in the
fortress ; the next day they went to assault
on all parts ; and the third day the ship
was ready and the engine to draw out the
piles, and then did set awork to draw them
out ; but there were so many and such
labour in the doing, or they could draw
out one, that they were weary of that craft,
and the lords would they had never begun
it, and so commanded to cease their work.
On the other part within Mortagne there
was a cunning master in making of engines,
who saw well how the engine of Valen-
ciennes did greatly grieve them. He raised
an engine in the castle, the which was not
very great, but he trimmed it to a point ; ^
and he cast therewith but three times ; the
first stone fell a twelve foot from the
engine without, the second fell nearer, and
the third stone hit so even that it brake
clean asunder the shaft of the engine with-
out. Then the soldiers of Mortagne made
a great shout. So thus the Hainowes could
get nothing there. Then the earl said how
he would withdraw and go again to the
siege of Tournay : and so they did, and
they of Valenciennes returned to their
town.
1 ' L'attempra bien et a point ' : that is, he ad-
justed it to a nicety.
CHAPTERS LX, LXI
SUMMARY.— The earl of Hainault ap-
pointed the men of Valenciennes to meet him
before Saint- Amand. When they arrived^
they attacked the fortress without success and
were mocked by those within, who said,
* Go away and drink your good ale ! ' ^
They departed a7id next day the earl came
from Tourftay and took the town by batter-
ing down part of the abbey walls.
Another day the earl entered France and
burnt the abbey of Marchiennes.
Meanwhile the siege of Tournay continued,
and some said the duke of Brabant allowed
victuals to pass into the town.
In an attack on the French camp by
certain knights of Almaine and Hainault
the lord Charles of Montmorency was taken
prisoner.
CHAPTER LXn
How the Flemings were before Saint-Omer's
during the siege.
Now let us shew of an adventure that fell
to the Flemings, of the which company
there were captains sir Robert d'Artois
and sir Henry of Flanders. They were in
number a forty thousand, what of the towns
of Ypres, Poperinghe, Messines, Cassel
and of the chatelainy of Bergues ; all these
Flemings lay in the vale of Cassel in tents
and pavilions, to counter - garrison the
French garrisons, that the French king had
laid at Saint-Omer's, at Aire, at Saint-
Venant and in other towns and fortresses
thereabout. And in Saint-Omer's there
was the earl Dolphin of Auvergne, the
lord of Chalen9on, the lord of Montaigu,
the lord of Rochfort, the viscount of
Thouars, and divers other knights of
Auvergne and Limousin. And in Aire
and Saint -Venant there were also many
soldiers, and oftentimes they issued out and
skirmished with the Flemings.
On a day four thousand ^ went to the
suburbs of Saint-Omer's and brake down
1 ' Allez boire vostre god-ale, allez ! ' a scoffing
allusion to their alliance with the English.
2 That is, of the Flemings ; but the better reading
is 'environ troi mille.'
68
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
divers houses and robbed them. The fray
anon was known in the town, and the lords
within armed them and their company and
issued out at another gate. They were a
six banners and a two hundred men of arms
and a six hundred footmen, and they came
by a secret way on the Flemings, who were
busy to rob and pill the town of Arques
near to Saint -Omer's. There they were
spread abroad without captain or good
order : then the Frenchmen came on them
in good order of battle, their banners dis-
played, crying, ' Clermont ! the Dolphin
of Auvergne ! ' wherewith the Flemings
were abashed and beaten down by heaps ;
and the chase of them endured two leagues,
and there were slain a four thousand and
eight hundred,^ and a four hundred taken
prisoners and led to Saint -Omer's. And
such as fled and scaped returned to the
host and shewed their companions their
adventure : and at last tidings thereof came
to their captains, sir Robert d'Artois and
sir Henry of Flanders, who said it was
well employed, for they went forth without
commandment or captain.
And the same night, or it was midnight,
the Flemings lying in their tents asleep,
suddenly generally among them all there
fell such a fear in their hearts, that they
rose in great haste and with such pain, that
they thought not to be dislodged time
enough. They beat down their own tents
and pavilions and trussed all their carriages,
and so fled away, not abiding one for
another, without keeping of any right way.
When these tidings came to their two
captains, they rose hastily and made great
fires, and took torches and mounted on
their horses, and so came to these Flemings
and said : * Sirs, what aileth you ? Do you
want anything? Why do you thus fly
away ? Be you not well assured ? Return
in the name of God ! Ye be to blame thus
to fly, and no man chase you.' But for all
their words every man fled the next way to
their own houses. And when these lords
saw none other remedy, they trussed all
their harness in waggons and returned to
the host before Tournay, and there shewed
the adventure of the Flemings, whereof
every man had marvel : some said they M^ere
overcome with fantasies.
1 The better reading is, ' of the three thousand
there were slain eighteen hundred.'
CHAPTER LXIH
How the siege before Tournay was broken
up by reason of a truce.
This siege endured a long season, the space
of eleven weeks three days less ; and all
that season the lady Jane of Valois, sister
to the French king and mother to the earl
of Hainault, travailed greatly, what on the
one part and on the other, to have a respite
and a peace between the parties, so that
they might depart without battle. And
divers times she kneeled at the feet of the
French king in that behalf, and also made
great labour to the lords of the Empire, and
specially to the duke of Brabant and to the
duke of Juliers, who had her daughter in
marriage, and also to sir John of Hainault.
So much the good lady procured with the
aid and counsel of Louis d'Agimont, who
was well beloved with both parties, that it
was granted that each party should send
four sufficient persons to treat on some good
way to accord the parties, and a truce for
three days : these appointers should meet
in a little chapel standing in the fields called
Esplechin. At the day appointed these
persons met, and the good lady with them :
of the French party there was Charles king
of Bohemia, Charles earl d'Alen9on, brother
to the French king, and the bishop of
Liege, the earl of Flanders and the earl
of Armagnac. Of the English party there
was tlie duke of Brabant, the bishop of
Lincoln, the duke of Gueldres, the duke
of Juliers and sir John of Hainault. And
when they were all met, they made each to
other great salutations and good cheer, and
then entered into their treaty. And all
that day they communed on divers ways of
accord, and always the good lady of Valois-
was among them, desiring affectuously all'j
the parties, that they would do their labour,
to make a peace. Howbeit the first day]
passed without anything doing, and so theyj
returned and promised to meet again the]
next day ; the which day they came together
again in the same place and so fell again
into their treaty, and so fell unto certain
points agreeable ; but it was as then so
late, that they could not put it in writing as
that day ; and to make an end and to make
perfect the matter if they might, the third
THE SIEGE OF TOURNAY RAISED, 1340
69
day they met again, and so finally accorded
on a truce to endure for a year between all
parties and all their men, and also between
them that were in Scotland, and all such as
made war in Gascoyne, Poitou and in
Saintonge ; and this truce to begin the
fortieth day next ensuing, and within that
space every party to give knowledge to his
men without mal-engine ; and if such com-
panies will not keep the peace, let them be
at their choice : but as for France, Picardy,
Burgoyne, Bretayne and Normandy, to be
bound to this peace without any exception :
and this peace to begin incontinent between
the hosts of the two kings. Also it was
determined that both parties in each of their
names should send four or five personages
as their ambassadors and to meet at Arras,
and the pope in like wise to send thither
four, and there to make a full confirmation
without any mean.^ Also by this truce
every party to enjoy and possess all and
everything that they were as then in posses-
sion of.
This truce incontinent was cried in both
hosts, whereof the Brabances were right
glad, for they were sore weary with so long
lying at the siege : so that the next day, as
soon as it was daylight, ye should have seen
tents taken down, chariots charged and
people remove so thick, that a man would
have thought to have seen a new world.
Thus the good town of Tournay was safe
without any great damage : howbeit they
within endured great pain ; their victuals
began to fail, for, as it was said, they had
as then scant to serve them a three or four
days at the most. The Brabances departed
quickly, for they had great desire thereto :
the king of England departed sore against
his mind, if he might have done otherwise ;
but in manner he was fain to follow the
wills of the other lords and to believe their
counsels. And the French king could
abide no longer thereas he lay, for the evil
air and the weather hot : so the Frenchmen
had the honour of that journey,- because
they had rescued Tournay and caused their
enemies to depart. The king of England
and the lords on his party said how they
had the honour, by reason that they had
1 ' And that which these parties should ordain,
the two kings should hold and confirm without any
exception taken.'
■^ 'And so the Frenchmen thought on their part
that they had the honour,' etc.
tarried so long within the realm, and
besieged one of the good towns thereof,
and also had wasted and burnt in the
French country, and that the French king
had not rescued it in time and hour, as he
ought to have done, by giving of battle,
and finally agreed to a truce, their enemies
being still at the siege and brenning his
country.
Thus these lords departed from the siege
of Tournay, and every man drew to his own.
The king of England came to Gaunt to the
queen his wife, and shortly after passed the
sea, and all his, except such as should be at
the parliament at Arras. The earl of Hai-
nault returned to his country and held a
noble feast at Mons in liainault, and a
great joust, in the which Gerard of
Werchin, seneschal of Hainault, did joust,
and was so sore hurt, that he died of the
stroke : he had a son called John, who was
after a good knight and a hardy, but he
was but a while in good health. The
French king gave leave to every man to
depart, and went himself to Lille, and
thither came they of Tournay, and the
king received them joyously and did shew
them great grace : he gave them freely their
franchise, the which they had lost long
before, wherewith they were joyous ; for
sir Godemar du Fay and divers other knights
had been long governours there : then they
made new provost and j urates according to
their ancient usages. Then the king de-
parted from Lille to go to Paris.
Now then came the season that the
council should be at Arras : and for pope
Clement thither came in legation the
cardinal of Naples and the cardinal of
Clermont, who came to Paris, whereas the
king made them mucli honour, and so
came to Arras : for the French king there
was the earl of Alen9on, the duke of
Bourbon, the earl of Flanders, the earl
of Blois, the archbishop of Sens, the bishop
of Beauvais and the bishop of Auxerre :
and for the king of England there was the
bishop of Lincoln, the bishop of Durham,
the earl of Warwick, sir Robert d'Artois,
sir John of Hainault and sir Henry of
Flanders. At the which treaty there were
many matters put forth, and so continued
a fifteen days and agreed of no point of
effect. For the Enghshmen demanded,
and the Frenchmen would nothing give,
70
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
but all only to render the county of Pon-
thieu, the which was given with queen
Isabel in marriage with the king of
England. So this parliament brake up
and nothing done, but the truce to be
relonged two years longer : that was all
that the cardinals could get. Then every
man departed, and the two cardinals went
through Hainault at the desire of the earl,
who feasted them nobly.
CHAPTER LXIV
Now speaketh the history of the wars of
Bretayne. and how the duke died without
heir, whereby the dissension fell.
When that this said truce was agreed and
sealed before the city of Tournay, every
lord and all manner of people dislodged,
and every man drew into his own country.
The duke of Bretayne, who had been there
with the French king, as well furnished as
any other prince that was there, departed
homeward ; and in his way a sickness took
him, so that he died : at which time he had
no child, nor had never none, by the
duchess, nor had no trust to have. He
had a brother by the father's side called
earl of Montfort, who was as then living,
and he had to his wife [the] sister to the
earl Louis of Flanders. This said duke
had another brother, both by father and
mother, who was as then dead ; and he
had a daughter alive, and the duke her
uncle had married her to the lord Charles
of Blois, eldest son of the earl Guy of
Blois, that the same earl had by the sister
of king Philip of France, who as then
reigned, and had promised with her in
marriage the duchy of Bretayne after his
decease. For he doubted that the earl
Montfort would claim the inheritance as
next of blood, and yet he was not his
proper brother - german, and the duke
thought that the daughter of his brother-
german ought by reason to be more near
to the inheritance after his decease than
the earl Montfort his brother. And be-
cause he feared that after his decease the
earl of Montfort would take away the
right from his young niece, therefor
married her with the said sir C'
Blois, to the intent that king Phj^IiOl^cle
to her husband, should aid to keep her
right against the earl Montfort, if he
meddle anything in the matter.
As soon as the earl Montfort knew
that the duke his brother was dead, he
went incontinent to Nantes, the sovereign
city of all Bretayne ; and he did so much
to the burgesses and to the people of the
country thereabout, that he was received
as their chief lord, as most next of blood to
his brother deceased, and so did to him
homage and fealty. Then he and his wife,
who had both the hearts of a lion, deter-
mined with their counsel to call a court
and to keep a solemn feast at Nantes at a
day limited, against the which day they
sent for all the nobles and counsels of the
good towns of Bretayne, to be there to do
their homage and fealty to him as to their
sovereign lord.
In the mean season, or this feast began,
the earl Montfort with a great number of
men of war departed from Nantes and
went to Limoges ; ^ for he was informed
that the treasure that his father ^ had
gathered many a day before was there kept
secret. When he came there he entered
into the city with great triumph, and did
him much honour, and was nobly received
of the burgesses, of the clergy and of the
commons, and they all did him fealty as to
their sovereign lord ; and by such means
as he found, that great treasure was
delivered to him : and when he had tarried
there at his pleasure, he departed with all
his treasure and came to Nantes to the
countess his wife. And so there they
tarried in great joy till the day came of the
feast, and made great provisions against the
same. And when the day came and no
man appeared for no commandment except
one knight, called sir Herve de Leon, a noble
and a puissant man ; so they kept the feast a
three days as well as they might with such
as were there. Then it was determined to
retain soldiers a-horseback and afoot, and so
to dispend his great treasure to attain to his
purpose of the duchy and to constrain all
rebels to come to mercy. So soldiers were
retained on all sides and largely paid, so that
they had a great number afoot and a-horse-
back, nobles and other of divers countries.
?he late duke of Brittany had been viscount of
by right of his first wife,
true reading is ' frere.'
WA/? IN BRITTANY, 1341
71
CHAPTER LXV
How the earl of Montfort took the town and
castle of Brest.
CHAPTER LXVI
How the earl of Montfort took the city of
Rennes.
CHAPTER LXVn
How the earl Montfort took the town and
castle of Hennebont.
SUMMAR V. — TAe earl of Montfort re-
ceived the surrender of Hennebont, Vannes,
Auray and other places, several being gained
by the influence of Hervi de Leon,
CHAPTER LXVni
How the earl Montfort did homage to the king
of England for the duchy of Bretayne.
SUMMAR Y. — The earl of Montfort passed
over to England a7id catne to Windsor, where
he was well received by the king and
queen. He offered to do homage for the
duchy of Brittany, fearing that the French
king would support Charles of Blois. The
king of England thought that he might more
profitably enter France from Brittany than
from Flanders, and accepted the homage,
promising to defend hi?n against every man,
the French king or other. The earl then
returned to Brittany.
CHAPTER LXIX
How the earl Montfort was summoned to
be at the parliament of Paris at the request
of the lord Charles of Blois.
SUMMARY.— Sir Charles of Blois, con-
ceiving himself to be the rightful inheritor
of Brittany by reason of his wife, came to
Paris and complained to king Philip against
the earl of Montfort. Philip summoned the
earl to Paris, and he came with some four
hundred horse. He appeared before the
king and the peers of France, and denied
having done homage to Edward III. for the
duchy of Brittany, but maintained his pre-
tensions, submitting at the same time to the
judgment of the king. He was ordered not
to quit Paris for fifteen days and promised
to obey, but when he returned to his lodging
he * sat and imagined many doubts,^ and
finally left Paris secretly and returned to
Brittany.
CHAPTER LXX
How the duchy of Bretayne was judged to
sir Charles of Blois.
SUMMARY. — The French king was dis-
pleased when he knew that the earl of
Montfort was so departed. When the day
came for judgment to be given, the peers and
great barons decided that the duchy of Brit-
tany belonged clearly to the wife of Charles
de Blois. Sir Charles of Blois desired his
cousin the duke of Normandy, his uncle the
earl of Alenfon, with the duke of Burgundy,
the duke of Bourbon and other lords present,
to go with him into Brittany, and they
departed to make them ready.
CHAPTER LXXI
The lords of France that entered into
Bretayne with sir Charles of Blois,
SUMMARY — The lords who have been
mentioned assembled at Angers and pro-
ceeded to Ancenis, and so entered Brittany
and took Champtoceaux. They then went
towards Nantes, where the earl of Montfort
was, and laid siege to it.
Skirmishes occurred divers times at the
barriers, and on one occasion the men of the
city commanded by Herve de Leon suffered
heavy loss. Herve de Leon was blamed by
the earl and was much displeased thereby.
72
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
CHAPTER LXXII
How the earl Montfort was taken at Nantes,
and how he died.
As I heard reported, there were certain
burgesses of the city saw how their goods
went to waste both without and within,
and had of their children and friends in
prison, and doubted that worse should
come to them after ; then they advised and
spake together secretly, so that finally they
concluded to treat with the lords of France,
so that they might come to have peace and
to have their children and friends clearly
delivered out of prison. They made this
treaty so secretly, that at last it was agreed
that they should have all the prisoners
delivered and they to set open one of the
gates, that the French lords might enter to
take the earl of Montfort in the castle,
without doing of any manner of hurt to the
city or to the inhabitants or goods therein.
Some said this was purchased by the means
and agreement of sir Herve de Leon, who
had been before one of the earl's chief
counsellors. Thus as it was devised, so it
was done : in a morning the French lords
entered and went straight to the castle and
brake open the gates, and there took the
earl of Montfort prisoner and led him clean
out of the city into their field, without doing
of any more hurt in the city. This was the
year of our Lord God MCCCXLI., about the
feast of All Saints.
Then the lords of France entered into
the city with great joy ; and all the bur-
gesses and other did fealty and homage to
the lord Charles of Blois as to their right
sovereign lord ; and there they tarried a three
days in great feast. Then sir Charles of
Blois was counselled to abide there about
the city of Nantes till the next summer ;
and so he did, and set captains in such
garrisons as he had won. Then the other
lords went to Paris to the king and de-
livered him the earl of Montfort as prisoner.
The king set him in the castle of Louvre,
whereas he was long, and at last, as I
heard reported, there he died.
Now let us speak of the countess his
wife, who had the courage of a man and
the heart of a lion. She was in the city of
Rennes when her lord was taken, and how-
beit that she had great sorrow at her heart,
yet she valiantly recomforted her friends
and soldiers, and shewed them a little son
that she had, called John, and said : ' Ah !
sirs, be not too sore abashed of the earl my
lord, whom we have lost : he was but a man.
See here my little child, who shall be by the
grace of God his restorer, and he shall do
for you all ; and, I have riches enough ; ye
shall not lack ; and I trust I shall purchase
for such a captain, that ye shall be all re-
comforted. ' When she had thus comforted
her friends and soldiers in Rennes, then
she went to all her other fortresses and
good towns, and led ever with her John her
young son, and did to them as she did at
Rennes, and fortified all her garrisons of
everything that they wanted, and paid
largely and gave freely, whereas she
thought it well employed. Then she
went to Hennebont, and there she and her
son tarried all that winter. Oftentimes
she sent to visit her garrisons, and paid every
mqn full well and truly their wages.
CHAPTER LXXni
How the king of England the third time
made war on the Scots.
SUMMARY.— The Scots had taken again
divers fortresses from the English, and
had laid siege to Stirling. So soon as
Edward returned, he rode towards Scotland
and assembled his army at York. The
Scots assaulted Stirling with more urgency
and compelled the garrison to surrender.
Edxvard moved on to A^ewcastle-upon-Tyne,
where he ivas much in want of provisions,
because his ships we7'e scattered by tempest
and now winter was at hand. The Scots,
being but fezu and without a head, sent to
make a truce with Edwa7'd ; and it ivas
agreed that they should send messengers to
king David, and if he came not to defend
his realm within the month of May follow-
ing, they should yield them to the king of
England. The king of England returned
and disbanded his host.
Meajtwhile, without knowing of these
messengers, king David -set sail from
France and landed in Scotland.
WAJi WITH THE SCOTS, 1341
73
CHAPTER LXXIV
How king David of Scotland came with a
great host to Newcastle-upon-Tyne.
SUMMARY.— King David was received
with great joy and gathered a great host.
They marched into England, leaving Rox-
burgh and Berwick aside, and came to
Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Here an attack was
made upon them from the town and the earl
of Moray was taken prisoner. The Scots
assaulted the toivn to no purpose.
CHAPTER LXXV
How king David of Scotland destroyed the
city of Durham.
SUMMARY.— The Scots left Newcastle
and came to Durham, mad at having lost
the earl of Moray. Sir John Nevill, cap-
tain at Newcastle, rode within five days
from thence to Chertsey, where the king lay,
and brought a report of the Scots. The
king ordered a general levy to defend the
realm, and himself hastened northward.
Meanwhile the Scots took Durham by
assault and destroyed it utterly, with the
churches, putting to death men, women and
children, and not sparing monks, prelates or
canons.
CHAPTER LXXVI
How the Scots besieged a castle of the earl
of Salisbury's.
SUMMARY. — King David drew toxvard
Carlisle and passed by a castle of the
earl of Salisbtiry's,^ whereof sir William
Montague, nephew to the earl of Salisbury,
was captain. This sir William Montague
attacked the rear -guard of the Scots and
carried off some of their phmder, wherefore
an assault was made on the castle. There
was within the noble cotintess of Salisbury,
who was reptited for the sage st and fairest
lady of all England. Her husband, as %ve
have heard, had been taken prisoner before
1 Probably Wark castle, but the whole of this
narrative is very unhistorical.
Lille in France. This lady comforted
them greatly within, 'for by the regard of
such a lady and by her szveet comforting a
?iian ought to be worth two men at need.^
After the first day it was proposed to send
for aid to king Edward, who lay at York,
atui sir William Montague himself offered
to ride thither, and passed through the host
of the Scots by night. After several days of
fruitless assaults the king of Scots was ad-
vised to depart, for fear lest the king of Eng-
land should come thither, and the Scots
retired to the forest of Jedworth.
CHAPTER LXXVH
How the king of England was in amours
with the countess of Salisbury.
The same day that the Scots departed
from the said castle, king Edward came
thither with all his host about noon, and
came to the same place whereas the Scots
had lodged, and was sore displeased that
he found not the Scots there, for he came
thither in such haste, that his horse and
men were sore travailed. Then he com-
manded to lodge there that night, and said
how he would go see the castle and the
noble lady therein, for he had not seen her
sith she was married before : then every
man took his lodging as he list. And as
soon as the king was unarmed, he took a
ten or twelve knights with him and went
to the castle, to salute the countess of
Salisbury and to see the manner of the
assaults of the Scots and the defence that
was made against them.
As soon as the lady knew of the
king's coming, she set open the gates and
came out so richly beseen, that every man
marvelled of her beauty and could not cease
to regard her nobleness, with her great
beauty and the gracious words and coun-
tenance that she made. When she came
to the king, she kneeled down to the earth,
thanking him of his succours, and so led
him into the castle to make him cheer and
honour, as she that could right well do it.
Every man regarded her marvellously : the
king himself could not withhold his regard-
ing of her ; for he thought that he never
saw before so noble nor so fair a lady.
He was stricken therewith to the heart
74
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
with a sparkle of fine love that endured
long after : he thought no lady in the world
so worthy to be beloved as she. Thus they
entered into the castle hand in hand : the
lady led him first into the hall and after
into the chamber, nobly apparelled. The
king regarded so the lady, that she was
abashed : at last he went to a window to
rest him, and so fell in a great study.
The lady went about to make cheer to
the lords and knights that were there, and
commanded to dress the hall for dinner.
When she had all devised and commanded,
then she came to the king with a merry
cheer, who was in a great study, and she
said : * Dear sir, why do ye study so for ?
Your grace not displeased, it appertaineth
not to you so to do. Rather ye should
make good cheer and be joyful, seeing ye
have chased away your enemies, who durst
not abide you. Let other men study for
the remnant. ' Then the king said : ' Ah !
dear lady, know for truth that sith I entered
into the castle, there is a study come to
my mind, so that I cannot choose but to
muse ; nor I cannot tell what shall fall
thereof: put it out of my heart I cannot.'
' Ah, sir,' quoth the lady, ' ye ought always
to make good cheer to comfort therewith
your people. God hath aided you so in
your business, and hath given you so great
graces, that ye be the most doubted and
honoured prince in all Christendom ; and
if the king of Scots have done you any
despite or damage, ye may well amend it
when it shall please you, as ye have done
divers times or this. Sir, leave your musing
and come into the hall, if it please you :
your dinner is all ready.' ' Ah ! fair lady,'
quoth the king, * other things lieth at my
heart, that ye know not of : but surely the
sweet behaving, the perfect wisdom, the
good grace, nobleness and excellent beauty,
that I see in you, hath so sore surprised
my heart, that I cannot but love you, and
without your love I am but dead.' Then
the lady said : ' Ah, right noble prince, for
God's sake mock nor tempt me not. I
cannot believe that it is true that ye say,
nor that so noble a prince as ye be would
think to dishonour me and my lord my
husband, who is so valiant a knight and
hath done your grace so good service, and
as yet lieth in prison for your quarrel.
Certainly, sir, ye should in this case have
but a small praise, and nothing the better
thereby. I had never as yet such a
thought in my heart, nor I trust in God
never shall have, for no man living. If
I had any such intention, your grace ought
not all only to blame me, but also to punish
my body, yea and by true justice to be
dismembered. ' ^
Therewith the lady departed from the
king and went into the hall to haste the
dinner. Then she returned again to the
king and brought some of his knights with
her, and said : ' Sir, if it please you to
come into the hall, your knights abideth
for you to wash : ye have been too long
fasting.' Then the king went into the
hall and washed, and sat down among
his lords, and the lady also. The king
ate but little ; he sat still musing, and as
he durst he cast his eyen upon the lady.
Of his sadness his knights had marvel, for
he was not accustomed so to be. Some
thought it was because the Scots were
scaped from him.^
All that day the king tarried there and
wist not what to do. Sometime he imagined
that honour and truth defended him to set
his heart in such a case, to dishonour such
a lady and so true a knight as her husband
was, who had always well and truly served
him. On the other part love so constrained
him, that the power thereof surmounted
honour and truth. Thus the king debated
in himself all that day and all that night.
In the morning he arose and dislodged all
his host and drew after the Scots, to chase
them out of his realm. Then he took
leave of the lady, saying, * My dear lady,
to God I commend you till I return again,
requiring you to advise you otherwise than
you have said to me. ' ' Noble prince, ' quoth
the lady, ' God the Father glorious be
your conduct, and put you out of all villain
thoughts. Sir, I am and ever shall be
ready to do your grace service to your
honour and to mine.' Therewith the king
departed all abashed ; and so followed the
Scots till he came to the city of Berwick,
and went and lodged within four leagues
of the forest of Gedeours, whereas king
1 ' Mon corps punlr, justlcier et desmembrer.'
2 The celebrated game of chess, in which the
king purposely loses a valuable ring to the countess,
which she sends back to him on his departure, is
only found in the (so-called) first redaction.
tVAR IN BRITTANY, 1342
75
David and all his company were entered,
in trust of the great wilderness. The king
of England tarried there a three days, to
see if the Scots would issue out to fight
with him. In these three days there were
divers skirmishes on both parties, and
divers slain, taken and sore hurt among
the Scots. Sir William Douglas was he
that did most trouble to the Englishmen :
he bare azure, a comble silver, three stars
gules.
CHAPTER LXXVIII
How the earl of Salisbury and the earl
Moray were delivered out of prison by
exchange.
In these said three days there were noble-
men on both parties that treated for a peace
to be had between these two kings ; and
their treaty took such effect, that a truce
was agreed, to endure two year, so that
the French king would thereto agree ; for
the king of Scots was so sore allied to the
French king, that he might take no peace
without his consent. And if so be the
French king would not agree to the peace,
then the truce to endure to the first day of
May following. And it was agreed that
the earl of Moray should be quit for his
prisonment, if the king of Scots could
do so much, to purchase with the French
king that the earl of Salisbury might in
like manner be quit out of prison ; the
which thing should be done before the
feast of Saint John Baptist next after.
The king of England agreed the sooner
to this truce, because he had war in France,
in Gascoyne, in Poitou, in Saintonge, in
Bretayne ; and in every place he had men
of war at his wages. Then the king of
Scots sent great messengers to the French
king, to agree to this truce. The French
king was content, seeing it was the desire
of the king of Scots. Then the earl of
Salisbury was sent into England, and the
king of England sent incontinent the earl
Moray into Scotland.
CHAPTER LXXIX
How sir Charles de Blois with divers lords
of France took the city of Rennes in
Bretayne.
SUMMARY.— Sir Charles of Blois re-
mained at Nantes for the winter, and then
laid siege to Rennes. The countess of Mont -
fort, who was at Hennebont, sent to get help
from the king of England, who sent sir
Walter of Manny with a body of men of
arms and three thousand archers, but they
were detained for sixty days on their passage
by contrary winds. Meanwhile the burgesses
of Rennes yielded up their town in the
beginning of May MCCCXLII.
CHAPTER LXXX
How sir Charles de Blois besieged the
countess of Montfort in Hennebont,
When the city of Rennes was given up,
the burgesses made their homage and fealty
to the lord Charles of Blois. Then he was
counselled to go and lay siege to Henne-
bont, whereas the countess was, saying that
the earl being in prison, if they might get
the countess and her son, it should make an
end of all their war. Then they went all
to Hennebont and laid siege thereto, and
to the castle also, as far as they might by
land. With the countess in Hennebont
there was the bishop of Leon in Bretayne,
also there was sir Ives of Tresiguidy, the
lord of Landemau, sir WiUiam of Cadoudal,
and the chatelain of Guingamp, the two
brethren of Quirich, sir Henry and sir Oliver
of Spinefort, and divers other. When the
countess and her company understood that
the Frenchmen were coming to lay siege to
the town of Hennebont, then it was com-
manded to sound the watch-bell alarm, and
every man to be armed and draw to their
defence.
When sir Charles and the Frenchmen
came near to the town, they commanded to
lodge there that night. Some of the young
lusty companions came skirmishing to the
barriers, and some of them within issued out
to them, so that there was a great affray 5
but the Genoways and Frenchmen lost more
76
THE CHRONICLES OF FRO IBS ART
than they won. When night came on,
every man drew to their lodging. The next
day the lords took counsel to assail the
barriers, to see the manner of them within ;
and so the third day they made a great
assault to the barriers from morning till it
was noon. Then the assailants drew aback
sore beaten and divers slain. When the
lords of France saw their men draw aback,
they were sore displeased, and caused the
assault to begin again more fiercer than it
was before, and they within defended them-
selves valiantly. The countess herself ware
harness on her body and rode on a great
courser from street to street, desiring her
people to make good defence, and she
caused damosels and other women to cut
short their kirtles and to carry stones ^ and
pots full of chalk to the walls, to be cast
down to their enemies.
This lady did there an hardy enterprise.
She mounted up to the height of a tower,
to see how the Frenchmen were ordered
without : she saw how that all the lords and
all other people of the host were all gone
out of their field to the assault : then she
took again her courser, armed as she was,
and caused three hundred men a-horseback
to be ready, and she went with them to
another gate, whereas there was none
assault. She issued out and her com-
pany, and dashed into the French lodgings,
and cut down tents and set fire in their
lodgings : she found no defence there, but
a certain of varlets and boys, who ran away.
When the lords of France looked behind
them and saw their lodgings afire and heard
the cry and noise there, they returned to
the field ci'ying, ' Treason ! treason ! ' so
that all the assault was left.
When the countess saw that, she drew
together her company, and when she saw
she could not enter again into the town
without great damage, she took another
way and went to the castle of Brest, the
which was not far thence. When sir Louis
of Spain, who was marshal of the host, was
1 A curious mistranslation. Froissart says : ' She
made the women of the town, ladies and other,
take up the pavement of the streets (despecer les
chaussees) and carry stones to the battlements to
cast upon their enemies.' The translator has
confused ' chaussees' and ' chausses,' and so got the
idea of cutting short the kirtles. In the next clause
'chalk' is his translation of ' chaulx vive,' 'quick-
lime. '
come to the field, and saw their lodgings
brenning and saw the countess and her
company going away, he followed after her
with a great number. He chased her so
near, that he slew and hurt divers of them
that were behind, evil horsed, but the
countess and the most part of her company
rode so well that they came to Brest, and
there they were received with great joy.
The next day the lords of France, who
had lost their tents and their provisions, then
took counsel to lodge in bowers of trees
more nearer to the town ; and they had
great marvel when they knew that the
countess herself had done that enterprise.
They of the town wist not where the
countess was become, whereof they were in
great trouble, for it was five days or they
heard any tidings. The countess did so
much at Brest that she gat together a five
hundred spears, and then about midnight
she departed from Brest, and by the sun-
rising she came along by the one side of the
host, and came to one of the gates of
Hennebont, the which was opened for her,
and therein she entered and all her company
with great noise of trumpets and canayrs ;
whereof the French host had great marvel,
and armed them and ran to the town to
assault it, and they within ready to defend.
There began a fierce assault and endured
till noon, but the Frenchmen lost more than
they within. At noon the assault ceased :
then they took counsel that sir Charles de
Blois should go from that siege and give
assault to the castle of Auray, the which
king Arthur made, and with him should go
the duke of Bourbon, the earl of Blois, the
marshal of France sir Robert Bertrand, and
that sir Herve de Leon, and part of the
Genoways, and the lord Louis of Spain and
the viscount of Rohan, with all the
Spaniards, should abide still before Henne-
bont : for they saw well they could have no
profit to assail Hennebont any more ; but
they sent for twelve great engines to Rennes,
to the intent to cast into the town and castle
day and night. So they divided their host,
the one still before Hennebont, the other
with sir Charles of Blois before Auray.
They within Auray were well fortified and
were a two hundred companions, able for to
maintain the war ; and sir Henry of Spine-
fort and sir Oliver his brother were chief
captains there. A four leagues from that
fVA/^ IN BRITTANY, 1342
77
castle was the good town of Vannes,
pertaining to the countess, and captain
there was sir Geoffrey of Malestroit. Not
far thence also was the good town of Dinan ;
the chatelain of Guingamp was captain
there : he was at Hennebont with the
countess, and had left in the town of Dinan
his wife and his children, and had left there
captain in his stead Raynold his son.
Between these two towns stood a strong
castle pertaining to sir Charles de Blois, and
was well kept with soldiers, Burgoynians :
captain there was sir Gerard of Malain,^
and with him another knight called Pierre
Porteboeuf. They wasted all the country
about them and constrained sore the said two
towns, for there could neither merchandise
nor provision enter into any of them but in
great danger. On a day they would ride
toward Vannes, and another day toward
Dinan ; and on a day sir Raynold of
Guingamp laid a bushment, and the same
day sir Gerard of Malain rode forth and
had taken a fifteen merchants and all their
goods, and was driving of them towards
their castle, called Roche- Piriou, and so
fell in the bushment. And there sir
Raynold of Guingamp took sir Gerard
prisoner and a twenty-five of his company,
and rescued the merchants and led forth
theirprisoners to Dinan, whereof sir Raynold
was much praised and well worthy.
Now let us speak of the countess of
Montfort, who was besieged in Hennebont
by sir Louis of Spain, who kept the siege
there ; and he had so broken and bruised
the walls of the town with his engines, so
that they within began to be abashed. And
on a day the bishop of Leon spake with sir
Herve of Leon his nephew, by whom, as it
was said, that the earl Montfort was taken.
So long they spake together, that they agreed
that the bishop should do what he could to
cause the company within to agree to yield
up the town and castle to sir Charles de
Blois, and sir Herve de Leon on the other
side should purchase peace for them all of
sir Charles de Blois, and to lose nothing of
their goods. Thus the bishop entered again
into the town : the countess incontinent
doubted of some evil purchase. Then she
desired the lords and knights that were
there, that for the love of God they should
be in no doubt ; for she said she was in
1 The author calls him 'uns bons escuiers.'
surety that they should have succours with-
in three days. Howbeit the bishop spake
so much and shewed so many reasons to
the lords, that they were in a gi-eat trouble
all that night. The next morning they
drew to council again, so that they were
near of accord to have given up the town,
and sir Herve was come near to the town
to have taken possession thereof. Then
the countess looked down along the sea,
out at a window in the castle, and began
to smile forgreat joy that she had to see
the succours coming, the which she had so
long desired. Then she cried out aloud
and said twice : ' I see the succours of
England coming.' Then they of the town
ran to the walls and saw a great number of
ships great and small, freshly decked,^
coming toward Hennebont. They thought
well it was the succours of England, who
had been on the sea sixty days by reason of
contrary winds.
CHAPTER LXXXI
How sir Walter of Manny brought the
Englishmen into Bretayne.
When the seneschal of Guingamp, sir Ives
of Tresiguidy, sir Galeran of Landernau, and
the other knights saw these succours coming,
then they said to the bishop : * Sir, ye may
well leave your treaty,' for they said they
were not content as then to follow his
counsel. Then the bishop said : ' Sirs, then
our company shall depart, for I will go to
him that hath most right, as me seemeth.'
Then he departed from Hennebont and de-
fied the countess and all her aiders, and so
went to sir Herve de Leon and shewed him
how the matter went. Then sir Herve was
sore displeased, and caused incontinent to
rear up the greatest engines that they had
near to the castle, and commanded that they
should not cease to cast day and night.
Then he departed thence and brought the
bishop to sir Louis of Spain, who received
him with great joy, and so did sir Charles
of Blois.
Then the countess dressed up halls and
chambers to lodge the lords of England that
were coming, and did send against them
1 ' Bien bastillies,' well provided with battlements
or bulwarks.
78
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
right nobly. And when they were aland,
she came to them with great reverence
and feasted them the best she might, and
thanked them right humbly, and caused
all the knights and other to lodge at their
ease in the castle and in the town, and the
next day she made them a great feast at
dinner. All night and the next day also
the engines never ceased to cast ; and after
dinner sir Gaultier of Manny, who was
chief of that company, demanded of the
state of the town and of the host without,
and said : ' I have a great desire to issue
out and to break down this great engine
that standeth so near us, if any will follow
me.' Then sir Ives of Tresiguidy said
how he would not fail him at this his first
beginning, and so said the lord of Lander-
nau. Then they armed them, and so they
issued out privily at a certain gate, and
with them a three hundred archers, who
shot so wholly together that they that kept
the engine fled away ; and the men of arms
came after the archers and slew divers of
them that fled, and beat down the great
engine and brake it all to pieces. Then
they ran in among the tents and lodgings
and set fire in divers places and slew and
hurt divers, till the host began to stir : then
they withdrew fair and easily, and they of
the host ran after them like mad - men.
Then sir Gaultier said : ' Let me never be
beloved with my lady, without I have a
course with one of these followers ' ; and
therewith turned his spear in the rest, and
in likewise so did the two brethren of
Levedale and the Hase of Brabant, sir
Ives of Tresiguidy, sir Galeran of Lander-
nau and divers other companions. They
ran at the first comers : there might well
a been legs seen turned upward. There
began a sore meddling, for they of the host
always increased, wherefore it behoved the
Englishmen to withdraw toward their for-
tress. There might well a been seen on
both parties many noble deeds, taking and
rescuing. The Englishmen drew sagely to
the dikes and there made a stall, till all
their men were in safeguard ; and all the
residue of the town issued out to rescue
their company, and caused them of the
host to recule back. So when they of the
host saw how they could do no good, they
drew to their lodgings, and they of the
fortress in like wise to their lodgings.
Then the countess descended down from
the castle with a glad cheer and came and
kissed sir Gaultier of Manny and his com-
panions one after another two or three
times, like a valiant lady.
CHAPTERS LXXXII-LXXXVI
SUMMARY.— The French abandoned the
siege of Hennebont and retired to Auray.
The castle of Conquest was taken by the
French and retaken the next day by sir
Walter de Majtny.
The French took Dinan, Guerande,
Auray and Vannes. Sir Walter de
Manny defeated sir Louis of Spain at
Quiniperle. Carhaix was surrendered to
sir Charles of Blois, who then returned
to the siege of Hennebont. There he was
joined by sir Louis of Spain, who was
much angered by the defeat at QuimperlL
CHAPTER LXXXVII
How sir John Butler and sir Hubert of
Frenay were rescued from death before
Hennebont.
On a day sir Louis of Spain came to the
tent of sir Charles de Blois and desired of
him a gift for all the service that ever he
had done, in the presence of divers lords
of France. And sir Charles granted him,
because he knew himself so much bound
to him. ' Sir,' quoth he, ' I require you
cause the two knights that be in prison in
Faouet to be brought hither, that is to say
sir John Butler and sir Hubert Frenay,
and to give them to me, to do with them
at my pleasure. Sir, this is the gift that I
desire of you : they have chased, discomfited
and hurt me, and slain my nephew Alphonso.
I cannot tell how otherwise to be revenged
of them, but I shall strike off their heads
before the town in the sight of their com-
panions. ' Of these words sir Charles was
abashed and said : * Certainly with right a
good will I will give you the prisoners,
sith ye have desired them ; but surely it
should be a shameful deed to put so to
death such two valiant knights as they be,
and it shall be an occasion to our enemies
to deal in like wise with any of ours, if they
IVA/^ IN BRITTANY, 1342
79
fall in like case ; and we know not what
shall daily fall ; the chances of war be
divers : wherefore, dear cousin, I require
you to be better advised.' Then sir Louis
said : * Sir, if ye keep not promise with me,
know ye for truth that I shall depart out of
your company and shall never serve nor love
you again, while I live.'
When sir Charles saw none other boot,
he sent to Faouet for the two knights, and
in a morning they were brought to sir
Charles of Blois' tent : but for all that he
could desire, he could not turn sir Louis of
Spain from his purpose, but said plainly that
they should be beheaded anon after dinner,
he was so sore displeased with them.
All these words that was between sir
Charles and sir Louis for the occasion of
these two knights, anon was come to the
knowledge of sir Walter of Manny by cer-
tain spies, that shewed the mischief that
these two knights were in. Then he called
his company and took counsel what was best
to do. Some thought one thing, some
thought another, but they wist not what
remedy to find. Then sir Gaultier of
Manny said : * Sirs, it should be great
honour for us, if we might deliver out of
danger yonder two knights : and if we put
it in adventure, though we fail thereof, yet
king Edward our master will can us much
thank therefor, and so will all other noble
men that hereafter shall hear of the case.
At least it shall be said how we did our
devoir. Sirs, this is mine advice, if ye will
follow it, for me thinketh a man should well
adventure his body to save the lives of two
such valiant knights : mine advice is that
we divide ourselves into two parts, the one
part incontinent to issue out at this gate and
to arrange themselves on the dikes, to stir
the host and to skirmish : I think that all
the whole host will come running thither.
And, sir Aymery, ye shall be captain of that
company, and take with you a six thousand
good archers and three hundred men of
arms. And I shall take with me a hundred
men of arms and five hundred archers, and
I will issue out at the postern covertly and
shall dash into the host among the lodgings
behind, the which I think we shall find as
good as void. I shall have such with me
as shall well bring me to the tent of sir
Charles de Blois, whereas I think we shall
find the two knights prisoners ; and I en-
sure you we shall do our devoir to deliver
them, ' This device pleased them all, and
incontinent they armed them, and about
the hour of dinner sir Aymery of Clisson
issued out with his company and set open
the chief gate towards the host, and some
of them dashed suddenly into the host,
and cut down tents, and slew and hurt
divers. The host was in a sudden fray,
and in haste armed them and drew towards
the Englishmen and Bretons, who fair and
easily reculed back. There was a sore
skirmish, and many a man overthrown on
both parties. Then sir Aymery drew his
people along on the dikes within the bar-
riers, and the archers ready on both sides
the way to receive their enemies : the noise
and cry was so great, that all the whole
host drew thither, and left their tents void,
saving a certain varlets.
In the mean season sir Gaultier of Manny
and his company issued out at a postern
privily and came behind the host, and en-
tered into the lodgings of the French lords ;
for there were none to resist them, all were
at the skirmish. Then sir Gaultier went
straight to sir Charles of Blois' tent, and
found there the two knights prisoners, sir
Hubert of Frenay and sir John Butler, and
made them incontinent to leap upon two
good horses that they brought thither for
the same intent, and returned incontinent
and entered again into Hennebont the same
way they issued out. The countess re-
ceived them with great joy.
All this season they fought still at the
gate. Then tidings came to the lords of
France how the two knights prisoners were
rescued. When sir Louis of Spain knew
thereof, he thought himself deceived, and
he demanded which way they were gone
that made that rescue ; and it was shewed
him how they were entered into Hennebont.
Then sir Louis departed from the assault
and went to his lodging right sore dis-
pleased : then all other left the assault. In
the retreat there were two knights that ad-
ventured themselves so forward, that they
were taken by the Frenchmen, the lord
Landernau and the chatelain of Guingamp,
whereof sir Charles of Blois had great joy,
and they were brought to his tent, and there
they were so preached to, that they turned
to sir Charles' party and did homage and
fealty to him.
8o
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
The third day after all the lords assembled
in the lord Charles' tent to take counsel,
for they saw well that Hennebont was so
strong and so well fortified with men of war,
that they thought they should win but
little there ; and also the country was so
wasted, that they wist not whither to go
to forage ; and also winter was at hand :
wherefore they all agreed to depart. Then
they counselled sir Charles of Blois that he
should send new provisions to all cities,
towns and fortresses, such as he had won,
and noble captains with good soldiers to
defend their places from their enemies ; and
also if any man would treat for a truce to
Whitsuntide, that it should not be refused.
CHAPTERS LXXXVIII-XC
SUMMARY. — The town of Jugon was
betrayed to sir Charles of Blois by a rich
burgess.
A truce was ?nade, and the countess of
Montfort passed over into England.
A feast and jousts xvere held in London
in honour of the countess of Salisbury.
The king of England sent Robert of
Artois with a force of men of ar?ns and
archers to aid the countess of Montfort.
The lord Louis of Spain and the Ge7ioese
waited for him on the sea about Guernsey.
CHAPTER XCI
Of the battle of Guernsey between sir Robert
d' Artois and sir Louis of Spain on the sea.
Sir Robert d'Artois earl of Richmond,
and with him the earl of Pembroke, the earl
of Salisbury, the earl of Suffolk, the earl
of Oxford, the baron of Stafford, the lord
Spenser, the lord Bourchier, and divers
other knights of England and their com-
panies were with the countess of Montfort
on the sea, and at last came before the isle
of Guernsey. Then they perceived the
great fleet of the Genoways, whereof sir
Louis of Spain was chief captain. Then
their mariners said : ' Sirs, arm you quickly,
for yonder be Genoways and Spaniards that
will set on you.' Then the Englishmen
sowned their trumpets and reared up their
banners and standards with their arms and
devices, with the banner of Saint George,
and set their ships in order with their
archers before : and as the wind served
them, they sailed forth. They were a
forty-six vessels, great and small ; but sir
Louis of Spain had nine greater than any
of the other and three galleys. And in the
three galleys were the three chief captains,
as sir Louis of Spain, sir Charles and sir
Ayton,^ and when they approached near
together, the Genoways began to shoot
with their cross-bows, and the archers of
England against them : there was sore
shooting between them and many hurt on
both parties. And when the lords, knights
and squires came near together, there was
a sore battle : the countess that day was
worth a man ; she had the heart of a lion,
and had in her hand a sharp glaive, where-
with she fought fiercely.
The Spaniards and Genoways that were
in the great vessels they cast down great
bars of iron and pieces of timber, the which
troubled sore the English archers. This
battle began about the time of evensong,
and the night departed them, for it was very
dark, so that one could scant know another.
Then they withdrew each from other and
cast anchors and abode still in their harness,
for they thought to fight again in the morn-
ing. But about midnight there rose such
a tempest, so horrible, as though all the
world should have ended. There was
none so hardy but would gladly have been
aland : the ships dashed so together, that
they weened all would have riven in pieces.
The lords of England demanded counsel of
their mariners, what was best to do : they
answered, to take land as soon as they
might ; for the tempest was so great, that
if they took the sea, they were in danger of
drowning. Then they drew up their
anchors, and bare but a quarter sail, and
drew from that place. The Genoways on
the other side drew up their anchors and
took the deep of the sea ; for their vessels
were greater than the English ships, they
might better abide the brunt of the sea ; for
if the great vessels had come near the land,
they were likely to have been broken. And
as they departed, they took four English ships
laded with victual and tailed them to their
1 Louis de la Cerda, called d'Espagtie, Charles
Grimaldi and Ayton (Antonio) Doria.
IFAI? IN BRITTANY, 1342
8r
ships. The storm was so hideous, that in
less than a day they were driven a hundred
leagues from the place where they were
before. And the English ships took a
little haven not far from the city of Vannes,
whereof they were right glad.
CHAPTERS XCII-XCIV
SUMMARY.— The English laid siege to
Vannes and took it by assault.
The countess of Montfort zvent with sir
Walter de Manny to Hennehont : the earls
of Salisbury and Pembroke laid siege to
Rennes ; and sir Robert d'Artois remained
at Vannes.
Sir Herve de Leon and the lord Clisson
recovered Vannes, and sir Robert d'Artois
7vas wounded in the defence. After staying
for a time at Hennebont, he set sail for
England and there died. The king of
England, to avenge his death, landed with
an arjtiy tiear Vannes, and laid siege to the
tozvn.
Charles of Blois sent for aid to the French
king. The king of England left a force
before Vannes and went on to Nantes.
There also he left a part of his army and
returning laid siege to Dinan.
CHAPTER XCV
How sir Hervd of Leon and the lord Clisson
were taken prisoners before Vannes.
While the king of England was thus in
Bretayne, wasting and destroying the
country, such as he had lying at siege
before Vannes gave divers assaults, and
specially at one of the gates. And on a
day there was a great assault and many
feats of arms done on both parties. They
within set open the gate and came to the
barriers, because they saw the earl of
"Warwick's banner and the earl of Arundel's,
the lord Stafford's and sir Walter of
Manny's, adventuring themselves jeopard-
ously, as they thought : wherefore the lord
Clisson, sir Herve of Leon and other
adventured themselves courageously. There
was a sore skirmish : finally the Englishmen
were put back : then the knights of Bretayne
G
opened the barriers and adventured them-
selves, and left six knights with a good
number to keep the town, and they issued
out after the Englishmen. And the Eng-
lishmen reculed wisely, and ever fought as
they saw their advantage. The Englishmen
multiplied in such wise that at last the
P'renchmen and Bretons were fain to recule
back again to their town, not in so good
order as they came forth. Then the
Englishmen followed them again, and
many were slain and hurt. They of the
town saw their men recule again and
chased : then they closed their barriers in
so evil a time, that the lord Clisson and sir
Herve of Leon were closed without, and
there they were both taken prisoners. And
on the other side the lord Stafford was gone
in so far, that he was closed in between the
gate and the barriers, and there he was
taken prisoner, and divers that were with
him taken and slain. Thus the Englishmen
drew to their lodgings, and the Bretons into
the city of Vannes.
CHAPTERS XCVI-XCIX
SUMMARY. — The king of England
took Dinan by assault.^ In the meantime
sir Louis of Spain kept the sea and did much
damage to the English ships.
The duke of Normandy, the earl of Alen-
(on, the duke of Bourbon and many other
lords came to Nantes to help Charles of
Blois. The king of England sent for his
force which lay before Nantes to come to
Vannes.
The duke of Normandy came up from
Nantes and lay over against the king of
England at Vannes. The kivgof Etigland
sent for them that lay at siege before Rennes.
The two hosts lay one against the other till
it 7vas well onward in winter. Then by
means of two cardinals sent by the pope
Clement VI. a truce was agreed to for three
years.
The lord Clisson was exchanged for the
lord Stafford, but on suspicion of treason he
was shortly after piit to death by the French
1 From Froissart's last redaction, with which
lord Berners was not acquainted, we know that
the captain of the town was n\ade prisoner by the
young knight John Bourchier, ancestor of our
translator.
82
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
king, and so also were some other lords of
Brittany and Normandy. The lord Clisson
had a son called Oliver, who went to the
countess of Montfort and her son, who was
of his age.
CHAPTER C
Of the order of Saint George, that king
Edward stablished in the castle of
Windsor.
In this season the king of England took
pleasure to new re-edify the castle of Wind-
sor, the which was begun by king Arthur,
and there first began the Table Round,
whereby sprang the fame of so many noble
knights throughout all the world. Then
king Edward determined to make an order
and a brotherhood of a certain number of
knights, and to be called knights of the Blue
Garter, and a feast to be kept yearly at Wind-
sor on Saint George's day. And to begin
this order the king assembled together earls,
lords and knights of his realm, and shewed
them his intention : and they all joyously
agreed to his pleasure, because they saw it
was a thing much honourable and whereby
great amity and love should grow and in-
crease. Then was there chosen out a certain
number of the most valiantest men of the
realm, and they sware and sealed to main-
tain the ordinances, such as were devised ;
and the king made a chapel in the castle of
Windsor, of Saint George, and stablished
certain canons there to serve God, and
endowed them with fair rent. Then the
king sent to publish this feast by his heralds
into France, Scotland, Burgoyne, Hainault,
Flanders, Brabant, and into the Empire of
Almaine, giving to every knight and squire
that would come to the said feast fifteen
(lays of safe-conduct before the feast and
after : the which feast to begin at Windsor
on Saint George day next after in the year
of our Lord mcccxliv., and the queen to
be there accompanied with three hundred
ladies and damosels, all of noble lineage
and apparelled accordingly.
CHAPTER CI
How the king of England delivered out of
prison sir Herv6 of Leon.
While the king made this preparation at
Windsor for this said feast, tidings came to
him how the lord Clisson and divers other
lords had lost their heads in France, where-
with the king was sore displeased, inso-
much that he was in purpose to have served
sir Herv6 of Leon in like case, whom he
had in prison ; but his cousin the earl of
Derby shewed to him before his council such
reasons to assuage his ire and to refrain
his courage, saying, ' Sir, though that king
Philip in his haste hath done so foul a deed
as to put to death such valiant knights, yet,
sir, for all that blemish not your nobleness :
and, sir, to say the truth, your prisoner
ought to bear no blame for this deed ; but,
sir, put him to a reasonable ransom.'
Then the king sent for the knight
prisoner to come to his presence, and then
said to him : ' Ah, sir Herve, sir Herve,
mine adversary Philip of Valois hath shewed
his felony right cruel, to put to death such
knights, wherewith I am sore displeased :
and it is thought to us ^ that he hath done it
in despite of us ; and if I would regard his
malice, I should serve you in like manner,
for ye have done me more displeasure, and
to mine in Bretayne, than any other person.
But I will suffer it and let him do his worst,
for to my power I will keep mine honour ;
and I am content ye shall come to a light
ransom, for the love of my cousin of Derby,
who hath desired me for you, so that ye
will do that I shall shew you.' The
knight answered and said : ' Sir, I shall do
all that ye shall command me.' Then
said the king : ' I know well ye be one of
the richest knights in Bretayne, and if I
would sore press you, ye should pay me
thirty or forty thousand scutes. But ye
shall go to mine adversary Philip of Valois,
and shew him on my behalf that, sith he
hath so shamefully put to death so valiant
knights in the despite of me, I say and will
make it good he hath broken the truce
taken between me and him ; wherefore also
I renounce it on my part and defy him from
this day forward. And so that ye will do
1 * It seems to some of our party.'
THE EARL OF DERBY IN GASCONY, 1345
83
this message, your ransom shall be but ten
thousand scutes, the which ye shall pay and
send to Bruges within fifteen days after ye
be past the sea : and moreover ye shall say
to all knights and squires of those parts,
that for all this they leave not to come to
our feast at Windsor, for we would gladly
see them, and they shall have sure and safe
conduct to return fifteen days after the
feast.' ' Sir,' said the knight, *to the best
of my power I shall accomplish your
message, and God reward your grace for
the courtesy ye shew me, and also I humbly
thank my lord of Derby of his good-will.'
And so sir Herve of Leon departed from
the king and went to Hampton, and there
took the sea, to the intent to arrive at
Harfleur ; but a storm took him on the sea,
which endured fifteen days, and lost his
horse, which were cast into the sea, and sir
Herve of Leon was so sore troubled that he
had never health after. Howbeit at last he
took land at Crotoy, and so he and all his
company went afoot to Abbeville, and there
they got horses : but sir Herve was so sick
that he was fain to go in a litter, and so
came to Paris to king Philip and did his
message from point to point : and he lived
not long after, but died as he went into his
country in the city of Angers : God assoil
his soul.
CHAPTERS CII-CVI
SUMMARY.— On the day of Saint George
the king held his feast at Windsor^ to which
cavie knights of divers countries^ but none
from France.
The king sent the earl of Derby to go into
rascony, and with him the earls of Pefnbroke
md Oxford, sir Walter de Manny and
others. The king sent sir Thomas Dag-
worth into Brittany and the earl of Salis-
bury itito Ireland.
The earl of Dej-by came to Bordeaux ;
and meanwhile the lord de Visle gathered
the lords of the French party together and
they resolved to hold the passage of the river
at Bergerac.^
The earl of Derby rode to Bergerac and
took the town, the French lords departing
to la Reole. Leaving Bergerac the earl of
1 Froissart calls the river the Garonne, but it is
the Dordogne,
Derby conquered many fortresses in upper
Gascony, and then returned to Bordeaux.
The earl de Visle laid siege to Auberoche,
which had been captttred by the earl of
Derby. The garrison endeavoured to send
a messenger to Bordeaux, but he was inter-
cepted and shot back into the town from an
engine.
CHAPTER CVn
How the earl of Derby took before Auberoche
the earl of I'lsleand divers other earls and
viscounts to the number of nine.
All the matter of taking of this messenger
with the letter and necessity of them within
Auberoche was shewed to the earl of Derby
by a spy that had been in the French host.
Then the earl of Derby sent to the earl of
Pembroke, being at Bergerac, to meet with
him at a certain place : also he sent for the
lord Stafford and to sir Stephen Tombey,
being at Libourne, and the earl himself,
with sir Gaultier of Manny and his com-
pany, rode towards Auberoche, and rode
so secretly with such guides as knew the
country, that the earl came to Libourne
and there tarried a day abiding the earl of
Pembroke. And when he saw that he
came not, he went forth, for the great
desire that he had to aid them in Auberoche.
Thus the earl of Derby, the earl of Oxford,
sir Gaultier of Manny, sir Richard Hastings,
sir Stephen Tombey, the lord Ferrers and
the other issued out of Libourne and rode
all the night, and in the morning they were
within two little leagues of Auberoche.
They entered into a M'ood and lighted from
their horses and tied their horses to pasture,
abiding for the earl of Pembroke, and there
tarried till it was noon. They wist not
well then what to do, because they were
but three hundred spears and six hundred
archers, and the Frenchmen before Aube-
roche were a ten or twelve thousand men ;
yet they thought it a great shame to lose
their companions in Auberoche. Finally
sir Gaultier of Manny said : * Sirs, let us
leap on our horses and let us coast under
the covert of this wood, till we be on the
same side that joineth to their host, and
when we be near, put the spurs to the
horses and cry our cries. We shall enter
84
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
while they be at supper and unware of us :
ye shall see them be so discomfited, that
they shall keep none array,'
AH the lords and knights agreed to his
saying : then every man took his horse and
ordained all their pages and baggage to
abide still thereas they were. So they rode
still along by the wood, and came to a little
river in a vale near to the French host.
Then they displayed their banners and
pennons and dashed their spurs to their
horses, and came in a front into the French
host among the Gascons, who were nothing
ware of that bushment. They were going
to supper, and some ready set at their meat :
the Englishmen cried, * A Derby, a Derby ! '^
and overthrew tents and pavilions, and
slew and hurt many. The Frenchmen
wist not what to do, they were so hasted :
when they came into the field and assembled
together, they found the English archers
there ready to receive them, who shot so
fiercely, that they slew man and horse and
hurt many. The earl of I'lsle was taken
prisoner in his own tent and sore hurt, and
the earl of Perigord and sir Roger his uncle
in their tents : and there was slain the lord
of Duras [and] sir Aymar of Poitiers, and
the earl of Valentinois his brother was
taken : every man fled that might best, but
the earl of Comminges, the viscount of
Caraman and of Villemur and of Bruniquel,
and the lord de la Bard and of Terride, and
other that were lodged on the other side of
the castle, drew back and went into the
fields with their banners. The Englishmen,
who had overcome all the other, dashed in
fiercely among them : there was many a
proper feat of arms done, many taken and
rescued again. When they within the castle
heard that noise without and saw the
English banners and pennons, incontinent
they armed them and issued out, and rushed
into the thickest of the press : they greatly
refreshed the Englishmen that had fought
there before. Whereto should I make long
process ? All those of the earl of ITsle's
party were nigh all taken or slain : if the
night had not come on, there had but few
scaped. There were taken that day, what
earls and viscounts to the number of nine,
and of lords, knights and squires taken so
that there was no English man of arms but
that had two or three prisoners. This
1 The French is ' Derbi, Derbi, au comte ! '
battle was on Saint Lawrence night, the
year of our Lord mcccxliv. ^ The English-
men dealt like good companions with their
prisoners and suffered many to depart on
their oath and promise to return again at a
certain day to Bergerac or to Bordeaux.
Then the Englishmen entered into Aube-
roche, and there the earl of Derby gave a
supper to the most part of the earls and
viscounts prisoners, and to many of the
knights and squires. The Englishmen gave
laud to God, in that that a thousand of
them had overcome ten thousand of their
enemies and had rescued the town of Aube-
roche and saved their companions that were
within, who by all likelihood should have
been taken within two days after.
The next day anon upon sun-rising thither
came the earl of Pembroke with his com-
pany, a three hundred spears and a four
thousand archers. Then he said to the earl
of Derby : ' Certainly, cousin, ye have done
me great uncourtesy to fight with our
enemies without me : seeing that ye sent
for me, ye might have been sure I would
not fail to come.' * Fair cousin,' quoth the
earl of Derby, ' we desired greatly to have
had you with us : we tarried all day till it
was far past noon, and when we saw that
ye came not, we durst not abide no longer ;
for if our enemies had known of our coming,
they had been in a great advantage over us ;
and now we have the advantage of them.
I pray you, be content, and help to guide
us to Bordeaux.' So they tarried all that
day and the next night in Auberoche ; and
the next day betimes they departed, and
left captain in Auberoche a knight of
Gascony called Alexander of Chaumont.
Thus they rode to Bordeaux and led with
them the most part of their prisoners.
CHAPTER CVIII
Of the towns that the earl of Derby won in
Gascoyne, going toward the Reole.
SUMMARY. — The earl of Derby win-
tered at Bordeaux and in May 1345 ^joined
1 The date is wrong : it was in 1345, as also
this whole campaign, and probably on the 21st of
October. St. Lawrence is loth August.
2 The earl of Derby did not winter at Bordeaux
but continued his operations. La Reole was taken
towards the end of 1345.
THE EARL OF DERBY IN GAS CO NY, 1345
85
the earl of Pembroke at Be^-gerac and so on
towards la Reole. Sainte-Bazeille submitted
and la Roche Meilhan was taken by assault:
Mons^gur was besieged for Jifteen days and
tJun a truce was agreed to with the captain
there, to see if the king of France would
send aid tuithin a month. Aiguillon
surrendered, for which the captain of it
was charged with treason and hanged at
Toulouse. Castelsagrat was taken by assault.
CHAPTER CIX
How the earl of Derby laid siege to the
Reole, and how that the town was yielded
to him.
Thus the earl of Derby came before the
Reole and laid siege thereto on all sides,
and made bastides in the fields and on the
ways, so that no provision could entei" into
the town, and nigh every day there was
assault. The siege endured a long space.
And when the month was expired that
they of Segur should give up their town,
the earl sent thither, and they of the town
gave up and became under the obeisance of
the king of England : the captain, sir Hugh
Badefol, became servant to the earl, with
other that were within, upon certain wages
that they had. The Englishmen, that had
lien long before the Reole, more than nine
weeks, had made in the mean space two
belfries of great timber with three stages,
every belfry on four great wheels, and the
sides towards the town were covered with
cure boly to defend them from fire and from
shot, and into every stage there were
pointed an hundred archers. By strength
of men these two belfries were brought
to the walls of the town, for they had so
filled the dikes that they might well be
brought just to the walls. The archers in
these stages shot so wholly together, that
none durst appear at their defence without
they were well pavised ; and between these
two belfries there were a two hundred men
with pick -axes to mine the walls, and so
they brake through the walls. Then the
burgesses of the town came to one of the
gates to speak with some lord of the host.
When the earl of Derby knew thereof, he
sent to them sir Gaultier of Manny and the
baron of Stafford ; and when they came
there, they found that they of the town
would yield them, their lives and goods
saved.
[When] sir Agot des Baux, who was
captain within, knew that the people of the
town would yield up, he went into the
castle with his company of soldiers ; and
while they of the town were entreating, he
conveyed out of the town great quantity of
wine and other provision, and then closed
the castle gates and said how he would not
yield up so soon. The foresaid two lords
returned to the earl of Derby shewing him
how they of the town would yield them-
selves and the town, their lives and goods
saved. Then the earl sent to know how
the captain would do with the castle, and
it was brought word again to him how he
would not yield. Then the earl studied a
little and said : * Well, go take them of the
town to mercy, for by the town we shall
have the castle.' Then these lords went
again to them of the town and received
them to mercy, so that they should go out
into the field and deliver the earl of Derby
the keys of the town, saying, ' Sir, from
henceforth we knowledge ourselves subjects
and obeisant to the king of England ' : and
so they did, and sware that they should
give no comfort to them of the castle, but
to grieve them to the best of their powers.
Then the earl commanded that no man
should do any hurt to the town of Reole
nor to none of them within.
Then the earl entered into the town and
laid siege round about the castle, as near as
he might, and reared up all his engines, the
which cast night and day against the walls,
but they did little hurt, the walls were so
strong of hard stone : it was said that of
old time it had been wrought by the hands
of the Saracens, who made their works so
strongly that there is none such nowadays.
When the earl saw that he could do no
good with his engines, he caused them to
cease : then he called to him his miners, to
the intent that they should make a mine,
under all the walls, the which was not soon
made.
86
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
CHAPTER CX
How sir Walter of Manny found in the town
of the Reole the sepulchre of his father.
While this siege endured and that the
miners were a-work, the lord Gaultier of
Manny remembered how that his father was
slain going a pilgrimage to Saint James,
and how he heard in his youth how he
should be buried in the Reole or thereabout.
Then he made it to be enquired in the town,
if there were any man could shew him his
father's tomb, he should have a hundred
crowns for his labour : and there was an
aged man came to sir Gaultier and said :
' Sir, I think I can bring you near to the
place where your father was buried. ' Then
the lord of Manny said : ' If your words be
true, I shall keep covenant and more.'
Now ye shall hear the manner how the
lord Gaultier's father was slain. It was
true that sometime there was a bishop in
Cambresis, a Gascon born of the house of
Mirepoix : and so it fortuned that in 'his
days there was at a time a great tourneying
before Cambray, whereas there were five
hundred knights on both parties. And
there was a knight Gascon tourneyed
with the lord of Manny, father to sir
Gaultier, and this knight of Gascoyne was
so sore hurt and beaten, that he had never
health after, but died. This knight was of
kin to the said bishop ; wherefore the lord
of Manny was in his indignation and of all
his lineage. A two or three year after
certain good men laboured to make peace
between them, and so they did : and for
amends the lord of Manny was bound to
go a pilgrimage to Saint James. And so
he went thitherward ; and as he came forby
the town of Reole, the same season the earl
Charles of Valois, brother to king Philip,
lay at siege before the Reole, the which as
then was English, and divers other towns
and cities, then pertaining to the king of
England, father to the king that laid siege
to Tournay : so that the lord of Manny,
after the returning of his pilgrimage, he
came to see the earl of Valois, Avho was
there as king. And as the lord of Manny
went at night to his lodging, he was watched
by the way by certain of them of the lineage
of him that the lord of Manny had made
his pilgrimage for, and so without the earl's
lodging he was slain and murdered, and no
man knew who did it. Howbeit they of !
that lineage were held suspect in the matter, I
but they were so strong and made such ;
excuses, that the matter passed, for there
was none that would pursue the lord of
Manny's quarrel. Then the earl of Valois
caused him to be buried in a little chapel in |
the field, the which as then was without the (
town of Reole ; and when the earl of
Valois had won the town, then the walls
were made more larger, so that the chapel
was within the town.
Thus was sir Gaultier of Manny's father
slain ; and this old man remembered all this
matter, for he was present when he was
buried. Then sir Gaultier of Manny went
with this good aged man to the place
whereas his father was buried, and there
they found a little tomb of marble over him,
the which his servants laid on him after he
was buried. Then the old man said : ' Sir,
surely under this tomb lieth your father.'
Then the lord of Manny read the scripture
on the tomb, the which was in Latin, ^ and
there he found that the old man had said
truth, and gave him his reward. And
within two days after he made the tomb to
be raised and the bones of his father to be
taken up and put in a coffer, and after did
send them to Valenciennes in the county of
Hainault, and in the Friars there made
them to be buried again honourably, and
did there his obsequy right goodly, the
which is yet kept yearly.
CHAPTER CXI
How the earl of Derby won the castle of the
Reole.
Now let us return to the siege about the
castle of the Reole, the which had endured
eleven weeks. So long wrought the miners
that at last they came under the base court,
but under the donjon they could not get, for
it stood on a hard rock.^ Then sir Agot
1 ' Then sir "Walter of Manny caused the inscrip-
tion, which was in Latin, to be read by a clerk of
his.'
2 ' So long wrought the miners . . . that they
came beneath the castle and so far forth that they
cast down a low court (^-^rt^ tower) in the outer cir-
cuit of the castle, but to tbe_ main tower of the
donjon they could do no ill, for it was masoned upon
rock, of which no bottom could be found.'
CAPTURE OF LA R^OLE, 1345
87
des Baux their captain said to his company :
* Sirs, we be undermined, so that we are in
great danger.' Then they were all sore
afraid, and said : Sir, ye are in a great
danger, and we also, without ye find some
remedy : ye are our chief and we will obey
you truly. We have kept this house right
honourably a long season, and though we
now make a composition, we cannot be
blamed. Assay if ye can get grant of the
earl of Derby to let us depart, our lives and
goods saved, and we to deliver to him this
castle.'
Then sir Agot descended down from the
high tower and did put out his head at a
little window and made a token to speak
with some of the host. Then he was de-
manded what he would have : he said he
would fain speak with the earl of Derby or
with the lord of Manny. When the earl
knew thereof, he said to the lord of Manny
and the lord Stafford : ' Let us go to the for-
tress and know what the captain will say.'
Then they rode together, and when sir Agot
saw them, he took off his cap and sainted
them, each after other, and said : * Lords,
it is of truth that the French king sent me
to this town to defend and to keep it, and
the castle, to my power ; and ye know right
well how I have acquit myself in that be-
half, and yet would if I might : but always
a man may not abide in one place. Sir,
if it will please you, I and all my com-
pany would depart, our lives and goods
saved, and we shall yield unto you the
fortress. '
Then the earl of Derby said : ' Sir Agot,
ye shall not go so away : we know right
well we have so sore oppressed you, that we
may have you when we list ; for your fortress
standeth but upon stays. Yield you simply,
and we will receive you. * Sir Agot said :
* Sir, if we did so, I think in you so much
honour and gentleness, that ye would deal
but courteously with us, as ye would the
French king should deal with any of your
knights. For God's sake, sir, blemish not
your nobleness for a poor sort of soldiers
that be here within, who hath won with
much pain and peril their poor living, whom
I have brought hither out of Provence, of
Savoy, and out of Dauphiny. Sir, know for
truth that if the least of us should not come
to mercy, as well as the best, we will rather
sell our lives in such wise that all the world
should speak of us. Sir, we desire you to
bear us some company of arms, and we
shall pray for you.'
Then the earl and the other two lords
went apart and spake together. They spake
long together of divers things : finally they
regarded the truth of sir Agot, and con-
sidered how he was a stranger, and also they
saw that they could not undermine the
donjon, [and so] they agreed to receive them
to mercy. Then the earl said to sir Agot :
* Sir, we \/ould gladly to all strangers bear
good company of arms. I am content that ye
and all your company depart with your lives
saved, so that you bear away nothing but
your armour. ' ' So be it, ' quoth sir Agot.
Then he went to his company and shewed
them how he had sped. Then they did on
their harness and took their horses, whereof
they had no more but six. Some bought
horses of the Englishmen, the which they
paid for truly. Thus sir Agot des Baux
departed from the Reole and yielded up the
castle to the Englishmen, and sir Agot and
his company went to Toulouse.
CHAPTERS CXII, CXIII
SUMMARY. — The earl of Derby took
Monpezat by assault^ and Castelnioron by
strategy. Thence he departed and took Ville-
franche and other toxvns and castles^ and
received the submission of Angoulime.^
Finally he retired to Bordeaux for the
winter.
CHAPTER CXIV
How sir Godfrey Harcourt was banished out
of France.
In this season sir Godfrey of Harcourt
fell in the indignation of the French king,
who was a great baron in Normandy and
brother to the earl of Harcourt, lord of
Saint-Saviour the Viscount and divers other
towns in Normandy : and it was said all
was but for envy, for a little before he was
as great with the king and with the duke
of Normandy as he would desire ; but he
was as then openly banished the realm of
1 The capture of Angouleme is omitted in Frois-
sart's last revision, and seems in fact to be imaginary.
88
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
France, and if the king could have got him
in his ire, he would have served him as he
did sir Oliver of Clisson, who was be-
headed the year before at Paris. This sir
Godfrey had some friends, who gave him
warning secretly how the king was dis-
pleased with him. Then he avoided the
realm as soon as he might, and went into
Brabant to the duke there, who was his
cousin, who received him joyfully. And
there he tarried a long space and lived of
such revenues as he had in Brabant ; for
out of France he could get nothing : the
king had seized all his lands there of
Cotentin, and took the profit thereof him-
self. The duke of Brabant could in no wise
get again this knight into the king's favour,
for nothing that he could do. This displea-
sure cost greatly the realm of France after,
and specially the country of Normandy ; for
the tokens thereof remained a hundred
year after, as ye shall hear in this history.
CHAPTER CXV
Of the death of Jaques d' Arteveld of Gaunt.
In this season reigned in Flanders in great
prosperity and puissance Jaques d'Arteveld
of Gaunt, who was as great with the king
of England as he would desire : and he
had promised the king to make him lord
and heritor of Flanders, and to endow his
son the prince of Wales therewith, and to
make the county of Flanders a dukedom.
For the which cause about the feast of
Saint John Baptist, the year of our Lord
God MCCCXLV., the king of England was
come to Sluys with many lords and knights,
and had brought thither with him the
young prince his son, on the trust of the
promise of Jaques d'Arteveld. The king
with all his navy lay in the haven of Sluys,
and there he kept his house, and thither
came to visit him his friends of Flanders.
There were great councils between the
king and Jaques d'Arteveld on the one
party and the counsels of the good towns
of Flanders on the other party ; so that
they of the country were not of the agree-
ment with the king nor with Jaques d'Arte-
veld, who preached to them that they
should disherit the earl Louis their own
natural lord, and also his young son Louis,
and to enherit the son of the king of Eng-
land ; the which thing they said surely they
would never agree unto. And so the last
day of their council, the which was kept in
the haven of Sluys in the king's great ship,
called the Katherine, there they gave a
final answer by common accord, and said :
' Sir, ye have desired us to a thing that is .
great and weighty, the which hereafter I
may sore touch the country of Flanders |
and our heirs. Truly we know not at this
day no person in the world that we love
the preferment of so much as we do yours ;
but, sir, this thing we cannot do alone,
without that all the commonalty of Flanders
accord to the same. Sir, we shall go home,
and every man speak with his company
generally in every town, and as the most
part agree, we shall be content : and within
a month we shall be here with you again
and then give you a full answer, so that
ye shall be content.' The king nor Jaques
d'Arteveld could as then have none other
answer : they would fain have had a short
day, but it would not be. So thus departed
that council, and every man went home to
their own towns.
Jaques d'Arteveld tarried a little season
with the king, and still he promised the
king to bring them to his intent ; but he
was deceived, for as soon as he came to
Gaunt, he went no more out again. For
such of Gaunt as had been at Sluys at the
council there, when they were returned
to Gaunt, or Jaques d'Arteveld was come
into the town,' great and small they as-
sembled in the market-place; and there
it was openly shewed what request the
king of England had made to them by
the setting on of Jaques d'Arteveld. Then
every man began to murmur against Jaques,
for that request pleased them nothing, and
said that by the grace of God there should
no such untruth be found in them, as
willingly to disherit their natural lord and
his issue, to enherit a stranger : and so
they all departed from the market-place,
not content with Jaques d'Arteveld.
Now behold and see what fortune fell.
If he had been as welcome to Gaunt as he
was to Bruges and Ipres, they would [have]
agreed to his opinion, as they did ; but he
trusted so much in his prosperity and
greatness, that he thought soon to reduce
them to his pleasure.
DEATH OF JAQUES D'AKTEVELD, 1345
89
When he returned, he came into Gaunt
about noon. They of the town knew of
his coming, and many were assembled
together in the street whereas he should
pass. And when they saw him, they
began to murmur, and began to run together
three heads in one hood and said : ' Behold
yonder great master, who will order all
Flanders after his pleasure, the which is
not to be suffered.' Also there were words
sown through all the town, how Jaques
d'Arteveld had nine year assembled all
the revenues of Flanders without any count
given, and thereby hath kept his estate,
and also sent great riches out of the country
into England secretly. These words set
them of Gaunt on fire, and as he rode
through the street, he perceived that there
was some new matter against him, for he
saw such as were wont to make reverence
to him as he came by, he saw them turn
their backs toward him and enter into
their houses. Then he began to doubt ;
and as soon as he was alighted in his lodg-
ing, he closed fast his gates, doors and
windows. This was scant done but all
the street was full of men, and specially of
them of the small crafts : there they assailed
his house both behind and before, and the
house broken up. He and his within the
house defended themselves a long space,
and slew and hurt many without ; but
finally he could not endure, for three parts
of the men of the town were at that assault.
When Jaques saw that he was so sore
oppressed, he came to a window with great
humility bare-headed, and said with fair
language : ' Good people, what aileth you ?
Why be you so sore troubled against me ?
In what manner have I displeased you ?
Shew me, and I shall make you amends at
your pleasures.' Then such as heard him
answered all with one voice : * We will
have account made of the great treasure of
Flanders, that ye have sent out of the way
without any title of reason.' Then Jaques
answered meekly and said : * Certainly,
sirs, of the treasure of Flanders I never
took nothing : withdraw yourselves patiently
into your houses and come again to-morrow
in the morning, and I shall make you so
good account, that of reason ye shall be
content.' Then all they answered and
said : ' Nay, we will have account made
incontinent ; ye shall not scape us so : we
know for truth that ye have sent great
riches into England without our knowledge :
wherefore ye shall die.' When he heard
that word, he joined his hands together,
and sore weeping said : ' Sirs, such as I
am ye have made me, and ye have sworn
to me or this to defend me against all
persons, and now ye would slay me without
reason. Ye may do it an ye will, for I
am but one man among you all. For
God's sake take better advice, and remember
the time past, and consider the great graces
and courtesies that I have done to you : ye
would now render to me a small reward
for the great goodness that I have done to
you and to your town in time past. Ye
know right well, merchandise was nigh
lost in all this country, and by my means
it is recovered : also I have governed you
in great peace and rest, for in the time of
my governing ye have had all things as ye
would wish, corn, riches, and all other
merchandise.' Then they all cried with
one voice : * Come down to us, and preach
not so high, and give us account of the
great treasure of Flanders that ye have
governed, so long without any account
making, the which pertaineth not to an
officer to do, as to receive the goods of
his lord or of a country without account.'
When Jaques saw that he could not
appease them, he drew in his head and
closed his window, and so thought to
steal out on the back side into a church
that joined to his house : but his house
was so broken, that four hundred persons
were entered into his house ; and finally
there he was taken and slain without mercy,
and one Thomas Denis gave him his death-
stroke. Thus Jaques d'Arteveld ended his
days, who had been a great master in
Flanders. Poor men first mounteth up
and unhappy men slayeth them at the
end.^ These tidings anon spread abroad
the country : some were sorry thereof and
some were glad.
In this season the earl Louis of Flanders
was at Termonde, and he was right joyous
when he heard of the death of Jaques
d'Arteveld his old enemy : howbeit yet
he durst not trust them of Flanders, nor
go to Gaunt. When the king of England,
who lay all this season at Sluys abiding
1 'Poor men first raised him up and evil men
slew him at the end.'
90
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
the answer of the Flemings, heard how
they of Gaunt had slain Jaques d'Arteveld
his great friend, he was sore displeased.
Incontinent he departed from Sluys and
entered into the sea, sore threatening the
Flemings and the country of Flanders, and
said how his death should be well revenged.
Then the counsels of the good towns of
Flanders imagined well how the king of
England would be sore displeased with
this deed : then they determined to go and
excuse themselves, specially they of Bruges,
Ypres, Courtray, Oudenarde and of [the]
Franc. They sent into England to the
king for a safe -conduct, that they might
come to their excuse : the king, who was
as then somewhat assuaged of his dis-
pleasure, granted their desire. Then there
came into England men of estate out of
the good towns of Flanders, except of
Gaunt. This was about the feast of Saint
Michael, and the king being at Westminster
beside London. There they so meekly
excused them of the death of Jaques
d'Arteveld, and sware solemnly that they
knew nothing thereof till it was done ; if
they had, he was the man they would have
defended to the best of their powers ; and
said how they were right sorry of his death,
for he had governed the country right
wisely ; and also they said that though they
of Gaunt had done that deed, they should
make a sufficient amends, also saying to
the king and his council that, though he
be dead, yet the king was never the farther
off from the love and favour of them of
Planders in all things except the inherit-
ance of Flanders, the which in no wise
they of Flanders will put away from the
right heirs ; saying also to the king : * Sir,
ye have fair issue, both sons and daughters.
As for the prince of Wales your eldest son,
he cannot fail but to be a great prince
without the inheritance of Flanders. Sir,
ye have a young daughter, and we have a
young lord, who is heritor of Flanders ;
we have him in our keeping : may it please
you to make a marriage between them
two, so ever after the county of Planders
shall be in the issue of your child. ' These
words and such other appeased the king,
and finally was content with the Flemings
and they with him ; and so little and
little the death of Jaques d'Arteveld was
forgotten.
CHAPTER CXVI
Of the death of William earl of Hainault,
who died in Frise, and many with him.
In the same season the earl William of
Hainault, being at siege before the town of
Utrecht, and there had lien a long season,
he constrained them so sore, what by
assaults and otherwise, that finally he had
his pleasure of them. And anon after in
the same season, about the feast of Saint
Remy, the same earl made a great assembly
of men of arms, knights and squires of
Hainault, Flanders, Brabant, Holland,
Gueldres and Juliers ; the earl and his
company departed from Dordrecht in Hol-
land with a great navy of ships, and so
sailed towards Frise ; for the earl of Hai-
nault claimed to be lord there : and if the
Frisons had been men to have brought
to reason, the earl indeed had there great
right ; but there he was slain, and a great
number of knights and squires with him.^
Sir John of Hainault arrived not there
with his nephew, for he arrived at another
place ; and when he heard of the death of
his nephew, like a man out of his mind he
would have fought with the Frisons, but
his servants, and especially sir Robert of
Glennes, who as then was his squire, did
put him into his ship again against his will.
And so he returned again with a small com-
pany and came to Mount Saint Gertrude*
in Holland, where the lady his niece was,
wife to the said earl, named Joan, eldest
daughter to the duke of Brabant : and then
she went to the land of Binche, the which
was her endowry. Thus the county of
Hainault was void a certain space, and sir
John of Hainault did govern it unto the
time that Margaret of Hainault, mother to
the duke Albert, came thither and took
possession of that heritage, and all lords
and other did to her fealty and homage.
This lady Margaret was married to the lord
Louis of Bavier, emperor of Almaine and
king of [the] Romans.
1 This defeat was at Staveren in September
1345-
2 Gertruydenberg.
SIEGE OF AIGUILLON; 1346
91
CHAPTER CXVII
How sir John of Hainault became French.
Anon after, the French king entreated and
caused the earl of Blois to entreat this lord
John of Hainault to become French, pro-
mising to give him more revenues in France
than he had in England, to be assigned
where he would himself devise. To this
request he did not lightly agree, for he had
spent all the flower of his youth in the
service of the king of England, and was
ever well beloved with the king. When
the earl Louis of Blois, who had married
his daughter and had by her three sons,
Louis, John and Guy, saw that he could
not win him by that means, he thought
he would assay another way, as to win
the lord of Fagnolle, who was chief com-
panion and greatest of counsel with the lord
John of Hainault; and so they between
them devised to make him believe that they
of England would not pay him his pension,
wherewith sir John of Hainault was sore
displeased, so that he renounced his service
and good-will that he bare to the king of
England. And when the French king
knew thereof, incontinent he sent sufficient
messengers to him, and so retained him of
his council with certain wages, and recom-
pensed him in France with as much or
more than he had in England.
CHAPTER CXVIII
Of the great host that the duke of Normandy
brought into Gascoyne against the earl of
Derby.
SUMMAR V. —Near the end of the year
1345 the duke of Normandy gathered a
great host at Totilotise^ and after Christmas
they rode forth. They took Miremont and
Villefranche^ and laid siege to Angouleme.
CHAPTER CXIX
How John Norwich scaped from Angou-
leme, when the town was yielded to the
Frenchmen.
SUMMARY.— John of Norwich, who was
captain at Angouleme^ seeing that he could
not hold out, asked for a truce to last
for the day of the Purification, and this
being granted he and his company rode
openly away through the French host, and
came to Aiguillon. Angoulhne surren-
dered, and the duke of Normandy went to
Aiguillon.
CHAPTER CXX
How the duke of Normandy laid siege to
Aiguillon with a hundred thousand men.
The duke of Normandy and these lords of
France did so much that they came to the
castle of Aiguillon. There they laid their
siege about the fair meadows along by the
river able to bear ships, every lord among
his own company and every constable by
himself, as it was ordained by the marshals.
This siege endured till the feast of Saint
Remy : there were well a hundred thousand
men of war, a-horseback and afoot : ^ they
made lightly every day two or three assaults,
and most commonly from the morning till
it was near night without ceasing, for ever
there came new assaulters that would not
suffer them within to rest. The lords of
France saw well they could not well come
to the fortress without they passed the
river, the which was large and deep. Then
the duke commanded that a bridge should
be made, whatsoever it cost, to pass the
river: there were set awork more than
three hundred workmen, who did work
day and night. When the knights within
saw this bridge more than half made over
the river, they decked ^ three ships, and
entered into them a certain, and so came
on the workmen and chased them away
with their defenders ; and there they brake
all to pieces, that had been long a-making.
When the French lords saw that, then they
apparelled other ships, to resist against
their ships, and then the workmen began
again to work on the bridge, on trust of their
defenders. And when they had worked
half a day and more, sir Gaultier of Manny
1 The number is reduced to 60,000 in the latest
revision of the first book, where the siege of Aiguil-
lon is called * le plus biau siege qui oncques les
guerres durant de France et d'Engleterre euist este
fait ne tenu ens ou roiaulme de France.' It lasted
in fact only till 20th August.
- 'Fisent apparillier.'
92
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
\
and his company entered into a ship, and
came on the workmen and made them to
leave work and to recule back, and brake
again all that they had made. This busi-
ness was nigh every day; but at last the
Frenchmen kept so well their workmen,
that the bridge was made perforce: and
then the lords and all their army passed
over in manner of battle, and they assaulted
the castle a whole day together without
ceasing, but nothing they won ; and at
night they returned to their lodgings : and
they within amended all that was broken,
for they had with them workmen enough.
The next day the Frenchmen divided
their assaulters into four parts, the first to
begin in the morning and to continue till
nine, the second till noon, the third to even-
song time, and the fourth till night. After
that manner they assailed the castle six days
together : howbeit they within were not so
sore travailed, but always they defended
themselves so valiantly, that they without
won nothing, but only the bridge without
the castle. Then the Frenchmen took
other counsel: they sent to Toulouse for
eight great engines, and they made there
four greater, and they made all twelve to
cast day and night against the castle ; but
they within were so well pavised, that
never a stone of their engines did them any
hurt : it brake somewhat the covering of
some houses. They within had also great
engines, the which brake down all the
engines without, for in a short space they
brake all to pieces six of the greatest of
them without.
During this siege oftentimes sir Walter
of Manny issued out with a hundred or six
score companions, and went on that side
the river a-foraging, and returned again
with great preys in the sight of them with-
out. On a day the lord Charles of Mont-
morency, marshal of the host, rode forth
with a five hundred with him, and when
he returned, he drave before him a great
number of beasts that he had got together
in the country to refresh the host with
victual : and by adventure he encountered
with sir Gaultier of Manny. There was
between them a great fight and many over-
thrown, hurt and slain : the Frenchmen
were five against one. Tidings thereof
came unto Aiguillon : then every man that
might issued out, the earl of Pembroke first
of all and his company; and when he
came, he found sir Gaultier of Manny
afoot enclosed with his enemies, and did
marvels in arms. Incontinent he was
rescued and remounted again, and in the
mean season some of the Frenchmen
chased their beasts quickly into the host,
or else they had lost them, for they that
issued out of Aiguillon set so fiercely on
the Frenchmen, that they put them to the
flight and delivered their company that
were taken and took many Frenchmen
prisoners, and sir Charles of Montmorency
had much work to scape. Then the
Englishmen returned into Aiguillon.
Thus every day almost there were such
rencounters beside the assaults. On a day
all the whole host armed them, and the
duke commanded that they of Toulouse, of
Carcassonne, of Beaucaire should make
assault from the morning till noon, and
they of Rouergue, Cahors and Agenois from
noon till night ; and the duke promised,
whosoever could win the bridge of the gate
should have in reward a hundred crowns.
Also the duke, the better to maintain this
assault, he caused to come on the river
divers ships and barges : some entered into
them to pass the river, and some went by
the bridge : at the last some of them took
a little vessel and went under the bridge,
and did cast great hooks of iron to the
drawbridge, and then drew it to them so
sore, that they brake the chains of iron that
held the bridge, and so pulled down the
bridge perforce. Then the Frenchmen
leapt on the bridge so hastily, that one
overthrew another, for every man desired
to win the hundred crowns. They within
cast down bars of iron, pieces of timber,
pots of lime, and hot water, so that many
were overthrown from the bridge into the
water and into the dikes, and many slain
and sore hurt. Howbeit the bridge was
won perforce, but it cost more than it was
worth, for they could not for all that win
the gate. Then they drew aback to their
lodgings, for it was late : then they within
issued out, and new made again their draw-
bridge, stronger than ever it was before.
The next day there came to the duke two
cunning men, masters in carpentry, and
said : ' Sir, if ye will let us have timber
and workmen, we shall make four scaffolds
as high or higher than the walls.* The
EXPEDITION OF EDWARD II L, 1346
93
duke commanded that it should be done,
and to get carpenters in the country and
to give them good wages : so these four
scaffolds were made in four ships, but it
was long first, and cost much or they were
finished. Then such as should assail the
castle in them were appointed and entered ;
and when they were passed half the river,
they within the castle let go four martinets,
that they had newly made to resist against
these scaffolds. These four martinets did
cast out so great stones, and so often fell on
the scaffolds, that in a short space they
were all to broken, so that they that were
within them could not be pavised by them,
so that they were fain to draw back again,
and or they were again at land one of the
scaffolds drowned in the water, and the most
part of them that were within it ; the which
was great damage, for therein were good
knights, desiring their bodies to advance.
When the duke saw that he could not
come to his intent by that means, he caused
the other three scaffolds to rest. Then he
could see no way how he might get the
castle, and he had promised not to depart
thence till he had it at his will, without
the king his father did send for him. Then
he sent the constable of France and the
earl of Tancarville to Paris to the king,
and there they shewed him the state of the
siege of Aiguillon. The king's mind was
that the duke should lie there still, till he
had won them by famine, sith he could not
have them by assault.
CHAPTER CXXI
How the king of England came over the sea
again, to rescue them in Aiguillon.
The king of England, who had heard how
his men were sore constrained in the castle
of Aiguillon, then he thought to go over
the sea into Gascoyne with a great army.
There he made his provision and sent for
men all about his realm and in other places,
where he thought to speed for his money.
In the same season the lord Godfrey of
Harcourt came into England, who was
banished out of France : he was well
received with the king and retained to be
about him, and had fair lands assigned him
in England to maintain his degree. Then
the king caused a great navy of ships to be
ready in the haven of Hampton, and caused
all manner of men of war to draw thither.
About the feast of Saint John Baptist the
year of our Lord God mcccxlvi., the king
departed from the queen and left her in the
guiding of the earl of Kent his cousin ; and
he stablished the lord Percy and the lord
Nevill to be wardens of his realm with [the
archbishop of Canterbury,] the archbishop
of York, the bishop of Lincoln and the
bishop of Durham ; for he never voided his
realm but that he left ever enough at home
to keep and defend the realm, if need were.
Then the king rode to Hampton and there
tarried for wind : then he entered into his
ship and the prince of Wales with him, and
the lord Godfrey of Harcourt, and all other
lords, earls, barons and knights, with all
their companies. They were in number a
four thousand men of arms and ten thousand
archers, beside Irishmen and Welshmen
that followed the host afoot.
Now I shall name you certain of the lords
that went over with king Edward in that
journey. First, Edward his eldest son,
prince of Wales, who as then was of the age
of thirteen years or thereabout,^ the earls of
Hereford, Northampton, Arundel, Corn-
wall, Warwick, Huntingdon, Suffolk, and
Oxford ; and of barons the lord Mortimer,
who was after earl of March, the lords John,
Louis and Roger of Beauchamp, and the
lord Raynold Cobham ; of lords the lord of
Mowbray, Ros, Lucy, Felton, Bradestan,
Multon, Delaware, Manne,- Basset, Berke-
ley, and Willoughby, with divers other
lords ; and of bachelors there was John
Chandos, Fitz-Warin, Peter and James
Audley, Roger of Wetenhale, Bartholomew
of Burghersh, and Richard of Pembridge,
with divers other that I cannot name, P'ew
there were of strangers : there was the earl
Hainault,^ sir W^ulfart of Ghistelles, and
five or six other knights of Almaine, and
many other that I cannot name.
Thus they sailed forth that day in the name
of God. They were well onward on their
way toward Gascoyne, but on the third day
there rose a contrary wind and drave them
1 He was in fact sixteen ; bom 15th June 1330,
2 Probably 'Mohun.'
3 The usual confusion between 'comt^' and
'comte,' It means, *of the county of Hainault
there was sir Wulfart of Ghistelles," etc.
94
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
on the marches of Cornwall, and there they
lay at anchor six days. In that space the
king had other counsel by the means of sir
Godfrey Harcourt : he counselled the king
not to go into Gascoyne, but rather to set
aland in Normandy, and said to the king :
* Sir, the country of Normandy is one of
the plenteous countries of the world : sir,
on jeopardy of my head, if ye will land
there, there is none that shall resist you ;
the people of Normandy have not been used
to the war, and all the knights and squires
of the country are now at the siege before
Aiguillon with the duke. And, sir, there
ye shall find great towns that be not
walled, whereby your men shall have such
winning, that they shall be the better
thereby twenty year after ; and, sir, ye may
follow with your army till ye come to Caen
in Normandy : sir, I require you to believe
me in this voyage.'
The king, who was as then but in the
flower of his youth, desiring nothing so
much as to have deeds of arms, inclined
greatly to the saying of the lord Harcourt,
whom he called cousin. Then he com-
manded the mariners to set their course to
Normandy, and he took into his ship the
token of the admiral the earl of Warwick,
and said how he would be admiral for that
viage, and so sailed on before as governour
of that navy, and they had wind at will.
Then the king arrived in the isle of Coten-
tin, at a port called Hogue Saint-Vaast.^
Tidings anon spread abroad how the
Englishmen were aland : the towns of
Cotentin sent word thereof to Paris to king
Philip. He had well heard before how the
king of England was on the sea with a
great army, but he wist not what way he
would draw, other into Normandy, Bretayne
or Gascoyne. As soon as he knew that the
king of England was aland in Normandy,
he sent his constable the earl of Guines,
and the earl of Tancarville, who were but
newly come to him from his son from the
siege at Aiguillon, to the town of Caen,
commanding them to keep that town against
the Englishmen. They said they would do
their best : they departed from Paris with
a good number of men of war, and daily
there came more to them by the way, and
so came to the town of Caen, where they
were received with great joy of men of the
1 Saint-Vaast-de la Hogue.
town and of the country thereabout, that
were drawn thither for surety. These lords
took heed for the provision of the town, the
which as then was not walled. The king
thus was arrived at the port Hogue Saint-
Vaast near to Saint-Saviour the Viscount ^
the right heritage to the lord Godfrey of Har-
court, who as then was there with the king
of England.
CHAPTER CXXn
How the king of England rode in three
battles through Normandy.
When the king of England arrived in
the Hogue Saint -Vaast, the king issued
out of his ship, and the first foot that he
set on the ground, he fell so rudely, that
the blood brast out of his nose. The
knights that were about him took him up
and said : ' Sir, for God's sake enter again
into your ship, and come not aland this
day, for this is but an evil sign for us.*
Then the king answered quickly and said :
' Wherefore ? This is a good token for me,
for the land desireth to have me.' Of the
which answer all his men were right joyful.
So that day and night the king lodged on
the sands, and in the meantime discharged
the ships of their horses and other baggages :
there the king made two marshals of his
host, the one the lord Godfrey of Harcourt
and the other the earl of Warwick, and the
earl of Arundel constable. And he or-
dained that the earl of Huntingdon should
keep the fleet of ships with a hundred men
of arms and four hundred archers : and also
he ordained three battles, one to go on his
right hand, closing to the sea-side, and the
other on his left hand, and the king himself
in the midst, and every night to lodge all in
one field.
Thus they set forth as they were ordained,
and they that went by the sea took all the
ships that they found in their ways : and so
long they went forth, what by sea and what
by land, that they came to a good port and
to a good town called Barfleur, the which
incontinent was won, for they within gave
up for fear of death. Howbeit, for all that,
the town was robbed, and much gold and
silver there found, and rich jewels : there
1 Saint-Saqveur-le-Vicomtc.
EDWARD III. IN NORMANDY
95
was found so much riches, that the boys and
villains of the host set nothing by good
furred gowns : they made all the men of the
town to issue out and to go into the ships,
because they would not suffer them to be
behind them for fear of rebelling again.
After the town of Barfleur was thus taken
and robbed without brenning, then they
spread abroad in the country and did what
they list, for there was not to resist them.
At last they came to a great and a rich
town called Cherbourg : the town they won
and robbed it, and brent part thereof, but
into the castle they could not come, it was
so strong and well furnished with men of
war. Then they passed forth and came to
Montebourg, and took it and robbed and
brent it clean. In this manner they brent
many other towns in that country and won
so much riches, that it was marvel to reckon
it. Then they came to a great town well
closed called Carentan, where there was
also a strong castle and many soldiers
within to keep it. Then the lords came
out of their ships and fiercely made assault :
the burgesses of the town were in great fear
of their lives, wives and children : they
suffered the Englishmen to enter into the
town against the will of all the soldiers that
were there ; they put all their goods to the
Englishmen's pleasures, they thought that
most advantage. When the soldiers within
saw that, they went into the castle : the
Englishmen went into the town, and two
days together they made sore assaults, so
that when they within saw no succour, they
yielded up, their lives and goods saved, and
so departed. The Englishmen had their
pleasure of that good town and castle, and
when they saw they might not maintain to
keep it, they set fire therein and brent it,
and made the burgesses of the town to
enter into their ships, as they had done with
them of Barfleur, Cherbourg and Monte-
bourg, and of other towns that they had
won on the sea-side. All this was done by
the battle that went by the sea-side, and by
them on the sea together.^
Now let us speak of the king's battle.
When he had sent his first battle along by
1 Froissart is mistaken in supposing that a divi-
sion of the land army went to these towns : Barfleur
and Cherbourg were visited only by the fleet. Ac-
cording to Michael of Northburgh, who accom-
panied the expedition, Edward disembarked 12th
the sea-side, as ye have heard, whereof one
of his marshals, the earl of Warwick, was
captain, and the lord Cobham with him,
then he made his other marshal to lead his
host on his left hand, for he knew the issues
and entries of Normandy better than any
other did there. The lord Godfrey as mar-
shal rode forth with five hundred men of
arms, and rode off from the king's battle as
six or seven leagues, in brenning and exil-
ing the country, the which was plentiful of
everything — the granges full of corn, the
houses full of all riches, rich burgesses, carts
and chariots, horse, swine, muttons and
other beasts : they took what them list and
brought into the king's host ; but the sol-
diers made no count to the king nor to none
of his officers of the gold and silver that they
did get ; they kept that to themselves.
Thus sir Godfrey of Harcourt rode every
day off from the king's host, and for
most part every night resorted to the king's
field. The king took his way to Saint-Lo
in Cotentin, but or he came there he lodged
by a river, abiding for his men that rode
along by the sea-side ; and when they were
come, they set forth their carriage, and the
earl of Warwick, the earl of Suffolk, sir
Thomas Holland and sir Raynold Cobham,
and their company rode out on the one side
and wasted and exiled the country, as the
lord Harcourt had done ; and the king ever
rode between these battles, and every night
they lodged together.
CHAPTER CXXni
Of the great assembly that the French king
made to resist the king of England.
Thus by the Englishmen was brent, ex-
iled, robbed, wasted and pilled the good,
plentiful country of Normandy. Then the
French king sent for the lord John of Hai-
nault, who came to him with a great number :
also the king sent for other men of arms,
dukes, earls, barons, knights and squires,
and assembled together the greatest number
of people that had been seen in France a
hundred year before. He sent for men
into so far countries, that it was long or
July and remained at Saint-Vaast till the i8th, and
meanwhile the fleet went to Barfleur and Cherbourg.
The army arrived at Caen on the 26th.
96
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
they came together, wherefore the king of
England did what him Hst in the mean
season. The French king heard well what
he did, and sware and said how they should
never return again unfought withal, and
that such hurts and damages as they had
done should be dearly revenged ; wherefore
he had sent letters to his friends in the
Empire, to such as were farthest off, and
also to the gentle king of Bohemia and to
the lord Charles his son, who from thence-
forth was called king of Almaine ; he was
made king by the aid of his father and the
French king, and had taken on him the
arms of the Empire : the French king de-
sired them to come to him with all their
powers, to the intent to fight with the king
of England, who brent and wasted his
country. These princes and lords made
them ready with great number of men of
arms, of Almains, Bohemians and Luxem-
burgers, and so came to the French king.
Also king Philip sent to the duke of Lor-
raine, who came to serve him with three
hundred spears : also there came the earl
[of] Salm in Saumois, the earl of Sarrebruck,
the earl of Flanders, the earl William of
Namur, every man with a fair company.
Ye have heard herebefore of the order of
the Englishmen, how they went in three
battles, the marshals on the right hand and
on the left, the king and the prince of Wales
his son in the midst. They rode but small
journeys and every day took their lodgings
between noon and three of the clock, and
found the country so fruitful, that they
needed not to make no provision for their
host, but all only for wine ; and yet they
found reasonably sufficient thereof.^ It was
no marvel though they of the country were
afraid, for before that time they had never
seen men of war, nor they wist not what
war or battle meant. They fled away as
far as they might hear speaking of the Eng-
lishmen,^ and left their houses well stuffed,
and granges full of corn, they wist not how
to save and keep it. The king of England
and the prince had in their battle a three
thousand men of arms and six thousand
archers and a ten thousand men afoot, be-
side them that rode with the marshals.
1 Or rather, 'thus they found reasonably suffi-
cient provisions.'
2 That is, they fled as soon as they heard their
coming spoken of.
Thus as ye have heard, the king rode
forth, wasting andbrenning the country with-
out breaking of his order. He left the city
of Coutances^ and wentto agreat town called
Saint-Lo, a rich town of drapery and many
rich burgesses. In that town there were
dwelling an eight or nine score burgesses,
crafty men. When the king came there, he
took his lodging without, for he would never
lodge in the town for fear of fire : but he
sent his men before and anon the town was
taken and clean robbed. It was hard to
think the great riches that there was won,
in clothes specially ; cloth would there have
been sold good cheap, if there had been
any buyers.
Then the king went toward Caen, the
which was a greater town and full of drapery
and other merchandise, and rich burgesses,
noble ladies and damosels, and fair churches,
and specially two great and rich abbeys, one
of the Trinity, another of Saint Stephen ;
and on the one side of the town one of the
fairest castles of all Normandy, and captain
therein was Robert of Wargny, with three
hundred Genoways, and in the town was
the earl of Eu and of Guines, constable of
France, and the earl of Tancarville, with a
good number of men of war. The king of
England rode that day in good order and
lodged all his battles together that night, a
two leagues from Caen, in a town with a
little haven called Austrehem, and thither
came also all his navy of ships with the earl
of Huntingdon, who was governour of them.
The constable and other lords of France
that night watched well the town of Caen,
and in the morning armed them with all
them of the town : then the constable
ordained that none should issue out, but
keep their defences on the walls, gate,
bridge and river, and left the suburbs void,
because they were not closed ; for they
thought they should have enough to do to
defend the town, because it was not closed
but with the river. They of the town said
how they would issue out, for they were "
1 That is, he did not turn aside to go to it.
Froissart says, ' He did not turn aside to the city
of Coutances, but went on toward the great town
of Saint-Lo in Cotentin, which at that time was very
rich and of great merchandise and three times as
great as the city of Coutances.' Michael of North-
burgh says that Barfleur was about equal in import-
ance to Sandwich and Carentan to Leicester, Saint-
Lo greater than Lincoln, and Caen greater than any
city in England except London.
CAPTURE OF CAEN {July 26)
97
strong enough to fight with the king of
England, When the constable saw their
good wills, he said : * In the name of God
be it, ye shall not fight without me. ' Then
they issued out in good order and made
good face to fight and to defend them and
to put their lives in adventure.
CHAPTER CXXIV
Of the battle of Caen, and how the
Englishmen took the town.
The same day the Englishmen rose early
and apparelled them ready to go to Caen.^
The king heard mass before the sun-rising
and then took his horse, and the prince
his son, with sir Godfrey of Harcourt
marshal and leader of the host, whose
counsel the king much followed. Then
they drew toward Caen with their battles in
good array, and so approached the good
town of Caen. When they of the town,
who were ready in the field, saw these three
battles coming in good order, with their
banners and standards waving in the wind,
and the archers, the which they had not
been accustomed to see, they were sore
afraid and fled away toward the town with-
out any order or good array, for all that the
constable could do : then the Englishmen
pursued them eagerly. When the constable
and the earl Tancarville saw that, they took
a gate at the entry and saved themselves ^
and certain with them, for the Englishmen
were entered into the town. Some of the
knights and squires of France, such as knew
the way to the castle, went thither, and the
captain there received them all, for the
castle was large. The Englishmen in the
chase slew many, for they took none to
mercy.
Then the constable and the earl of Tan-
carville, being in the little tower at the
bridge foot, looked along the street and saw
their men slain v/ithout mercy : they doubted
to fall in their hands. At last they saw an
English knight with one eye called sir
^ This was 26th July. Edward arrived at Poissy
on i2th August : Philip of Valois left Paris on the
14th : the English crossed the Seine at Poissy on
the i6th, and the Somme at Blanche-taque on the
24th.
2 ' Set themselves for safety in a gate at the entry
of the bridge.'
H
Thomas Holland, and a five or six other
knights with him : they knew them, for
they had seen them before in Pruce, in
Granade, and in other viages. Then they
called to sir Thomas and said how they
would yield themselves prisoners. Then
sir Thomas came thither with his company
and mounted up into the gate, and there
found the said lords with twenty- five knights
with them, who yielded them to sir Thomas,
and he took them for his prisoners and left
company to keep them, and then mounted
again on his horse and rode into the streets,
and saved many lives of ladies, damosels,
and cloisterers from defoiling, for the
soldiers were without mercy. It fell so
well the same season for the Englishmen,
that the river, which was able to bear ships,
at that time was so low, that men went in
and out beside the bridge. They of the
town were entered into their houses, and
cast down into the street stones, timber
and iron, and slew and hurt more than five
hundred Englishmen, wherewith the king
was sore displeased. At night when he
heard thereof, he commanded that the next
day all should be put to the sword and the
town brent ; but then sir Godfrey of Har-
court said : 'Dear sir, for God's sake
assuage somewhat your courage, and let it
suffice you that ye have done. Ye have
yet a great voyage to do or ye come before
Calais, whither ye purpose to go ; and, sir,
in this town there is much people who will
defend their houses, and it will cost many
of your men their lives, or ye have all at
your will ; whereby peradventure ye shall
not keep your purpose to Calais, the which
should redound to your rack. Sir, save
your people, for ye shall have need of them
or this month pass ; for I think verily your
adversary king Philip will meet with you to
fight, and ye shall find many strait passages
and rencounters ; wherefore your men, an
ye had more, shall stand you in good stead :
and, sir, without any further slaying ye shall
be lord of this town ; men and women will
put all that they have to your pleasure.'
Then the king said : ' Sir Godfrey, you are
our marshal, ordain everything as ye will.'
Then sir Godfrey with his banner rode
from street to street, and commanded in
the king's name none to be so hardy to put
fire in any house, to slay any person, nor to
violate any woman. When they of the
98
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
town heard that cry, they received the
Englishmen into their houses and made
them good cheer, and some opened their
coffers and bade them take what them Hst,
so they might be assured of their Hves ;
howbeit there were done in the town many
evil deeds, murders and robberies Thus
the Englishmen were lords of the town
three days and won great riches, the which
they sent by barks and barges to Saint-
Saviour by the river of Austrehem,^ a two
leagues thence, whereas all their navy lay.
Then the king sent the earl of Huntingdon
with two hundred men of arms and four
hundred archers, with his navy and prisoners
and riches that they had got, back again
into England. And the king bought of sir
Thomas Holland the constable of France
and the earl of Tancarville, and paid for
them twenty thousand nobles.
CHAPTER CXXV
How sir Godfrey of Harcourt fought
them of Amiens before Paris.
with
Thus the king of England ordered his
business, being in the town of Caen, and
sent into England his navy of ships charged
^yith clothes, jewels, vessels of gold and
silver, and of other riches, and of prisoners
more than sixty knights and three hundred
burgesses. Then he departed from the
town of Caen and rode in the same order
as he did before, brenning and exiling the
country, and took the way to Evreux and
so passed by it ; and from thence they rode
to a great town called Louviers : it was the
chief town of all Normandy of drapery,
riches, and full of merchandise. The
Englishmen soon entered therein, for as
then it was not closed ; it was overrun,
spoiled and robbed without mercy : there
was won great riches. Then they entered
into the country of Evreux and brent and
pilled all the country except the good towns
closed and castles, to the which the king
made nofie assault, because of the sparing
of his people and his artillery.
On the river of Seine near to Rouen there
1 Frolssart says that they sent their booty in
barges and boats ' on the river as far as Austrehem,
a two leagues from thence, where their great navy
lay.' He pakes no mention of Saint-Sauveur here.
The river in question is the Orne, at the mouth of
which Austrehem is situated.
was the earl of Harcourt, brother to sir
Godfrey of Harcourt, but he was on the
French party, and the earl of Dreux with
him, with a good number of men of war :
but the Englishmen left Rouen and went
to Gisors, where was a strong castle : they
brent the town and then they brent Vernon
and all the country about Rouen and Pont-
de-l'Arche and came to Mantes and to
Meulan, and wasted all the country about,
and passed by the strong castle of Rolle-
boise ; and in every place along the river
of Seine they found the bridges broken.
At last they came to Poissy, and found the
bridge broken, but the arches and joists lay
in the river : the king lay there a five
days : in the mean • season the bridge was
made, to pass the host without peril. The
English marshals ran abroad just to Paris,
and brent Saint - Germain in Laye and
Montjoie, and Saint - Cloud, and petty
Boulogne by Paris, and the Queen's Bourg •?■
they of Paris were not well assured of them-
selves, for it was not as then closed.
Then king Philip removed to Saint-Denis,
and or he went caused all the pentices in
Paris to be pulled down ; and at Saint-
Denis were ready come the king of Bohemia,
the lord John of Hainault, the duke of
Lorraine, the earl of Flanders, the earl of
Blois, and many other great lords and
knights, ready to serve the French king.
When the people of Paris saw their. king
depart, they came to him and kneeled down
and said : ' Ah, sir and noble king, what
will ye do? leave thus this noble city of,
Paris ? ' The king said : * My good people,
doubt ye not : the Englishmen will approach]
you no nearer than they be.' 'Why so,]
sir ? ' quoth they ; ' they be within these two]
leagues, and as soon as they know of your]
departing, they will come and assail us ;]
and we not able to defend them : sir, tarry]
here still and help to defend your good city j
of Paris. ' ' Speak no more, ' quoth the king,
' for I will go to Saint-Denis to my men of
war : for I will encounter the Englishmen and
fight against them, whatsoever fall thereof.'
The king of England was at Poissy, and
lay in the nunnery there, and kept there
the feast of our Lady in August and sat in
his robes of scarlet furred with ermines ;
and after that feast he went forth in order
as they were before. The lord Godfrey of
1 Bourg-la-Reine.
THE ENGLISH NEAR PARIS, 1346
99
Harcourt rode out on the one side with five
hundred men of arms and thirteen ^ hundred
archers ; and by adventure he encountered
a great number of burgesses of Amiens a-
horseback, who were riding by the king's
commandment to Paris. They were
quickly assailed and they defended them-
selves valiantly, for they were a great number
and well armed : there were four knights of
Amiens their captains. This skirmish
dured long : at the first meeting many were
overthrown on both parts ; but finally the
burgesses were taken and nigh all slain, and
the Englishmen took all their carriages and
harness. They were well stuffed, for they
were going to the French king well ap-
pointed, because they had not seen him a
great season before. There were slain in
the field a twelve hundred.
Then the king of England entered into
the country of Beauvoisis, brenning and exil-
ing the plain country, and lodged at a fair
abbey and a rich called Saint-Messien * near
to Beauvais : there the king tarried a night
and in the morning departed. And when
he was on his way he looked behind him
and saw the abbey a-fire : he caused incon-
tinent twenty of them to be hanged that
set the fire there, for he had commanded
before on pain of death none to violate any
church nor to bren any abbey. Then the
king passed by the city of Beauvais without
any assault giving, for because he would
not trouble his people nor waste his artil-
lery. And so that day he took his lodging
betime in a little town called Milly. The
two marshals came so near to Beauvais,
that they made assault and skirmish at the
barriers in three places, the which assault
endured a long space ; but the town within
was so well defended by the means of the
bishop, who was there within, that finally
the Englishmen departed, and brent clean
hard to the gates all the suburbs, and
then at night they came into the king's
field.
The next day the king departed, bren-
ning and wasting all before him, and at
night lodged in a good village called Grand-
villiers. The next day the king passed by
Dargies : there was none to defend the
1 A better reading is ' twelve.*
2 Commonly called Saint - Lucien, but Saint-
Maximianus (Messien) is also associated with the
place.
castle, wherefore it was soon taken and
brent. Then they went forth destroying
the country all about, and so came to the
castle of Poix, where there was a good
town and two castles. There was nobody
in them but two fair damosels, daughters to
the lord of Poix ; they were soon taken,
and had been violated, an two English
knights had not been, sir John Chandos
and sir Basset ; they defended them and
brought them to the king, who for his
honour made them good cheer and de-
manded of them whither they would
fainest go. They said, 'To Corbie,' and
the king caused them to be brought thither
without peril. That night the king lodged
in the town of Poix. They of the town
and of the castles spake that night with
the marshals of the host, to save them and
their town from brenning, and they to pay
a certain sum of florins the next day as
soon as the host was departed. This was
granted them, and in the morning the
king departed with all his host except a
certain that were left there to receive the
money that they of the town had promised
to pay. When they of the town saw the
host depart and but a few left behind, then
they said they would pay never a penny,
and so ran out and set on the Englishmen,
who defended themselves as well as they
might and sent after the host for succour.
When sir Raynold Cobham and sir Thomas
Holland, who had the rule of the rear-
guard, heard thereof, they returned and
cried, ' Treason, treason ! ' and so came
again to Poix-ward and found their com-
panions still fighting with them of the town.
Then anon they of the town were nigh all
slain, and the town brent, and the two
castles beaten down. Then they returned
to the king's host, who was as then at
Airaines and there lodged, and had com-
manded all manner of men on pain of
death to do no hurt to no town of Arsyn,^
for there the king was minded to lie a day
or two to take advice how he might pass
the river of Somme ; for it was necessary
for him to pass the river, as ye shall hear
after.
1 A mistranslation. The original is ' [il avoit]
defFendu sus le hart que nuls ne fourfesist rien a le
ville d'arsin ne d'autre cose,' ' he had commanded
all on pain of hanging to do no hurt to the town by
burning or otherwise.' The translator has taken
' arsin ' for a proper name.
100
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
CHAPTER CXXVI
How the French king followed the king of
England in Beauvoisinois.
Now let us speak of king Philip, who was
at Saint- Denis and his people about him,
and daily increased. Then on a day he
departed and rode so long that he came to
Coppegueule, a three leagues from Amiens,
and there he tarried. The king of England
being at Airaines wist not where for to pass
the river of Somme, the which was large
and deep, and all bridges were broken and
the passages well kept. Then at the king's
commandment his two marshals with a
thousand men of arms and two thousand
archers went along the river to find some
passage, and passed by Longpre, and came
to the bridge of Remy,^ the which was well
kept with a great number of knights and
squires and men of the country. The Eng-
lishmen alighted afoot and assailed the
Frenchmen from the morning till it was
noon ; but the bridge was so well fortified
and defended, that the Englishmen de-
parted without winning of anything. Then
they went to a great town called Fountains
on the river of Somme, the which was clean
robbed and brent, for it was not closed.
Then they went to another town called
Long-en- Ponthieu ; they could not win the
bridge, it was so well kept and defended.
Then they departed and went to Picquigny,
and found the town, the bridge, and the
castle so well fortified, that it was not likely
to pass there : the French king had so well
defended the passages, to the intent that
the king of England should not pass the
river of Somme, to fight with him at his
advantage or else to famish him there.
When these two marshals had assayed in
all places to find passage and could find
none, they returned again to the king, and
shewed how they could find no passage in
no place. The same night the French
king came to Amiens with more than a
hundred thousand men.. The king of Eng-
land was right pensive, and the next morn-
ing heard mass before the sun-rising and
then dislodged ; and every man followed
1 Pont-a-Remy, corrupted here into 'bridge of
Athyne.'
the marshals' banners, and so rode in the
country of Vimeu approaching to the good
town of Abbeville, and found a town there-
by, whereunto was come much people of
the country in trust of a little defence that
was there ; but the Englishmen anon won
it, and all they that were within slain, and
many taken of the town and of the country.
The king took his lodging in a great
hospital ^ that was there. The same day
the French king departed from Amiens and
came to Airaines about noon ; and the]
Englishmen were departed thence in the
morning. The Frenchmen found there
great provision that the Englishmen hac
left behind them, because they departed ii
haste. There they found flesh ready or
the broaches, bread and pasties in the
ovens, wine in tuns and barrels, and the
tables ready laid. There the French king,
lodged and tarried for his lords.
That night the king of England was lodged
at Oisemont. At night when the two mar-
shals were returned, who had that day over-
run the country to the gates of Abbeville and
to Saint-Valery and made a great skirmish
there, then the king assembled together hi?
council and made to be brought before him
certain prisoners of the country of Ponthiei
and of Vimeu. The king right courteously
demanded of them, if there were any amonj
them that knew any passage beneath Abbe-
ville, that he and his host might pass ovei
the river of Somme : if he would shew hii
thereof, he should be quit of his ransom^
and twenty of his company for his love.
There was a varlet called Gobin Agac<
who stepped forth and said to the king;
' Sir, I promise you on the jeopardy of mj
head I shall bring you to such a place,
whereas ye and all your host shall pass the
river of Somme without peril. There be
certain places in the passage that ye shall
pass twelve men afront two times betweei
day and night : ye shall not go in the wate:
to the knees. But when the flood cometh,
the river then waxeth so great, that no mat
can pass ; but when the flood is gone, th<
which is two times between day and nighty
then the river is so low, that it may b<
passed without danger both a-horsebaci
and afoot. The passage is hard in the
bottom with white stones, so that all youi
carriage may go surely ; therefore th<
1 That is, a house of the knights of Saint John.
PASSAGE OF THE SOMME {Aug. 24)
lOI
passage is called Blanche-taque. An ye
make ready to depart betimes, ye may be
there by the sun-rising. ' The king said :
« If this be true that ye say, I quit thee thy
ransom and all thy company, and moreover
shall give thee a hundred nobles.' Then
the king commanded every man to be ready
at the sound of the trumpet to depart.
CHAPTER CXXVII
Of the battle of Blanche-taque between the
I king of England and sir Godemar du Fay.
The king of England slept not much that
night, for at midnight he arose and sowned
his trumpet : then incontinent they made
ready carriages and all things, and at the
breaking of the day they departed from the
town of Oisemont and rode after the guiding
of Gobin Agace, so that they came by the
sun-rising to Blanche-taque ; but as then the
flood was up, so that they might not pass :
so the king tarried there till it was prime ;
then the ebb came.
The French king had his currours in the
country, who brought him word of the
demeanour of the Englishmen. Then he
thought to close the king of England
between Abbeville and the river of Somme,
and so to fight with him at his pleasure.
And when he was at Amiens he had
ordained a great baron of Normandy, called
sir Godemar du Fay, to go and keep the
passage of Blanche-taque, where the English-
men must pass or else in none other place.
He had with him a thousand men of arms
and six thousand afoot, with the Genoways :
so they went by Saint-Riquier in Ponthieu
and from thence to Crotoy, whereas the
passage lay ; and also he had with him a
great number of men of the country, and
also a great number of them of Montreuil,
so that they were a twelve thousand men
one and other.
When the English host was come thither,
sir Godemar du Fay arranged all his company
to defend the passage. The king of England
let not for all that ; but when the flood was
gone, he commanded his marshals to enter
into the water in the name of God and Saint
George. Then they that were hardy and
courageous entered on both parties, and
many a man reversed. There were some of
the Frenchmen of Artois and Picardy that
were as glad to joust in the water as on the
dry land.
The Frenchmen defended so well the
passage at the issuing out of the water, that
they had much to do. The Genoways did
them great trouble with their cross-bows :
on the other side the archers of England
shot so wholly together, that the French-
men were fain to give place to the English-
men. There was a sore battle, and many
a noble feat of arms done on both sides.
Finally the Englishmen passed over and
assembled together in the field. The king
and the prince passed, and all the lords ;
then the Frenchmen kept none array, but
departed, he that might best. When sir
Godemar saw that discomfiture, he fled and
saved himself : some fled to Abbeville and
some to Saint- Riquiers. They that were
there afoot could not flee, so that there were
slain a great number of them of Abbeville,
Montreuil, Rue and of Saint-Riquiers : the
chase endured more than a great league.
And as yet all the Englishmen were not
passed the river, and certain currours of the
king of Bohemia and of sir John of Plainault
came on them that were behind and took
certain horses and carriages and slew divers,
or they could take the passage.
The French king the same morning was
departed from Airaines, trusting to have
found the Englishmen between him and
the river of Somme : but when he heard
how that sir Godemar du Fay and his
company were discomfited, he tarried in
the field and demanded of his marshals
what was best to do. They said, 'Sir, ye
cannot pass the river but at the bridge of
Abbeville, for the flood is come in at
Blanche-taque ' : then he returned and
lodged at Abbeville.
The king of England when he was past
the river, he thanked God and so rode forth
in like manner as he did before. Then he
called Gobin Agace and did quit him his
ransom and all his company, and gave him
a hundred nobles and a good horse. And
so the king rode forth fair and easily, and
thought to have lodged in a great town
called Noyelles ; but when he knew that
the town pertained to the countess d'Aumale,
sister to the lord Robert of Artois,^ the
1 She was in fact his daughter.
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
king assured the town and country as much
as pertained to her, and so went forth ; and
his marshals rode to Crotoy on the sea-side
and brent the town, and found in the haven
many ships and barks charged with wines
of Poitou, pertaining to the merchants of
Saintonge and of Rochelle : they brought
the best thereof to the king's host. Then
one of the marshals rode to the gates of
Abbeville and from thence to Saint- Riquiers,
and after to the town of Rue-Saint-Esprit.
This was on a Friday, and both battles of
the marshals returned to the king's host
about noon and so lodged all together near
to Cressy in Ponthieu.
The king of England was well informed
how the French king followed after him to
fight. Then he said to his company ; * Let
us take here some plot of ground, for we
will go no farther till we have seen our
enemies. I have good cause here to abide
them, for I am on the right heritage of the
queen my mother, the which land was given
at her marriage : I will challenge it of mine
adversary Philip of Valois.' And because
that he had not the eighth part in number of
men as the French king had, therefore he
commanded his marshals to chose a plot of
ground somewhat for his advantage : and so
they did, and thither the king and his host
went. Then he sent his currours to
Abbeville, to see if the French king drew
that day into the field or not. They went
forth and returned again, and said how they
could see none appearance of his coming :
then every man took their lodging for that
day, and to be ready in the morning at the
sound of the trumpet in the same place.
This Friday the French king tarried still in
Abbeville abiding for his company, and sent
his two marshals to ride out to see the
dealing of the Englishmen, and at night
they returned, and said how the English-
men were lodged in the fields. That night
the French king made a supper to all the
chief lords that were there with him, and
after supper the king desired them to be
friends each to other. The king looked for
the earl of Savoy, who should come to him
with a thousand spears, for he had received
wages for a three months of them at Troyes
in Champagne.
CHAPTER CXXVIII
Of the order of the Englishmen at Cressy,
and how they made three battles afoot. \
On the Friday, as I said before, the king of
England lay in the fields, for the country
was plentiful of wines and other victual,
and if need had been, they had provision
following in carts and other carriages.
That night the king made a supper to all
his chief lords of his host and made them
good cheer ; and when they were all de-
parted to take their rest, then the king
entered into his oratory and kneeled down
before the altar, praying God devoutly, that
if he fought the next day, that he might
achieve the journey to his honour : then
about midnight he laid him down to rest,
and in the morning he rose betimes and
heard mass, and the prince his son with
him, and the most part of his company were
confessed and houselled ; and after the mass
said, he commanded every man to be armed
and to draw to the field to the same place^
before appointed. Then the king caused
park to be made by the wood side behim
his host, and there was set all carts an<
carriages, and within the park were all thei
horses, for every man was afoot ; and int(
this park there was but one entry. TheJ
he ordained three battles : in the first wa
the young prince of Wales, with him th<
earl of Warwick and Oxford, the lor<
Godfrey of Harcourt, sir Raynold Cobham^
sir Thomas Holland, the lord Stafford, th<
lord of Mohun, the lord Delaware, sir Johi
Chandos, sir Bartholomew de Burghersh
sir Robert Nevill, the lord Thomas Clifford
the lord Bourchier, the lord de Latimer, an<
divers other knights and squires that I can
not name : they were an eight hundred mei
of arms and two thousand archers, and i
thousand of -other with the Welshmen
every lord drew to the field appointee
under his own banner and pennon. In th<
second battle was the earl of Northamptoi^
the earl of Arundel, the lord Ros, the lore
Lucy, the lord Willoughby, the lord Bassetj
the lord of Saint-Aubin, sir Louis TuftoHj
the lord of Multon, the lord Lascelles anc
divers other, about an eight hundred me^
of arms and twelve hundred archers. The
third battle had the king: he had seven
BATTLE OF CRACY {.Aug. 26)
103
hundred men of arms and two thousand
archers. Then the king leapt on a hobby,^
with a white rod in his hand, one of his
marshals on the one hand and the other on
the other hand : he rode from rank to rank
desiring every man to take heed that day
to his right and honour. He spake it so
sweetly and with so good countenance and
merry cheer, that all such as were dis-
comfited took courage in the seeing and
hearing of him. And when he had thus
visited all his battles, it was then nine of
the day : then he caused every man to eat
and drink a little, and so they did at their
leisure. And afterward they ordered again
their battles : then every man lay down on
the earth and by him his salet and bow, to
be the more fresher when their enemies
should come.
CHAPTER CXXIX
The order of the Frenchmen at Cressy, and
how they beheld the demeanour of the
Englishmen.
This Saturday the French king rose be-
times and heard mass in Abbeville in his
lodging in the abbey of Saint Peter, and
he departed after the sun-rising. "When he
was out of the town two leagues, approach-
ing toward his enemies, some of his lords
said to him : ' Sir, it were good that ye
ordered your battles, and let all your foot-
men pass somewhat on before, that they be
not troubled with the horsemen.' Then
the king sent four knights, the Moine [of]
IJazeilles, the lord of Noyers, the lord of
Beaujeu and the lord d'Aubigny to ride to
aview the English host ; and so they rode
so near that they might well see part of
their dealing. The Englishmen saw them
well and knew well how they were come
thither to aview them : they let them alone
and made no countenance toward them,
and let them return as they came. And
when the French king saw these four
knights return again, he tarried till they
came to him and said : ' Sirs, what tidings?'
These four knights each of them looked on
other, for there was none would speak
before his companion ; finally the king
said to [the] Moine, who pertained to the
1 ' Un petit palefroi. '
king of Bohemia and had done in his days
so much, that he was reputed for one of
the valiantest knights of the world : ' Sir,
speak you.' Then he said: 'Sir, I shall
speak, sith it pleaseth you, under the
correction of my fellows. Sir, we have
ridden and seen the behaving of your
enemies : know ye for truth they are rested
in three battles abiding for you. Sir, I
will counsel you as for my part, saving
your displeasure, that you and all your
company rest here and lodge for this night :
for or they that be behind of your company
be come hither, and or your battles be set
in good order, it will be very late, and
your people be weary and out of array,
and ye shall find your enemies fresh and
ready to receive you. Early in the morning
ye may order your battles at more leisure
and advise your enemies at more delibera-
tion, and to regard well what way ye will
assail them ; for, sir, surely they will abide
you.'
Then the king commanded that it should
be so done. Then his two marshals one
rode before, another behind, saying to
every banner : * Tarry and abide here in
the name of God and Saint Denis.' They
that were foremost tarried, but they that
were behind would not tarry, but rode
forth, and said how they would in no wise
abide till they were as far forward as the
foremost : and when they before saw them
come on behind, then they rode forward
again, so that the king nor his marshals
could not rule them. So they rode without
order or good array, till they came in sight
of their enemies : and as soon as the fore-
most saw them, they reculed then aback
without good array, whereof they behind
had marvel and were abashed, and thought
that the foremost company had been fight-
ing. Then they might have had leisure
and room to have gone forward, if they
had list : some went forth and some abode
still. The commons, of whom all the ways
between Abbeville and Cressy were full,
when they saw that they were near to their
enemies, they took their swords and cried :
'Down with them ! let us slay them all."
There is i>o man, though he were present
at the journey, that could imagine or shew
the truth of the evil order that was among
the French party, and yet they were a
marvellous great number. That I write
I04
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
in this book I learned it specially of the
Englishmen, who well beheld their dealing ;
and also certain knights of sir John of
Hainault's, who was always about king
Philip, shewed me as they knew.
CHAPTER CXXX
Of the battle of Cressy between the king of
England and the French king.
The Englishmen, who were in three battles
lying on the ground to rest them, as soon
as they saw the Frenchmen approach, they
rose upon their feet fair and easily without
any haste and arranged their battles. The
first, which was the prince's battle, the
f archers there stood in manner of a herse
and the men of arms in the bottom of the
battle. The earl of Northampton and the
earl of Arundel with the second battle
were on a wing in good order, ready to
comfort the prince's battle, if need were.
The lords and knights of France came
not to the assembly together in good order,
for some came before and some came after
in such haste and evil order, that one of
them did trouble another. When the
French king saw the Englishmen, his blood
changed, and said to his marshals : ' Make
the Genoways go on before and begin the
battle in the name of God and Saint Denis.'
There were of the Genoways cross-bows
about a fifteen thousand,^ but they were so
weary of going afoot that day a six leagues
armed with their cross-bows, that they said
to their constables : ' We be not well
ordered to fight this day, for we be not in
the case to do any great deed of arms : we
have more need of rest.' These words
came to the earl of Alen9on, who said :
' A man is well at ease to be charged with
such a sort of rascals, to -be faint and fail
now at most need.' Also the same season
there fell a great rain and a clipse ^ with a
terrible thunder, and before the rain there
came flying over both battles a great number
of crows for fear of the tempest coming.
Then anon the air began to wax clear, and
the sun to shine fair and bright, the which
1 Villani, a very good authority on the subject,
says 6000, brought from the ships at Harfleur.
^ A mistranslation of 'une esdistre,' 'a flash of
lightning.'
was right in the Frenchmen's eyen and on
the Englishmen's backs. When the Geno-
ways were assembled together and began
to approach, they made a great leap ^ and
cry to abash the Englishmen, but they
stood still and stirred not for all that : then
the Genoways again the second time made
another leap and a fell cry, and stept for-
ward a little, and the Englishmen removed
not one foot : thirdly, again they leapt and
cried, and went forth till they came within
shot ; then they shot fiercely with their
cross-bows. Then the English archers
stept forth one pace and let fly their arrows
so wholly [together] and so thick, that it
seemed snow. When the Genoways felt
the arrows piercing through heads, arms
and breasts, many of them cast down
their cross-bows and did cut their strings
and returned discomfited. When the
French king saw them fly away, he said :
' Slay these rascals, for they shall let and
trouble us without reason.' Then ye
should have seen the men of arms dash
in among them and killed a great number
of them : and ever still the Englishmen
shot whereas they saw thickest press ; the
sharp arrows ran into the men of arms and
into their horses, and many fell, horse and
men, among the Genoways, and when they
were down, they could not relieve ^ again,
the press was so thick that one overthrew
another. And also among the Englishmen
there were certain rascals that went afoot
with great knives, and they went in among
the men of arms, and slew and murdered
many as they lay on the ground, both earls,
barons, knights and squires, whereof the
king of England was after displeased, for
he had rather they had been taken prisoners.
The valiant king of Bohemia called
Charles of Luxembourg, son to the noble
emperor Henry of Luxembourg, for all
that he was nigh blind, when he understood
the order of the battle, he said to them
about him : ' Where is the lord Charles
1 These ' leaps ' of the Genoese are invented by
the translator, and have passed from him into several
respectable English text-books, sometimes incom-
pany with the eclipse above mentioned. Froissart
says : ' II commencierent a juper moult epouvant-
ablement' ; that is, 'to utter cries.' Another text
makes mention of the English cannons at this
point : ' The English remained still and let off some
cannons that they had, to frighten the Genoese.'
2 The translator's word ' relieve ' (relyuue) repre-
I sents ' relever,' for ' se relever.'
BATTLE OF CRECY
105
my son ? ' His men said : ' Sir, we cannot
tell ; we think he be fighting.' Then he
said : ' Sirs, ye are my men, my com-
panions and friends in this journey : I
require you bring me so far forward, that
I may strike one stroke with my sword.'
They said they would do his commandment,
and to the intent that they should not lose
him in the press, they tied all their reins
of their bridles each to other and set the
king before to accomplish his desire, and
so they went on their enemies. The lord
Charles of Bohemia his son, who wrote
himself king of Almaine and bare the arms,
he came in good order to the battle ; but
when he saw that the matter went awry on
their party, he departed, I cannot tell you
which way. The king his father was so
far forward that he strake a stroke with his
sword, yea and more than four, and fought
valiantly and so did his company ; and
they adventured themselves so forward,
that they were there all slain, and the next
day they were found in the place about
the king, and all their horses tied each
to other.
The earl of Alen9on came to the battle
right ordinately and fought with the Eng-
lishmen, and the earl of Flanders also on his
part. These two lords with their companies
coasted the English archers and came to the
prince's battle, and there fought valiantly
long. The French king would fain have
come thither, when he saw their banners,
but there was a great hedge of archers
before him. The same day the French
king had given a great black courser to sir
John of Hainault, and he made the lord
Thierry of Senzeille to ride on him and to
bear his banner. The same horse took the
bridle in the teeth and brought him through
all the currours of the Englishmen, and as
he would have returned again, he fell in a
great dike and was sore hurt, and had
been there dead, an his page had not been,
who followed him through all the battles
and saw where his master lay in the dike,
and had none other let but for his horse,
for the Englishmen would not issue out
of their battle for taking of any prisoner.
Then the page alighted and relieved his
master : then he went not back again the
same way that they came, there was too
many in his way.
This battle between Broye and Cressy
this Saturday was right cruel and fell, and
many a feat of arms done that came not
to my knowledge. In the night -^ divers
knights and squires lost their masters, and
sometime came on the Englishmen, who
received them in such wise that they were
ever nigh slain ; for there was none taken
to mercy nor to ransom, for so the English-
men were determined.
In the morning^ the day of the battle
certain Frenchmen and Almains perforce
opened the archers of the prince's battle
and came and fought with the men of
arms hand to hand. Then the second
battle of the Englishmen came to succour
the prince's battle, the which was time, for
they had as then much ado ; and they with
the prince sent a messenger to the king,
who was on a little windmill hill. Then
the knight said to the king : * Sir, the earl
of Warwick and the earl of Oxford, sir
Raynold Cobham and other, such as be
about the prince your son, are fiercely
fought withal and are sore handled ; where-
fore they desire you that you and your
battle will come and aid them; for if the
Frenchmen increase, as they doubt they
will, your son and they shall have much
ado.' Then the king said: 'Is my son
dead or hurt or on the earth felled?' 'No,
sir,' quoth the knight, 'but he is hardly
matched ; wherefore he hath need of your
aid.' 'Well,' said the king, 'return to
him and to them that sent you hither, and
say to them that they send no more to me
for any adventure that falleth, as long as
my son is alive : and also say to them that
they suffer him this day to win his spurs ;^
for if God be pleased, I will this journey
be his and the honour thereof, and to them
that be about him. ' Then the knight re-
turned again to them and shewed the
king's words, the which greatly encouraged
them, and repoined^ in that they had sent
to the king as they did.
Sir Godfrey of Harcourt would gladly
that the earl of Harcourt his brother might
1 'Sus le nuit,' 'towards nightfall.' _
2 The text has suffered by omissions. What
Froissart says is that if the battle had begun in the
morning, it might have gone better for the French,
and then he instances the exploits of those who
broke through the archers. The battle did not
begin till four o'clock in the afternoon.
3 ' Que il laissent a I'enfant gaegnier ses esperons.'
4 i^e. * they repoined ' : Fr. ' se reprisent. '
io6
TH£ CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
have been saved; for he heard say by
them that saw his banner how that he was
there in the field on the French party : but
sir Godfrey could not come to him be-
times, for he was slain or he could come
at him, and so was also the earl of Aumale
his nephew. In another place the earl of
Alen5on and the earl of Flanders fought
valiantly, every lord under his own banner ;
but finally they could not resist against the
puissance of the Englishmen, and so there
they were also slain, and divers other
knights and squires. Also the earl Louis of
Blois, nephew to the French king, and the
duke of Lorraine fought under their
banners, but at last they were closed in
among a company of Englishmen and
Welshmen, and there were slain for all
their prowess. Also there was slain the
earl of Auxerre, the earl of Saint- Pol and
many other.
In the evening the French king, who
had left about him no more than a three-
score persons, one and other, whereof sir
John of Hainault was one, who had re-
mounted once the king, for his horse was
slain with an arrow, then he said to the
king : ' Sir, depart hence, for it is time ;
lose not yourself wilfully : if ye have loss at
this time, ye shall recover it again another
season. ' And so he took the king's horse
by the bridle and led him away in a
manner perforce. Then the king rode till
he came to the castle of Broye. The gate
was closed, because it was by that time
dark : then the king called the captain,
who came to the walls and said : * Who
is that calleth there this time of night ? '
Then the king said : ' Open your gate
quickly, for this is the fortune of France.'^
The captain knew then it was the king,
and opened the gate and let down the
bridge. Then the king entered, and he
had with him but five barons, sir John of
Hainault, sir Charles of Montmorency, the
lord of Beaujeu, the lord d'Aubigny and
the lord of Montsault. The king would not
tarry there, but drank and departed thence
about midnight, and so rode by such guides
as knew the country till he came in the
morning to Amiens, and there he rested.
This Saturday the Englishmen never de-
parted from their battles for chasing of any
1 ' C'est la fortune de France ' : but the better
MSS. have ' c'est li infortunes rois de France.*
man, but kept still their field, and ever
defended themselves against all such as
came to assail them. This battle ended
about evensong time.
CHAPTER CXXXI
How the next day after the battle the English-
men discomfited divers Frenchmen.
On this Saturday, when the night was
come and that the Englishmen heard no
more noise of the Frenchmen, then they
reputed themselves to have the victory,
and the Frenchmen to be discomfited,
slain and fled away. Then they made
great fires and lighted up torches and
candles, because it was very dark. Then
the king avaled down froni the little hill
whereas, he stood; and of all that day till
then his helm came never on his head.
Then he went with all his battle to his son
the prince and embraced him in his arms
and kissed him, and said : ' Fair son, God
give you good perseverance ; ye are my
good son, thus ye have acquitted you
nobly: ye are worthy to keep a realm.'
The prince inclined himself to the earth,
honouring the king his father.
This night they thanked God for their
good adventure and made no boast thereof,
for the king would that no man should
be proud or make boast, but every man
humbly to thank God. On the Sunday in
the morning there was such a mist, that a
man might not see the breadth of an acre
of land from him. Then there departed
from the host by the commandment of the
king and marshals five hundred spears and
two thousand archers, to see if they might
see any Frenchmen gathered again to-
gether in any place. The same morning
out of Abbeville and Saint -Riquiers in
Ponthieu the commons of Rouen and of
Beauvais issued out of their towns,- not
knowing of the discomfiture the day before.
They met with the Englishmen weening
they had been Frenchmen, and when the
Englishmen saw them, they set on them
freshly, and there was a sore battle ; but at
last the Frenchmen fled and kept none
array. There were slain in the ways and
in hedges and bushes more than seven
thousand, and if the day had been clear
SIEGE OF CALAIS, 1346 {Sept. 3)
io7
there had never a one scaped. Anon after,
another company of Frenchmen were met
by the Englishmen, the archbishop of
Rouen and the great prior of France, who
also knew nothing of the discomfiture the
day before ; for they heard that the French
king should have fought the same Sunday,
and they were going thitherward. "When
they met with the Englishmen, there was
a great battle, for they were a great
number, but they could not endure against
the Englishmen ; for they were nigh all
slain, few scaped ; the two lords were slain.
This morning the Englishmen met with
divers Frenchmen that had lost their way
on the Saturday and had lain all night
in the fields, and wist not where the king
was nor the captains. They were all
slain, as many as were met with ; and it
was shewed me that of the commons and
men afoot of the cities and good towns of
France there was slain four times as many
as were slain the Saturday in the great
battle.
CHAPTER CXXXII
How the next day after the battle of Cressy
they that were dead were numbered by the
Englishmen.
The same Sunday, as the king of England
came from mass, such as had been sent forth
returned and shewed the king what they
had seen and done, and said : ' Sir, we
think surely there is now no more appear-
ance of any of our enemies.' Then
the king sent to search how many were
slain and what they were. Sir Raynold
Cobham and sir Richard Stafford with three
heralds went to search the field and country :
they visited all them that were slain and
rode all day in the fields, and returned
again to the host as the king was going to
supper. They made just report of that
they had seen, and said how there were
eleven great princes dead, fourscore ban-
ners, twelve hundred knights, and more
than thirty thousanc^ther.^ The English-
1 Another text makes the loss of persons below the
rank of knight 15,000 or 16,000, including the men
of the towns. Both estimates must be greatly, ex-
aggerated. Michael of Northburgh says that 1542
were killed in the battle and about 2000 on the next
men kept still their field all that night : on
the Monday in the morning the king pre-
pared to depart : the king caused the dead
bodies of the great lords to be taken up and
conveyed to Montreuil, and there buried in
holy ground, and made a cry in the country
to grant truce for three days, to the intent
that they of the country might search the
field of Cressy to bury the dead bodies.
Then the king went forth and came before
the town of Montreuil-by-the-sea, and his
marshals ran toward Hesdin and brent
Waben and Serain, but they did nothing to
the castle, it was so strong and so well kept.
They lodged that night on the river of
Hesdin towards Blangy. The next day
they rode toward Boulogne and came to the
town of Wissant : there the king and the
prince lodged, and tarried there a day to
refresh his men, and on the Wednesday the
king came before the strong town of Calais.
CHAPTER CXXXHI
How the king of England laid siege to Calais,
and how all the poor people were put out
of the town.
In the town of Calais there was captain a
knight of Burgoyne called sir John de
Vienne, and with him was sir Arnold
d'Audrehem, sir John de Surie, sir Baldwin
de Bellebrune, sir Geoffrey de la Motte, sir
Pepin de Wierre and divers other knights
and squires. When the king of England
was come before Calais, he laid his siege
and ordained bastides between the town and
the river : he made carpenters to make
houses and lodgings of great timber, and set
the houses like streets and covered them
with reed and broom, so that it was like a
little town ; and there was everything to
sell, and a market-place to be kept every
Tuesday and Saturday for flesh and fish,
mercery ware, houses for cloth, for bread,
wine and all other things necessary, such
as came out of England or out of Flanders ;
there they might buy what they list. The
Englishmen ran oftentimes into the country
day. The great princes killed were the king of
Bohemia, the duke of Lorraine, the earls of Alengon,
Flanders, Blois, Auxerre, Harcourt, Saint-Pol,
Aumale, the grand prior of France and the arch-
bishop of Rouen.
io8
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
of Guines, and into Ternois, and to the
gates of Saint -Omer's, and sometime to
Boulogne ; they brought into their host
great preys. The king would not assail the
town of Calais, for he thought it but a lost
labour : he spared his people and his artil-
lery, and said how he would famish them in
the town with long siege, without the French
king come and raise his siege perforce.
When the captain of Calais saw the man-
ner and the order of the Englishmen, then
he constrained all poor and mean people to
issue out of the town, and on a Wednesday
there issued out of men, women and chil-
dren more than seventeen hundred ; and as
they passed through the host, they were de-
manded why they departed, and they an-
swered and said, because they had nothing
to live on : then the king did them that
grace that he suffered them to pass through
his host without danger, and gave them
meat and drink to dinner, and every person
two pence sterling in alms, for the which
divers many of them prayed for the king's
prosperity.
CHAPTER CXXXIV
How the duke of Normandy brake up his
siege before Aiguillon.
SUMMARY. — The French king sent
for the duke of Normandy to return and
defend France, so the French departed from
that siege. As they departed, those within
made a sally and took several prisoners,
from whofn sir Walter Manny heard of the
king of England's campaign in France.
The king of France was displeased with
sir Godemar du Fay, because he had not well
kept the passage of Blanche-taque, and he
would have lost his life, but sir John of
Hainault excused him.
CHAPTER CXXXV
How sir Gaultier of Manny rode through all
France by safe-conduct to Calais.
It was not long after, but that sir Gaultier
of Manny fell in communication with a
knight of Normandy, who was his prisoner,
and demanded of him what money he would
pay for his ransom. The knight answered
and said he would gladly pay three thousand
crowns. 'Well,' quoth the lord Gaultier,
' I know well ye be kin to the duke of
Normandy and well beloved with him, [so]
that I am sure, an if I would sore oppress
you, I am sure ye would gladly pay ten
thousand crowns ; but I shall deal otherwise
with you. I will trust you on your faith
and promise : ye shall go to the duke
your lord, and by your means get a safe-
conduct for me and twenty other of my
company to ride through France to Calais,
paying courteously for all our expenses.
And if ye can get this of the duke or of the
king, I shall clearly quit you your ransom
with much thank, for I greatly desire to see
the king my master ; nor I will lie but one
night in a place till I come there. And if
ye cannot do this, return again hither within
a month, and yield yourself still as my
prisoner.' The knight was content and so
went to Paris to the duke his lord, and he
obtained this passport for sir Gaultier of
Manny and twenty horse with him all only.
This knight returned to Aiguillon and
brought it to sir Gaultier, and there he
quitted the knight Norman of his ransom.
Then anon after, sir Gaultier took his way
and twenty horse with him, and so rode
through Auvergne; and when he tarried in
any place, he shewed his letter and so was
let pass : but when he came to Orleans, for
all his letter he was arrested and brought
to Paris and there put in prison in the
Chatelet.
When the duke of Normandy knew
thereof, he went to the king his father and
shewed him how sir Gaultier of Manny had
his safe-conduct, wherefore he required the
king as much as he might to deliver him,
or else it should be said how he had be-
trayed him. The king answered and
said how he should be put to death, for he
reputed him for his great enemy. Then
said the duke ; ' Sir, if ye do so, surely I
shall never bear armour against the king of
England, nor all such as I may let.' And
at his departing he said that he would never
enter again into the king's host. Thus the
matter stood a certain time.
There was a knight of Hainault called
sir Mansart d'Esne : he purchased all that
he might to help sir Walter of Manny, and
went often in and out to the duke of Nor-
INVASION OF ENGLAND BY THE SCOTS
109
mandy. Finally the king was so counselled,
that he was delivered out of prison and all
his costs paid ; and the king sent for him to
his lodging of Nesle in Paris, and there he
dined with the king, and the king presented
him great gifts and jewels to the value of a
thousand florins. Sir Gaultier of Manny
received them on a condition, that when he
came to Calais, that if the king of England
his master were pleased that he should take
them, then he was content to keep them,
or else to send them again to the French
king, who said he spake like a noble man.
Then he took his leave and departed, and
rode so long by his journeys that he came
into Hainault, arid tarried at Valenciennes
three days ; and so from thence he went to
Calais and was welcome to the king. But
when the king heard that sir Gaultier of
Manny had received gifts of the French
king, he said to him : * Sir Gaultier, ye
have hitherto truly served us, and shall do,
as we trust. Send again to king Philip the
gifts that he gave you ; ye have no cause
to keep them. We thank God we have
enough for us and for you : we be in good
purpose to do much good for you according
to the good service that ye have done.'
Then sir Gaultier took all those jewels and
delivered them to a cousin of his called
Mansart,^ and said : ' Ride into France to
the king there and recommend me unto him,
and say how I thank him a thousand times
for the gift that he gave me ; but shew him
how it is not the pleasure of the king my
master that I should keep them ; therefore
I send them again to him.' This knight
rode to Paris and shewed all this to the
king, who would not receive again the
jewels, but did give them to the same
knight sir Mansart, who thanked the king
and was not in will to say nay.
CHAPTER CXXXVI
How the earl of Derby the same season took
in Poitou divers towns and castles, and
also the city of Poitiers.
1 This is the same sir Mansart d'Esne who has
been mentioned above, but the translator, finding
the name here written ' Mansac,' introduces him as
a new person.
CHAPTER CXXXVH
How the king of Scots during the siege before
Calais came into England with a great host.
It is long now sith we spake of king David
of Scotland : howbeit till now there was
none occasion why, for the truce that was
taken was well and truly kept : so that
when the king of England had besieged
Calais and lay there, then the Scots deter-
mined to make war into England and to be
revenged of such hurts as they had taken
before. For they said then how that the
realm of England was void of men of war ;
for they were, as they said, with the king of
England before Calais, and some in Bretayne,
Poitou and Gascoyne. The French king
did what he could to stir the Scots to that
war, to the intent that the king of England
should break up his siege and return to
defend his own realm.
The king of Scots made his summons to
be at Saint-John's town on the river of Tay
in Scotland : thither came earls, barons
and prelates of Scotland, and there agreed
that in all haste possible they should enter
into England. To come in that journey
was desired John of the out Isles, who
governed the wild Scots, for to him they
obeyed and to no man else. He came with
a three thousand of the most outrageoust
people in all the country. When all the
Scots were assembled, they were of one and
other a fifty thousand fighting men. They
could not make their assembly so secret
but that the queen of England, who was as
then in the marches of the North about
York, knew all their dealing. Then she
sent all about for men and lay herself at
York : then all men of war and archers
came to Newcastle with the queen. In the
mean season the king of Scots departed
firom Saint-John's town and went to Dun-
fermline the first day. The next day they
passed a little arm of the sea and so came
to Stirling, and then to Edinburgh. Then
they numbered their company, and they
were a three thousand men of arms, knights
and squires, and a thirty thousand of other
on hackneys. Then they came to Roxburgh,
the first fortress English on that part :
captain there was sir William Montague.
The Scots passed by without any assault
no
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
making, and so went forth brenning and
destroying the country of Northumberland ;
and their currours ran to York and brent as
much as was without the walls, and returned
again to their host within a day's journey of
Newcastle-upon-Tyne.
CHAPTER CXXXVIII
Of the battle of Newcastle - upon - Tyne
between the queen of England and the
king of Scots.
The queen of England, who desired to
defend her country, came to Newcastle-
upon-Tyne and there tarried for her men,
who came daily from all parts. When the
Scots knew that the Englishmen assembled
at Newcastle, they drew thitherward and
their currours came running before the
town ; and at their returning they brent
certain small hamlets thereabout, so that
the smoke thereof came into the town of
Newcastle. Some of the Englishmen would
a issued out to have fought with them that
made the fires, but the captains would not
suffer them to issue out.
The next day the king of Scots with a
forty thousand men one and other came
and lodged within three little English mile
of Newcastle in the land of the lord Nevill ;
and the king sent to them within the town,
that if they would issue out into the field,
he would fight with them gladly. The
lords and prelates of England said they were
content to adventure their lives with the
right and heritage of the king of England
their master. Then they all issued out of
the town, and were in number a twelve
hundred men of arms, three thousand
archers, and seven thousand of other with
the Welshmen. Then the Scots came and
lodged against them near together : then
every man was set in order of battle : then
the queen came among her men ^ and there
was ordained four battles, one to aid
another. The first had in governance the
bishop of Durham and the lord Percy ; the
second the archbishop of York and the lord
Nevill ; the third the bishop of Lincoln
and the lord Mowbray ; the fourth the
lord Edward de Balliol, captain of Berwick,
1 The queen was not present at Nevill's Cross,
but had already passed over to the Continent
(Kervyn de Lettenhove, v. 487).
the archbishop of Canterbury and the lord
Ros : every battle had like number after
their quantity. The queen went from
battle to battle desiring them to do their
devoir to defend the honour of her lord the
king of England, and in the name of God
every man to be of good heart and courage,
promising them that to her power she would
remember them as well or better as though
her lord the king were there personally.
Then the queen departed from them, recom-
mending them to God and to Saint George.
Then anon after, the battles of the Scots
began to set forward, and in like wise so did
the Englishmen. Then the archers began
to shoot on both parties, I3ut the shot of the
Scots endured but a short space, but the
archers of England shot so fiercely, so that
when the battles approached, there was a
hard battle. They began at nine and
endured till noon : the Scots had great
axes sharp and hard, and gave with them
many great strokes. Howbeit finally the
Englishmen obtained the place and victory,
but they lost many of their men. There
were slain of the Scots the earl of Fife, the
earl of Buchan, the earl Patrick, the earl
of Sutherland, the earl of Strathern, the
earl of Mar, the earl John Douglas, and
the lord Alexander Ramsay, who bare the
king's banner, and divers other knights and
squires. And there the king was taken,
who fought valiantly and was sore hurt.
A squire of Northumberland took him,
called John Copeland ; and as soon as he
had taken the king, he went with him out
of the field with eight of his servants with
him, and so rode all that day, till he was a
fifteen leagues from the place of the battle,
and at night he came to a castle called
Orgulus ; ^ and then he said he would not
deliver the king of Scots to no man nor
woman living, but all only to the king of
England his lord. The same day there was
also taken in the field the earl Moray, the
earl of March, the lord William Douglas,
the lord Robert Versy; the bishop of Aber-
deen, the bishop of Saint Andrews, and
divers other knights and barons. And
there were slain of one and other a fifteen
thousand, and the other saved themselves
as well as they might. This battle was
1 Froissart's Chateau-Orgueilleux is the castle of
Ogle in Northumberland (Kervyn de Lettenhove,
V. 493).
BATTLE OF NEVILUS CROSS, 1346 {.Oct. 17)
III
I
beside Newcastle, the year of our Lord
MCCCXLVi., the Saturday next after Saint
Michael.
CHAPTER CXXXIX
How John Copeland had the king of Scots
prisoner, and what profit he got thereby.
When the queen of England being at New-
castle understood how the journey was for
her and her men, she then rode to the place
where the battle had been. Then it was
shewed her how the king of Scots was
taken by a squire called John Copeland,
and he had carried away the king no man
knew whither. Then the queen wrote to
the squire commanding him to bring his
prisoner the king of Scots, and how he had
not well done to depart with him without
leave. All that day the Englishmen tarried
still in the same place and the queen with
them, and the next day they returned to
Newcastle. When the queen's letter was
brought to John Copeland, he answered
and said, that as for the king of Scots his
prisoner, he would not deliver him to no
man nor woman living, but all only to the
king of England his sovereign lord : as for
the king of Scots, he said he should be safely
kept, so that he would give account for him.
Then the queen sent letters to the king
to Calais, whereby the king was informed
of the state of his realm : then the king
sent incontinent to John Copeland, that he
should come over the sea to him to the
siege before Calais. Then the same John
did put his prisoner in safe keeping in a
strong castle, and so rode through England
till he came to Dover, and there took the
sea and arrived before Calais. When the
king of England saw the squire, he took
him by the hand and said : * Ah ! welcome,
my squire, that by your valiantness hath
taken mine adversary the king of Scots.'
The squire kneeled down and said : ' Sir,
if God by his grace have suffered me to
take the king of Scots by true conquest of
arms, sir, I think no man ought to have any
envy thereat ; for as well God may send by
his grace such a fortune to fall to a poor
squire as to a great lord : and, sir, I require
your grace, be not miscontent with me,
though I did not deliver the king of Scots
at the commandment of the queen. Sir,
I hold of you, as mine oath is to you, and
not to her but in all good manner. ' The
king said : 'John, the good service that ye
have done and your valiantness is so much
worth, that it must countervail your trespass
and be taken for your excuse, and shame
have they that bear you any evil will there-
for. Ye shall return again horne to your
house, and then my pleasure is that ye
deliver your prisoner to the queen my wife ;
and in a reward I assign you near to your
house, whereas ye think best yourself, five
hundred pound sterling of yearly rent to you
and to your heirs for ever, and here I
make you squire for my body. ' Then the
third day he departed and returned again
into England ; and when he came home to
his own house, he assembled together his
friends and kin, and so they took the king
of Scots and rode with him to the city of
York, and there from the king his lord he
presented the king of Scots to the queen,
and excused him so largely, that the queen
and her council were content.
Then the queen made good provision for
the city of York, the castle of Roxburgh,
the city of Durham, the town of Newcastle-
upon-Tyne, and in all other garrisons on the
marches of Scotland, and left in those
marches the lord Percy and the lord Nevill
as governour there : then the queen de-
parted from York toward London. Then
she set the king of Scots in the strong
tower of London, and the earl Moray and
all other prisoners, and set good keeping
over them. Then she went to Dover and
there took the sea, and had so good wind,
that in a short space she arrived before
Calais, three days before the feast of All
Saints ; for whose coming the king made a
great feast and dinner to all the lords and
ladies that were there. The queen brought
many ladies and damosels with her, as well
to accompany her as to see their husbands,
fathers, brethren and other friends, that lay
at siege there before Calais and had done a
long space.
CHAPTER CXL
How the young earl of Flanders ensured the
king's daughter of England.
The siege before Calais endured long, and
many things fell in the mean season, the
112
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
which I cannot write the fourth part. The
French king had set men of war in every
fortress in those marches, in the county of
Guines, of Artois, of Boulogne, and about
Calais, and had a great number of Geno-
ways, Normans and other on the sea, so
that when any of the Englishmen would go
a-foraging, other afoot or horseback, they
found many times hard adventures, and
often there was skirmishing about the gates
and dikes of the town, and oftentimes
some slain and hurt on both parties ; some
day the one part lost and some day the
other. The king of England caused engines
to be made to oppress them within the
town, but they within made other again to
resist them, so that they took little hurt by
them ; but nothing could come into the
town but by stealth, and that was by the
means of two mariners, one called Marant
and the other Mestriel, and they dwelt in
Abbeville. By them two they of Calais
were oftentimes recomforted and freshed
by stealth ; and oftentimes they were in
great peril, chased and near taken, but
always they scaped, and made many
Englishmen to be drowned.
All that winter the king lay still at the
siege, and thought and imagined ever to
keep the commonty of Flanders in friend-
ship ; for he thought by their means the
sooner to come to his intent. He sent
oftentimes to them with fair promises, say-
ing that if he might get Calais, he would
help them to recover Lille and Douay with
all their appurtenances ; so by occasion of
such promises, while the king was in Nor-
mandy towards Cressy and Calais, they
went and laid siege to Bethune, and their
captain was sir Oudart de Renty, who was
banished out of France. They held a
great siege before that town and sore con-
strained them by assault ; but within were
four knights captains set there by the
French king to keep the town, that is to
say, sir Geoffrey of Charny, sir Eustace of
Ribemont, sir Baudwin d'Annequin and
sir John of Landas: they defended the
town in such wise, that the Flemings won
nothing there, but so departed and re-
turned again into Flanders. But while
the king of England lay at siege before
Calais, he sent still messengers to them of
Flanders, and made them great promises
to keep their amity with him and to oppress
the drift of the French king, who did all
that he could to draw them to his opinion.
The king of England would gladly that
the earl Louis of Flanders, who was as
then but fifteen year of age, should have
in marriage his daughter Isabel. So much
did the king that the Flemings agreed
thereto ; whereof the king was glad, for he
thought by that marriage the Flemings
would the gladlier help him ; and the
Flemings thought, by having of the king
of England on their party, they might well
resist the Frenchmen ; they thought it
more necessary and profitable for them,
the love of the king of England, rather
than the French king. But the young earl,
who had been ever nourished among the
noblemen of France, would not agree, and
said plainly, he would not have to his wife
the daughter of him that slew his father :
also duke John of Brabant purchased
greatly that the earl of Flanders should
have his daughter in marriage, promising
him that if he would take her to his wife,
that he would cause him to enjoy the whole
earldom of Flanders, other by fair means
or otherwise : also the duke said to the
French king, * Sir, if the earl of Flanders
will take my daughter, I shall find the
means that all the Flemings shall take your
part and forsake the king of England ' : by
the which promise the French king agreed
to that marriage. When the duke of Bra-
bant had the king's good-will, then he sent
certain messengers into Flanders to the
burgesses of the good towns, and shewed
them so fair reasons, that the counsels of
the good towns sent to the earl their
natural lord, certifying him that if he
would come into Flanders and use their
counsel, they would be to him true and
good friends and deliver to him all the
rights and jurisdictions of Flanders, as
much as ever any earl had. The earl took
counsel and went into Flanders, where he
was received with great joy and given to
him many great presents.
As soon as the king of England heard
of this, he sent into Flanders the earl of
Northampton, the earl of Arundel and the
lord Cobham. They did so much with the
officers and commons of Flanders, that
they had rather that their lord the earl
should take to his wife the king of Eng-
land's daughter than the daughter of the
BETROTHAL OF THE EARL OF FLANDERS
113
duke of Brabant; and so to do they affectu-
ously desired their lord, and shewed him
many fair reasons to draw him to that way,
so that the burgesses that were on the duke
of Brabant's party durst not say the con-
trary. But then the earl in no wise would
consent thereto, but ever he said he would
not wed her, whose father had slain his,
though he might have half of the whole
realm of England. When the Flemings
saw that, they said how their lord was too
much French and evil counselled, and also
said how they would do no good to him,
sith he would not believe their counsels.
Then they took and put him in courteous
prison, and said how he should never de-
part without he would follow and believe
their counsels. Also they said that the
earl his father believed and loved too
much the Frenchmen ; for if he would a
believed them, he should have been the
greatest lord in all Christendom, and re-
covered again Lille, Douay and Bethune,
and yet alive. Thus the matter abode a
certain space : the king of England lay still
at the siege before Calais and kept a great
court that Christmas ; and about the be-
ginning of Lent after, came thither out of
Gascoyne the earl of Derby, the earl of
Pembroke, the earl of Oxford and divers
other knights and squires, that had passed
the sea with the earl.
Thus the earl of Flanders was long in
danger among the Flemings in courteous
prison, and it greatly annoyed him. Then
at last he said he would believe their
counsel ; for he knew well, he said, that
he should have more profit there than in
any other country. These words rejoiced
greatly the Flemings: then they took him
out of prison and suffered him to go a-hawk-
ing to the river, the which sport the earl
loved well ; but ever there was good watch
laid on him, that he should not steal away
from them, and they were charged on
their lives to take good heed to him, and
also they were such as were favourable to
the king of England. They watched him
so near, that he could do nothing without
their knowledge. This endured so long
that at last the earl said that he would
gladly have to his wife the king of Eng-
land's daughter. Then the Flemings sent
word thereof to the king and to the queen,
and pointed a day that they should come
I
to Bergues, in the abbey, and to bring
their daughter with them, and they would
bring thither their lord the earl of Flan-
ders; and there to conclude up the mar-
riage. The king and the queen were glad
thereof, and said that the Flemings were
good men : so to Bergues between Newport
and Gravelines came the most saddest men
of the good towns in Flanders, and
brought with them the earl their lord in
great estate. The king of England and the
queen were there ready: the earl courte-
ously inclined to the king and to the queen :
the king took the earl by the right hand right
sweetly, and led him forth, saying: 'As for
the death of the earl your father, as God
help me, the day of the battle of Cressy
nor the next day after I never heard word
of him that he should be there.' The
young earl by semblant made as though he
had been content with the king's excuse.
Then they fell in communication of the
marriage : there were certain articles agreed
unto by the king of England and the
earl Louis of Flanders, and great amities
there was sworn between them to be
holden ; and there the earl fianced Isabel
the king of England's daughter, and pro-
mised to wed her. So that journey brake
off, and a new day to be appointed at more
leisure : the Flemings returned into Flanders
with their lord, and the king of England
with the queen went again to the siege of
Calais.
Thus the matter stood a certain time,
and the king and the queen prepared
greatly again the marriage for jewels and
other things to give away, according to
their behaviours. The earl of Inlanders
daily passed the time at the river, and
made semblant that this marriage pleased
him greatly ; so the Flemings thought that
they were then sure enough of him, so that
there was not so great watch made on him
as was before. But they knew not well
the condition of their lord, for whatsoever
countenance he made outward, his inward
courage was all French. So on a day he
went forth with his hawks, the same week
that the marriage should have been
finished : his falconer cast off a falcon to
an heron and the earl cast off another. So
these two falcons chased the heron, and
the earl rode after, as to follow his falcon.
And when he was a good way off and had
H
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
the advantage of the fields, he dashed
his spurs to his horse and galloped forth
in such wise, that his keepers lost him.
Still he galloped forthright, till he came
into Artois, and there he was in surety ;
and so then he rode into France to king
Philip and shewed him all his adventure.
The king and the Frenchmen said how he
had dealt wisely ; the Englishmen on the
'other side said how he had betrayed and
deceived them : but for all that, the king
left not to keep the Flemings in amity, for he
knew well the earl had done this deed not by
their counsel, for they were sore displeased
therewith ; and the excuse that they made
the king soon believed it in that behalf.
CHAPTER CXLI
How sir Robert of Namur did homage to the
king of England before Calais.
CHAPTERS CXLH, CXLIH
SUMMARY. — The war began again in
Brittany. The English took Rochedarien,
and Charles of Blois laid siege to it. An
ar?ny sent by the countess of Montfort to
raise the siege surprised the French, who
were defeated, and Charles of Blois was
taken prisotier.
CHAPTERS CXLIV, CXLV
SUMMA RY. — The French king raised an
army to relieve Calais, but the passages
wei-e so well kept, that he could not approach.
Negotiatiotis for peace were without effect.
CHAPTER CXLVI
How the town of Calais was given up to the
king of England.
After that the French king was thus de-
parted from Sangate, they within Calais saw
well how their succour failed them, for the
which they were in great sorrow. Then
they desired so much their captain, sir John
of Vienne, that he went to the walls of the
town and made a sign to speak with some
person of the host. When the king heard
thereof, he sent thither sir Gaultier of
Manny and sir Basset. Then sir John of
Vienne said to them : ' Sirs, ye be right
valiant knights in deeds of arms, and ye
know well how the king my master hath
sent me and other to this town and com-
manded us to keep it to his behoof in such
wise that we take no blame, nor to him no
damage ; and we have done all that lieth
in our power. Now our succours hath
failed us, and we be so sore strained, that
we have not to live withal, but that we
must all die or else enrage for famine,
without the noble and gentle king of yours
will take mercy on us : the which to do
we require you to desire him, to have pity
on us and to let us go and depart as we
be, and let him take the town and castle
and all the goods that be therein, the
which is great abundance.' Then sir
Gaultier of Manny said : * Sir, we know
somewhat of the intention of the king our
master, for he hath shewed it unto us :
surely know for truth it is not his mind
that ye nor they within the town should
depart so, for it is his will that ye all
should put yourselves into his pure will, to
ransom all such as pleaseth him and to
put to death such as he list ; for they of
Calais hath done him such contraries and
despites, and hath caused him to dispend
so much good, and lost many of his men,
that he is sore grieved against them.'
Then the captain said : ' Sir, this is too
hard a matter to us. We are here within,
a small sort of knights and squires, who
hath truly served the king our master as
well as ye serve yours in like case. And
we have endured much pain and unease ;
but we shall yet endure as much pain as
ever knights did, rather than to consent that
the worst lad in the town should have any
more evil than the greatest of us all :
therefore, sir, we pray you that of your
humility, yet that ye will go and speak to
the king of England and desire him to
have pity of us ; for we trust in him so
much gentleness, that by the grace of God
his purpose shall change. '
Sir Gaultier of Manny and sir Basset
returned to the king and declared to him
all that had been said. The king said
he would none otherwise but that they
SURRENDER OF CALAIS, 1347 {Aug. 4)
"5
should yield them up shnply to his plea-
sure. Then sir Gaultier said : ' Sir, saving
your displeasure, in this ye may be in the
wrong, for ye shall give by this an evil
ensample : if ye send any of us your ser-
vants into any fortress, we will not be very
glad to go, if ye put any of them in the
town to death after they be yielded ; for
in like wise they will deal with us, if the
case fell like.' The which words divers
other lords that were there present sus-
tained and maintained. Then the king
said : ' Sirs, I will not be alone against
you all ; therefore, sir Gaultier of Manny,
ye shall go and say to the captain that all
the grace that he shall find now in me is
that they let six of the chief burgesses of
the town come out bare-headed, bare-
footed, and bare-legged, and in their shirts,
with halters about their necks, with the keys
of the town and castle in their hands, and
let them six yield themselves purely to my
will, and the residue I will take to mercy. '
Then sir Gaultier returned and found
sir John of Vienne still on the wall, abid-
ing for an answer. Then sir Gaultier
shewed him all the grace that he could get
of the king. 'Well,' quoth sir John, 'sir,
I require you tarry here a certain space,
till I go into the town and shew this to
the commons of the town, who sent me
hither. Then sir John went unto the
market-place and sowned the common
bell : then incontinent men and women
assembled there : then the captain made
report of all that he had done, and said,
* Sirs, it will be none otherwise ; therefore
now take advice and make a short answer.'
Then all the people began to weep and
to make such sorrow, that there was not
so hard a heart, if they had seen them,
but that would have had great pity of
them : the captain himself wept piteously.
At last the most rich burgess of all the
town, called Eustace of Saint- Pierre, rose
up and said openly : * Sirs, great and
small, great mischief it should be to suffer
to die such people as be in this town,
other by famine or otherwise, when there
is a mean to save them. I think he or
they should have great merit of our Lord
God that might keep them from such mis-
chief. As for my part, I have so good
trust in our Lord God, that if I die in the
quarrel to save the residue, that God would
pardon me : wherefore to save them I will
be the first to put my life in jeopardy.'
When he had thus said, every man wor-
shipped him and divers kneeled down at
his feet with sore weeping and sore sighs.
Then another honest burgess rose and
said : * I will keep company with my
gossip Eustace.' He was called John
d'Aire. Then rose up Jaques of Wissant,
who was rich in goods and heritage ; he
said also that he would hold company with
his two cousins. In like wise so did
Peter of Wissant his brother : and then
rose two other ;^ they said they would do
the same. Then they went ancl apparelled
them as the king desired.
Then the captain went with them to the
gate : there was great lamentation made of
men, women and children at their depart-
ing : then the gate was opened and he
issued out with the six burgesses and closed
the gate again, so that they were between
the gate and the barriers. Then he said
to sir Gaultier of Manny : * Sir, I deliver
here to you as captain of Calais by the
whole consent of all the people of the town
these six burgesses, and I swear to you
truly that they be and were to-day most
honourable, rich and most notable burgesses
of all the town of Calais. Wherefore,
gentle knight, I require you pray the king
to have mercy on them, that they die not.'
Quoth sir Gaultier : ' I cannot say what
the king will do, but I shall do for them
the best I can.' Then the barriers were
opened, the six burgesses went towards
the king, and the captain entered again
into the town.
When sir Gaultier presented these
burgesses to the king, they kneeled down
and held up their hands and said : * Gentle
king, behold here we six, who were
burgesses of Calais and great merchants ;
we have brought to you the keys of the
town and of the castle and we submit
ourselves clearly into your will and pleasure,
to save the residue of the people of Calais,
who have suffered great pain. Sir, we
beseech your grace to have mercy and pity
on us through your high nobless.' Then
all the earls and barons and other that
were there wept for pity. The king looked
felly on them, for greatly he hated the
I In Froissart's last revision the names are given,
Jean de Fiennes and Andrieu d'Andre.
i6
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
people of Calais for the great damages
and displeasures they had done him on
the sea before. Then he commanded their
heads to be stricken off: then every man
required the king for mercy, but he would
hear no man in that behalf: then sir Gaultier
of Manny said : 'Ah, noble king, for God's
sake refrain your courage : ye have the
name of sovereign nobless ; therefore now
do not a thing that should blemish your
renown, nor to give cause to some to speak
of you villainy. Every man will say it is a
great cruelty to put to death such honest
persons, who by their own wills put them-
selves into your grace to save their company. '
Then the king wryed away from him ^ and
commanded to send for the hangman, and
said : ' They of Calais have caused many
of my men to be slain, wherefore these
shall die in like wise.' Then the queen,
being great with child, kneeled down and
sore weeping said : ' Ah, gentle sir, sith I
passed the sea in great peril, I have desired
nothing of you ; therefore now I humbly
require you in the honour of the Son of the
Virgin Mary and for the love of me that ye
will take mercy of these six burgesses.'
The king beheld the queen and stood still
in a study a space, and then said : ' Ah,
dame, I would ye had been as now in
some other place ; ye make such request
to me that I cannot deny you. Wherefore
I give them to you, to do your pleasure
with them.' Then the queen caused them
to be brought into her chamber, and made
the halters to be taken from their necks,
and caused them to be new clothed, and
gave them their dinner at their leisure :
and then she gave each of them six nobles
and made them to be brought out of the
host in safe-guard and set at their liberty.
CHAPTER CXLVII
How the king of England repeopled the
town of Calais with Englishmen.
Thus the strong town of Calais was given
up ^ to king Edward of England the year
1 The original is 'se guigna,' either 'made a
sign ' or * scowled.' The true reading is perhaps
* se grigna,' or ' grigna les dens.'
2 The original says : ' Thus was the strong town
of Calais besieged by king Edward of England in
the year mcccxlvi. in the month of August ' ; and
of our Lord God mcccxlvi. in the month
of August. The king of England called
to him sir Gaultier of Manny and his two
marshals, the earl of Warwick and the earl
of Stafford, and said to them : ' Sirs, take
here the keys of the town and castle of
Calais : go and take possession there and
put in prison all the knights that be there ;
and all other soldiers that came thither
simply to win their living cause them to
avoid the town, and also all other men,
women and children, for I would repeople
again the town with pure Englishmen. So
these three lords with a hundred with them
went and took possession of Calais, and did
put in prison sir John de Vienne, sir John of
Surie, sir Baldwin of Bellebrune and other.
Then they made all the soldiers to bring
all their harness into a place appointed
and laid it all on a Keap in the hall of
Calais.^ Then they made all manner of
people to void, and kept there no more
persons but a priest and two other ancient
personages, such as knew the customs,
laws and ordinances of the town, and to
sign out the heritages how they were divided.
Then they prepared the castle to lodge the
king and queen, and prepared other houses
for the king's company. Then the king
mounted on his horse and entered into the
town with trumpets, tabours, nacaires and
hormyes, and there the king lay till the
queen was brought a-bed of a fair lady
named Margaret.
The king gave to sir Gaultier of Manny
divers fair houses within the town, and to
the earl Stafford, to the lord of Cobham,
to sir Bartholomew of Burghersh and to
other lords, to repeople again the town.
The king's mind was, when he came into
England to send out of London a thirty-six
good burgesses to Calais to dwell there,
and to do so much that the town might be
peopled with pure Englishmen ; the which'
intent the king fulfilled. Then the new
town and bastide that was made without the
town was pulled down, and the castle that
stood on the haven rashed down, and the
great timber and stones brought into the
town. Then the king ordained men to
keep the gates, walls and barriers, and
amended all things within the town ; and
the fuller text adds, ' and conquered in the year of
grace mcccxlvii. in the same month."
1 'AlahalledeCalais,'
THE CHAPLET OF PEARLS, 1350
17
sir John de Vienna and his company were
sent into England and were half a year at
London, then they were put to ransom.
Methink it was great pity of the burgesses
and other men of the town of Calais, and
women and children, when they were fain
to forsake their houses, heritages and goods,
and to bear away nothing, and they had no
restorement of the French king, for whose
sake they lost all. The most part of them
went to Saint-Omer's.
The cardinal Guy de Boulogne, who was
come into France in legation and was with
the French king his cousin in the city of
Amiens, he purchased so much that a truce
was taken between the kings of England
and of France, their countries and heritages,-^
to endure two years. To this truce all
parties were agreed, but Bretayne was
clearly except, for the two ladies made
still war one against the other. Then the
king of England and the queen returned
into England, and the king made captain
of Calais sir Amery of Pavy, a Lombard
born, whom the king had greatly advanced.
Then the king sent from London thirty-six
burgesses to Calais, who were rich and
sage, and their wives and children, and
daily increased the number,^ for the king
granted there such liberties and franchises,
that men were glad to go and dwell there.
The same time was brought to London sir
Charles de Blois, who called himself duke
of Bretayne : he was put in courteous
prison in the Tower of London with the
king of Scots and the earl of Moray ; but
he had not been there long but at the
request of the queen of England sir Charles
her cousin -german was received^ on his
faith and troth, and rode all about London
at his pleasure, but he might not lie past
one night out of London, without it were
with the king or with the queen. Also
the same time there was prisoner in Eng-
land the earl of Eu and Guines, a right
gentle knight ; and his dealing was such,
that he was welcome wheresoever he came,
and with the king and queen, lords, ladies
and damosels.^
1 'Adherens' ; that is, 'followers,' or 'allies.'
2 i.e. ' the number daily increased.'
3 'At the request of the queen of England, his
cousin-german, he was received,' etc.
* The events of the years between 1347 and 1355
are very summarily related by Froissart, and the
text followed by this translator does not include
CHAPTERS CXLVIII, CXLIX
SUMMARY. — The trtice was broken in
various parts by brigands, who won and
plundered towns and castles for their own
profit ; and especially one named Bacon in
Langiiedoc and another named Croquart
in Brittany.
CHAPTERS CL, CLI
SUMMAR Y.— The king of England, hav-
ing discovered a secret treaty between sir
Amery of Pavia and the French party,
whereby Calais should have been given up
to them, passed over privately to Calais, and
fighting under sir Walter de Manny's
banner defeated those who came to receive
the surrender. The king himself fought
long with sir Eustace de Ribemont and
took him prisoner.
CHAPTER CLI I
Of a chaplet of pearls that the king of
England gave to sir Eustace of Ribemont.
When this battle was done, the king
returned again to the castle of Calais and
caused all the prisoners to be brought
thither. Then the Frenchmen knew well that
the king had been there personally himself
under the banner of sir Gaultier of Manny.
The king said he would give them all that
night a supper in the castle of Calais : the
hour of supper came and tables covered,
and the king and his knights were there
ready, every man in new apparel, and the
Frenchmen also were there and made good
cheer, though they were prisoners. The
king sat down, and the lords and knights
about him right honourably : the prince,
lords and knights of England served the
king at the first mess, and at the second
they sat down at another table : they were
all well served and at great leisure. Then
when supper was done and the tables taken
away, the king tarried still in the hall with
even the short notices which were given in later
revisions, of the Black Death, the Flagellants, and
the persecution of the Jews, or the narrative of the
combat of the thirties.
ii8
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
his knights and with the P'renchmen, and
he was bare-headed saving a chaplet of fine
pearls that he ware on his head. Then
the king went from one to another of the
Frenchmen, and when he came to sir
Geoffrey of Charny, a little he changed
his countenance and looked on him and
said : ' Sir Geoffrey, by reason I should
love you but a little, when ye would steal
by night from me that thing which I have
so dearly bought and hath cost me so
much good. I am right joyous and glad
that I have taken you with the proof. ^
Ye would have a better market than I
have had, when ye thought to have Calais
for twenty thousand crowns ; but God hath
holpen me and ye have failed of your
purpose.' And therewith the king went
from him, and he gave never a word to
answer. Then the king came to sir Eustace
of Ribemont, and joyously to him he
said : ' Sir Eustace, ye are the knight in
the world that I have seen most valiant
assail his enemies and defend himself; nor
I never found knight that ever gave me so
much ado, body to body, as ye have done
this day : wherefore I give you the prize
above all the knights of my court by right
sentence.' Then the king took the chaplet
that was upon his head, being both fair,
goodly and rich, and said : ' Sir Eustace, I
give you this chaplet for the best doer in
arms in this journey past of either party,
and I desire you to bear it this year for
the love of me. I know well ye be fresh
and amorous, and oftentimes be among
ladies and damosels. Say wheresoever ye
come that I did give it you, and I quit you
your prison and ransom and ye shall depart
to-morrow, if it please you. ' ^
The same year a thousand three hundred
XLix, king Philip of France wedded his
second wife, the Wednesday the twenty-
ninth day of Januaiy, dame Blanche,
daughter to king Philip of Navarre, who
died in Spain : she was of the age of eighteen
year or thereabout. Also the nineteenth
day of February next after, in the beginning
of Lent,^ the duke of Normandy the king's
eldest son wedded his second wife at Saint-
■ 1 ' A I'epreuve,'
2 The printed text followed by the translator is
here incomplete. The reply of Eustace de Ribe-
mont and other matters are omitted,
3 'Qui fut le jour de Karesme prenant,' i.e.
Ash-Wednesday.
Genevieve near to Saint- Germain in Laye,
Jane countess of Boulogne, sometime wife
to the lord Philip, son to the duke Eudes
of Burgoyne, the which lord Philip died
before Aiguillon a three year before that :
she was daughter of the earl William of
Boulogne and of the daughter of Louis earl
of Evreux. This lady held in her hands
the duchy of Burgoyne and the counties of
Artois, Boulogne, Auvergne and divers
other lands.
CHAPTER CLIII
Of the death of king Philip of France, and
of the coronation of his son John. -;
SUMMARY.— King Philip died 2.2nd \
August 1350, and his son John was crowned
26th September. The earl of Eu and Guines
was beheaded, and Charles of Spain ?nade
constable of France. In the next year was
founded the fraternity of the Star, ajid there
was also a great dearth throughout all
France. ^
CHAPTER CLIV
How the king of Navarre made sir Charles of
Spain, constable of France, to be slain.
SUMMARY. —In the year 1352 the duke
of Lancaster should have fought with the
duke of Brunswick at Paris on the ^h of
September, but the king of France made peace
between them in the lists. Pope Clement
VI. died 6th December and was succeeded
by Stepheii Aubert, called Innocent VI. In
the year 1353 the king Charles of Navarre,
earl of Evreux, caused to be slain at Aigle
in Normandy the lord Charles of Spain,
constable of France. For this deed he ex-
cused himself to the king of France, and at
length they were reconciled.
CHAPTER CLV
Of an imposition and gabelle ordained in
France by the three estates for the feats of
the wars.
SUMMAR Y.—In the year 1355, the prince
of Wales made an expedition to Carcassonne
EVENTS BEFORE THE BATTLE OF POITIERS
19
and Narbonne, none opposing him. The
same year the three estates assembled at Paris
i^ave the king thirty thmisand men for one
year at their charges, and ordered to be levied
Sd. on every pound value of estates through-
out the reah?i, and that the gabelle of salt
should run through the realm. Then, this
not being suffi,cient, they ordered a graduated
tax upon incomes.
CHAPTER CLVI
How the French king took the king of
Navarre and beheaded the earl of Harcourt
and other at Rouen.
SUMMAR Y.—In the year 1356 the French
king came to Rouen and caused to be taken
the king gf Navarre, the earl of Harcourt
and others. The earl of Harcourt and
others werd beheaded, and the king of
Navarre put in prison in the Louvre. The
king of France made war in Normandy to
win the castles there belonging to the king of
Navarre, and the duke of Lancaster came
over to help the king of Navarre" s men.
CHAPTER CLVn
Of the assembly that the French king made
to fight with the prince of Wales, who
rode in Berry.
SUMMARY.— The prince of Wales rode
in Auvergne, Berry, Touraine, etc., with
two thousand men of arrtis and six thousand
archers. The king of France made a great
assembly to fight with him, and meamvhile
a body of Frenchmen, zvho had laid an a/n-
bush, were defeated by the English and fled
to Romorantin.
CHAPTER CLVni
How the prince of Wales took the castle of
Romorantin.
SUMMARY. — The town of Romorantin
being taken, the prince came and assailed the
castle, which at length was c apt tired by
means of Greek fire.
CHAPTER CLIX
Of the great host that the French king brought
to the battle of Poitiers.
After the taking of the castle of Romo-
rantin and of them that were therein, the
prince then and his company rode as they
did before, destroying the country, ap-
proaching to Anjou and to Touraine. The
French king, who was at Cliartres, de-
parted and came to Blois and there tarried
two days, and then to Amboise and the
next day to Loches : and then he heard
how that the prince was at Touraine"^ and
how that he was returning by Poitou : ever
the Englishmen were coasted by certain
expert knights of France, who alway made
report to the king what the Englishmen did.
Then the king came to the Haye in Touraine
and his men had passed the river of Loire,
some at the bridge of Orleans and some at
Meung, at Saumur, at Blois, and at Tours
and whereas they might : they were in
number a twenty thousand men of arms
beside other ; there were a twenty-six dukes
and earls and more than sixscore banners,
and the four sons of the king, who were but
young, the duke Charles of Normandy, the
lord Louis, that was from thenceforth duke
of Anjou, and the lord John duke of Berry,
and the lord Philip, who was after duke of
Burgoyne. The same season, pope Inno-
cent the sixth sent the lord Bertrand, cardinal
of Perigord, and the lord Nicholas, cardinal
of Urgel, into France, to treat for a peace
between the French king and all his enemies,
first between him and the king of Navarre,
who was in prison : and these cardinals
oftentimes spake to the king for his deliver-
ance during the siege at Bretuel, but they
could do nothing in that behalf. Then the
cardinal of Perigord went to Tours, and
there he heard how the French king hasted
sore to find the Englishmen : then he rode
to Poitiers, for he heard how both the hosts
drew thitherward.
The French king heard how the prince
hasted greatly to return, and the king feared
that he should scape him and so departed
from Haye in Touraine, and all his com-
pany, and rode to Chauvigny, where he
tarried that Thursday in the town and with-
1 ' En Touraine
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
out along by the river of Creuse, and the
next day the king passed the river at the
bridge there, weening that the EngHshmen
had been before him, but they were not.
Howbeit they pursued after and passed the
bridge that day more than threescore
thousand horses, and divers other passed
at Chatelleraut, and ever as they passed
they took the way to Poitiers.
On the other side the prince wist not
truly where the Frenchmen were ; but they
supposed that they were not far off, for they
could not find no more forage, whereby
they had great fault in their host of victual,
and some of them repented that they had
destroyed so much as they had done before
when they were in Berry, Anjou and Tou-
raine, and in that they had made no better
provision. The same Friday three great
lords of France, the lord of Craon, the lord
Raoul of Coucy and the earl of Joigny,
tarried all day in the town of Chauvigny,
and part of their companies. The Saturday
they passed the bridge and followed the
king, who was then a three leagues before,
and took the way among bushes without a
wood side to go to Poitiers.
The same Saturday the prince and his
company dislodged from a little village
thereby, and sent before him certain currours
to see if they might find any adventure and
to hear where the Frenchmen were. They
were in number a threescore men of arms
well horsed, and with them was the lord
Eustace d'Aubrecicourt and the lord John
of Ghistelles, and by adventure the Eng-
lishmen and Frenchmen met together by
the foresaid wood side. The Frenchmen
knew anon how they were their enemies ;
then in haste they did on their helmets and
displayed their banners and came a great
pace towards the Englishmen : they were
in number a two hundred men of arms.
When the Englishmen saw them, and that
they were so great a number, then they de-
termined to fly and let the Frenchmen
chase them, for they knew well the prince
with his host was not far behind. Then
they turned their horses and took the corner
Of the wood, and the Frenchmen after them
crying their cries and made great noise.
And as they chased, they came on the
prince's battle or they were ware thereof
themselves ; the prince tarried there to have
word again from them that he sent forth.
The lord Raoul de Coucy with his banner
went so far forward that he was under the
prince's banner : there was a sore battle
and the knight fought valiantly ; howbeit
he was there taken, and the earl of Joigny,
the viscount of Brosse, the lord of Chau-
vigny and all the other taken or slain, but
a few that scaped. And by the prisoners
the prince knew how the French king fol-
lowed him in such wise that he could not
eschew the battle : ^ then he assembled to-
gether all his men and commanded that no
man should go before the marshals' banners.
Thus the prince rode that Saturday from
the morning till it was against night, so that
he came within two little leagues of Poitiers.
Then the captal de Buch, sir Aymenion
of Pommiers, the lord Bartholomew of
Burghersh and the lord Eustace d'Aubreci-
court, all these the prince sent forth to see if
they might know what the Frenchmen did.
These knights departed with two hundred
men of arms well horsed : they rode so far
that they saw the great battle of the king's,
they saw all the fields covered with men of
arms. These Englishmen could not forbear,
but set on the tail of the French host and
cast down many to the earth and took
divers prisoners, so that the host began to
stir, and tidings thereof came to the French
king as he was entering into the city of
Poitiers. Then he returned again and
made all his host do the same, so that Satur-
day it was very late or he was lodged in the
field. The English currours returned again
to the prince and shewed him all that they
saw and knew, and said how the French
host was a great number of people. ' Well,'
said the prince, ' in the name of God let us
now study how we shall fight with them at
our advantage. ' That night the Englishmen
lodged in a strong place among hedges,
vines and bushes, and their host well
watched, and so was the French host.
CHAPTER CLX
Of the order of the Frenchmen before the
battle of Poitiers.
On the Sunday in the morning the French
king, who had great desire to fight with the
1 Or rather, ' that the French king had gone In
front of them (les avoit advancez) and that he could
in no way depart without being fought with.'
ORDER OF THE TWO HOSTS
121
Englishmen, heard his mass in his pavilion
and was houselled, and his four sons with
him. After mass there came to him the
duke o^ Orleans, the duke of Bourbon, the
earl of Ponthieu, the lord Jaques of Bour-
bon,^ the duke of Athens, constable of
France, the earl of Tancarville, the earl of
Sarrebruck, the earl of Dammartin, the earl
of Ventadour, and divers other great barons
of France and of other neighbours holding
of France, as the lord Clermont, the lord
Arnold d'Audrehem, marshal of France, the
lord of Saint -Venant, the lord John of
Landas, the lord Eustace Ribemont, the
lord Fiennes, the lord Geoffrey of Charny,
the lord Chatillon, the lord of Sully, the
lord of Nesle, sir Robert Duras and divers
other ; all these with the king went to coun-
sel. Then finally it was ordained that all
manner of men should draw into the field, and
every lord to display his banner and to set
forth in the name of God and Saint Denis :
then trumpets blew up through the host and
every man mounted on horseback and went
into the field, where they saw the king's
banner wave with the wind. There might
a been seen great nobless of fair harness
and rich armoury of banners and pennons ;
for there was all the flower of France,
there was none durst abide at home with-
out he would be shamed for ever. Then
it was ordained by the advice of the con-
stable and marshals to be made three battles,
and in each ward sixteen thousand men of
arms all mustered and passed for men of
arms. The first battle the duke of Orleans
to govern, with thirty-six banners and twice
as many pennons, the second the duke of
Normandy and his two brethren the lord
Louis and the lord John, the third the king
himself : and while that these battles were
setting in array, the king called to him the
lord Eustace Ribemont, the lord John of
Landas and the lord Richard of Beaujeu,
and said to them : * Sirs, ride on before to
see the dealing of the Englishmen and ad-
vise well what number they be and by what
means we may fight with them, other afoot
or a-horseback. ' These three knights rode
forth and the king was on a white courser
and said a-high to his men : ' Sirs, among
you, when ye be at Paris, at Chartres, at
Rouen or at Orleans, then ye do threat the
1 That is, Jaques de Bourbon, earl of la Marche
and Ponthieu.
Englishmen and desire to be in arms out
against them. Now ye be come thereto :
I shall now shew you them : now shew forth
your evil will that ye bear them and revenge
your displeasures and damages that they
have done you, for without doubt we shall
fight with them.' Such as heard him said :
' Sir, in God's name so be it ; that would
we see ^ gladly. '
Therewith the three knights returned
again to the king, who demanded of them
tidings. Then sir Eustace of Ribemont
answered for all and said : ' Sir, we have
seen the Englishmen : by estimation they
be two thousand men of arms and four
thousand archers and a fifteen hundred of
other. Howbeit they be in a strong place,
and as far as we can imagine they are in one
battle ; howbeit they be wisely ordered, and
along the way they have fortified strongly the
hedges and bushes : one part of their archers
are along by the hedge, so that none can
go nor ride that way, but must pass by
them, and that way must ye go an ye pur-
pose to fight with them. In this hedge
there is but one entry and one issue by
likelihood that four horsemen may ride a-
front. At the end of this hedge, whereas
no man can go nor ride, there be men of
arms afoot and archers afore them in
manner of a herse, so that they will not be
lightly discomfited.'^ 'Well,' said the king,
' what will ye then counsel us to do ? ' Sir
Eustace said : ' Sir, let us all be afoot, except
three hundred men of arms, well horsed,
of the best in your host and most hardiest,
to the intent they somewhat to break and
to open the archers, and then your battles
to follow on quickly afoot and so to fight
with their men of arms hand to hand. This
1 'Verrons': but a better reading is 'ferons,'
' that will we do gladly.'
2 The translation of this passage is unsatisfac-
tory. It should be : ' Howbeit they have ordered
it wisely, and have taken post along the road,
which is fortified strongly with hedges and thickets,
and they have beset this hedge on one side <^or
according to anothe?' text, on one side and on the
other) with their archers, so that one cannot enter
noc ride along their road except by them, and that
way must he go who purposes to fight with them.
In this hedge there is but one entry and one issue,
where by likelihood four men of arms, as on the road,
might ride a-front. At the end of this hedge among
vines and thorn-bushes, where no man can go nor
ride, are their men of arms all afoot, and they have
set in front of them their archers in manner of a
harrow, whom it would not be easy to discomfit.'
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
is "the best advice that I can give you : if
any other think any other way better, let
him speak.'
The king said : ' Thus shall it be done ' :
then the two marshals rode from battle to
battle and chose out a three hundred knights
and squires of the most expert men of arms
of all the host, every man well armed and
horsed. Also it was ordained that the
battles of Almains should abide still on
horseback to comfort the marshals, if need
were, whereof the earl of Sarrebruck, the
earl of Nidau anjd the earl of Nassau were
captains. King John of France was there
armed, and twenty other in his apparel ;
and he did put the guiding of his eldest son
to the lord of Saint-Venant, the lord of
Landas and the lord Thibault of Vaudenay ;
and the lord Arnold of Cervolles, called
the archpriest,^ was armed in the armour of
the young earl of Alen^on.
CHAPTER CLXI
How the cardinal of Perigord treated to make
agreement between the French king and
the prince before the battle of Poitiers.
When the French king's battles was or-
dered and every lord under his banner among
their own men, then it was commanded
that every man should cut their spears to
a five foot long and every man to put off
their spurs. Thus as they were ready
to approach, the cardinal of Perigord ^
came in great haste to the king. He came
the same morning from Poitiers ; he kneeled
down to the king and held up his hands
and desired him for God's sake a little to
abstain setting forward till he had spoken
with him : then he said : ' Sir, ye have here
all the flower of your realm against a handful
of Englishmen as to regard your company,^
and, sir, if ye may have them accorded to
you without battle, it shall be more profitable
and honourable to have them by that manner
rather than to adventure so noble chivalry
as ye have here present. Sir, I require you
1 Arnaud de Cervolles, one of the most cele-
bratedadventurers of the 14th century, called the
archpriest because though a layman he possessed
the ecclesiastical fief of Vdines.
2 Talleyrand de Perigord.
3 The meaning is, ' Ye have here all the flower
of your realm against a handful of people, for so the
Englishmen are as compared with your company.'
in the name of God and humiUty that I may
ride to the prince and shew him what
danger ye have him in.' The king said : 'It
pleaseth me well, but return again shortly.'
The cardinal departed and diligently he
rode to the prince, who was among his men
afoot : then the cardinal alighted and came
to the prince, who received him courteously.
Then the cardinal after his salutation made
he said : ' Certainly, fair son, if you and
your council advise justly the puissance of
the French king, ye will suffer me to treat
to make a peace between you, an I may.'
The prince, who was young and lusty, said :
' Sir, the honour of me and of my people
saved, I would gladly fall to any reasonable
way. ' Then the cardinal said : ' Sir, ye say
well, and I shall accord you, an I can ; for
it should be great pity if so many noble-
men and other as be here on both parties
should come together by battle.' Then the
cardinal rode again to the king and said :
' Sir, ye need not to make any great haste
to fight with your enemies, for they cannot
fly fi-om you though they would, they be in
such a ground: wherefore, sir, I require you
forbear for this day till to-morrow the sun-
rising. ' The king was loath to agree thereto,
for some of his council would not consent to
it ; but finally the cardinal shewed such
reasons, that the king accorded that respite :
and in the same place there was pight up a
pavilion of red silk fresh and rich, and gave
leave for that day every man to draw to
their lodgings except the constable's and
marshals" battles.
That Sunday all the day the cardinal
travailed in riding from the one host to the
other gladly to agree them : but the French
king would not agree without he might
have four of the principallest of the English-
men at his pleasure, and the prince and all
the other to yield themselves simply : how-
beit there were many great offers made.
The prince offered to render into the king's
hands all that ever he had won in that
voyage, towns and castles, and to quit all
prisoners that he or any of his men had
taken in that season, and also to swear not
to be armed against the French king in
seven year after ; but the king and his
council would none thereof: the uttermost
that he would do was, that the prince and
a hundred of his knights should yield them-
selves into the king's prison ; otherwise he
MEDIATION ATTEMPTED
123
would not : the which the prince would in
no wise agree unto.
In the mean season that the cardinal rode
thus between the hosts in trust to do some
good, certain knights of France and of
England both rode forth the same Sunday,
because it was truce for that day, to coast
the hosts and to behold the dealing of their
enemies. So it fortuned that the lord John
Chandos rode the same day coasting the
French host, and in like manner the lord
of Clermont, one of the French marshals,
had ridden forth and aviewed the state of
the English host ; and as these two knights
returned towards their hosts, they met
together : each of them bare one manner of
device, a blue lady embroidered in a sun-
beam above on their apparel. Then the
lord Clermont said : ' Chandos, how long
have ye taken on you to bear my device ? '
' Nay, ye bear mine, ' said Chandos, * for it is
as well mine as yours.' ' I deny that,' said
Clermont, * but an it were not for the truce
this day between us, I should make it good
on you incontinent that ye have no right to
bear my device.' * Ah, sir,' said Chandos,
* ye shall find me to-morrow ready to defend
you and to prove by feat of arms that it is
as well mine as yours. ' Then Clermont said :
* Chandos, these be well the words of you
Englishmen, for ye can devise nothing of
new, but all that ye see is good and fair.'
So they departed without any more doing,
and each of them returned to their host.
The cardinal of Perigord could in no wise
that Sunday make any agreement between
the parties, and when it was near night he
returned to Poitiers. That night the
Frenchmen took their ease ; they had pro-
vision enough, and the Englishmen had
great default ; they could get no forage,
nor they could not depart thence without
danger of their enemies. That Sunday the
Englishmen made great dikes and hedges
about their archers, to be the more stronger ;
and on the Monday in the morning the
prince and his company were ready ap-
parelled as they were before, and about the
sun-rising in like manner were the French-
men. The same morning betimes the
cardinal came again to the French host and
thought by his preaching to pacify the
parties ; but then the Frenchmen said to
him : ' Return whither ye will : bring
hither no more words of treaty nor peace :
an ye love yourself depart shortly. ' When
the cardinal saw that he travailed in vain,
he took leave of the king and then he went
to the prince and said : ' Sir, do what ye
can : there is no remedy but to abide the
battle, for I can find none accord in the
French king.' Then the prince said : 'The
same is our intent and all our people : God
help the right ! ' So the cardinal returned
to Poitiers. In his company there were
certain knights and squires, men of arms,
who were more favourable to the French
king than to the prince : and when they
saw that the parties should fight, they stale
from their masters and went to the French
host ; and they made their captain the
chatelain of Amposte,^ who was as then
there with the cardinal, who knew nothing
thereof till he was come to Poitiers.
The certainty of the order of the English-
men was shewed to the French king, except
they had ordained three hundred men a-
horseback and as many archers a-horseback
to coast under covert of the mountain and
to strike into the battle of the duke of
Normandy, who was under the mountain
afoot. This ordinance they had made of
new, that the Frenchmen knew not of.
The prince was with his battle down among
the vines and had closed in the weakest
part with their carriages.
Now will I name some of the principal
lords and knights that were there with the
prince : the earl of Warwick, the earl of
Suffolk, the earl of Salisbury, the earl of
Oxford, the lord Raynold Cob ham, the lord
Spencer, the lord James Audley, the lord
Peter his brother, the lord Berkeley, the lord
Basset, the lord Warin, the lord Delaware,
the lord Manne, the lord Willoughby, the
lord Bartholomew de Burghersh, the lord of
Felton, the lord Richard of Pembroke, the
lord Stephen of Cosington, the lord Brade-
tane and other Englishmen ; and of Gas-
con there was the lord of Pommiers, the
lord of Languiran, the captal of Buch, the
lordjohnof Caumont, the lord de Lesparre,
the lord of Rauzan, the lord of Condon, the
lord of Montferrand, the lord of Landiras,
the lord soudic of Latrau and other that I
cannot name ; and of Hainowes the lord
Eustace d'Aubrecicourt, the lord John of
Ghistelles, and two other strangers, the
lord Daniel Pasele and the lord Denis of
1 Amposta, a fortress in Catalonia.
124
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
Morbeke : all the prince's company passed
not an eight thousand men one and other,
and the Frenchmen were a sixty thousand
fighting men, whereof there were more than
three thousand knights.
CHAPTER CLXII
Of the battle of Poitiers between the prince of
Wales and the French king.
When the prince saw that he should have
battle and that the cardinal was gone with-
out any peace or truce making, and saw
that the French king did set but little store
_by him, he said then to his men : ' Now,
sirs, though we be but a small company as
in regard to the puissance of our enemies,
let us not be abashed therefor ; for the
victory lieth not in the multitude of people,
but whereas God will send it. If it fortune
that the journey be ours, we shall be the
most honoured people of all the world ; and
if we die in our right quarrel, I have the
king my father and brethren, and also ye
have good friends and kinsmen ; these shall
revenge us. Therefore, sirs, for God's
sake I require you do your devoirs this day ;
for if God be pleased and Saint George,
this day ye shall see me a good knight.'
These words and such other that the prince
spake comforted all his people. The lord
sir John Chandos that day never went from
the prince, nor also the lord James Audley
of a great season ; but when he saw that
they should needs fight, he said to the
prince : ' Sir, I have served always truly my
lord your father and you also, and shall do
as long as I live. I say this because I made
once a vow that the first battle that other
the king your father or any of his children
should be at, how that I would be one of
the first setters on,^ or else to die in the
pain : therefore I require your grace, as in
reward for any service that ever I did to
the king your father or to you, that you will
give me licence to depart from you and to
set myself thereas I may accomplish my
vow.' The prince accorded to his desire
and said, ' Sir James, God give you this
day that grace to be the best knight of all
other,' and so took him by the hand. Then
the knight departed from the prince and
went to the foremost front of all the battles,
1 'The first setter-on and the best combatant.'
all only accompanied with four squires, who
promised not to fail him. This lord James
was a right sage and a valiant knight, and by
him was much of the host ordained and
governed the day before. Thus sir James
was in the front of the battle ready to fight
with the battle of the marshals of France.
In like wise the lord Eustace d'Aubrecicourt
did his pain to be one of the foremost to
set on. When sir James Audley began to
set forward to his enemies, it fortuned to
sir Eustace d'Aubrecicourt as ye shall hear
after. Ye have heard before how the
Almains in the French host were appointed
to be still a-horseback. Sir Eustace being
a-horseback laid his spear in the rest and
ran into the French battle, and then a
knight of Almaine, called the lord Louis of
Recombes, who bare a shield silver, five
roses gules, and sir Eustace bare ermines,
two hamedes of gules, -^ — when this Almain
saw the lord Eustace come from his com-
pany, he rode against him and they met so
rudely, that both knights fell to the earth.
The Almain was hurt in the shoulder,
therefore he rose not so quickly as did sir
Eustace, who when he was up and had
taken his breath, he came to the other
knight as he lay on the ground ; but then
five other knights of Almaine came on him
all at once and bare him to the earth, and
so perforce there he was taken prisoner and
brought to the earl of Nassau, who as then
took no heed of him ; and I cannot say
whether they sware him prisoner or no, but
they tied him to a chare and there let him
stand. ^
Then the battle began on all parts, and
the battles of the marshals of France ap-
proached, and they set forth that were
appointed to break the array of the archers.
They entered a-horseback into the way where
the great hedges were on both sides set full of
archers. As soon as the men of arms entered,
the archers began to shoot on both sides
and did slay and hurt horses and knights,
so that the horses when they felt the sharp
arrows they would in no wise go forward,
but drew aback and flang and took on so
fiercely, that many of them fell on their
masters, so that for press they could not
rise again ; insomuch that the marshals'
battle could never come at the prince.
1 That is, two hamedes gules on a field ermine.
2 ' They tied him on to a cart with their harness.'
I
BATTLE OF POITIERS, 1356 {Sept. 19)
125
Certain knights and squires that were well
horsed passed through the archers and
thought to approach to the prince, but they
could not. The lord James Audley with
his four squires was in the front of that
battle and there did marvels in arms, and
by great prowess he came and fought with
sir Arnold d'Audrehem under his own
banner, and there they fought long together
and sir Arnold was there sore handled.
The battle of the marshals began to disorder
by reason of the shot of the archers with the
aid of the men of arms, who came in among
them and slew of them and did what they
list, and there was the lord Arnold
d'Audrehem taken prisoner by other men
than by sir James Audley or by his four
squires ; for that day he never took prisoner,
but always fought and went on his enemies.
Also on the French party the lord John
Clermont fought under his own banner as
long as he could endure : but there he was
beaten down and could not be relieved nor
ransomed, but was slain without mercy :
some said it was because of the words that
he had the day before to sir John Chandos.
So within a short space the marshals' battles
were discomfited, for they fell one upon
another and could not go forth ; ^ and the
Frenchmen that were behind and could not
get forward reculed back and came on the
battle of the duke of Normandy, the which
was great and thick and were afoot, but
anon they began to open behind ; ^ for
when they knew that the marshals' battle
was discomfited, they took their horses and
departed, he that might best. Also they
saw a rout of Englishmen coming down a
little mountain a -horseback, and many
archers with them, who brake in on the
side of the duke's battle. True to say, the
archers did their company that day great
advantage ; for they shot so thick that the
Frenchmen wist not on what side to take
heed, and little and little the Englishmen
won ground on them.
And when the men of arms of England
saw that the marshals' battle was dis-
comfited and that the duke's battle began
to disorder and open, they leapt then
on their horses, the which they had ready
by them : then they assembled together
1 ' Ne pooient aler avant.'
2 ' Which was great and thick in front (par-
devant), but anon it becanve open and thin behind.'
and cried, * Saint George ! Guyenne ! ' and
the lord Chandos said to the prince :
' Sir, take your horse and ride forth ; this
journey is yours : God is this day in your
hands : get us to the French king's battle,
for their lieth all the sore of the matter. I
think verily by his valiantness he will not
fly : I trust we shall have him by the grace
of God and Saint George, so he be well
fought withal : and, sir, I heard you say
that this day I should see you a good
knight.' The prince said, ' Let us go forth ;
ye shall not see me this day return back,'
and said, 'Advance, banner, in the name
of God and of Saint George.' The knight
that bare it did his commandment : there
was then a sore battle and a perilous, and
many a man overthrown, and he that was
once down could not Idc relieved again
without great succour and aid. As the
prince rode and entered in among his
enemies, he saw on his right hand in a
little bush lying dead the lord Robert of
Duras and his banner by him,^ and a ten or
twelve of his men about him. Then the
prince said to two of his squires and to
three archers : * Sirs, take the body of this
knight on a targe and bear him to Poitiers,
and present him from me to the cardinal of
Perigord, and say how I salute him by that
token.' And this was done. The prince
was informed that the cardinal's men were
on the field against him, the which was not
pertaining to the right order of arms, for
men of the church that cometh and goeth
for treaty of peace ought not by reason to
bear harness nor to fight for neither of the
parties ; they ought to be indifferent : and
because these men had done so, the prince
was displeased with the cardinal, and there-
fore he sent unto him his nephew the lord
Robert of Duras dead : and the chatelain of
Amposte was taken, and the prince would
have had his head stricken off, because he
was pertaining to the cardinal, but then the
lord Chandos said : ' Sir, suffer for a season :
intend to a greater matter : and peradventure
the cardinal will make such excuse that ye
shall be content.'
Then the prince and his company dressed
them on the battle of the duke of Athens,
constable of France. There was many a
man slain and cast to the earth. As the
1 The original adds, 'qui estoit de France au
sentoir (sautoir) de gueulles.'
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THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
Frenchmen fought in companies, they cried,
* Mountjoy ! Saint Denis ! ' and the English-
men, ' Saint George ! Guyenne ! ' Anon
the prince with his company met with the
battle of Almains, whereof the earl of
Sarrebruck, the earl Nassau and the earl
Nidau were captains, but in a short space
they were put to flight : the archers shot so
wholly together that none durst come in
their dangers : they slew many a man that
could not come to no ransom : these three
earls was there slain, and divers other
knights and squires of their company, and
there was the lord d'Aubrecicourt rescued
by his own men and set on horseback, and
after he did that day many feats of arms and
took good prisoners. When the duke of
Normandy's battle saw the prince approach,
they thought to save themselves, and so the
duke and the king's children, the earl of
Poitiers and the earl of Touraine, who
were right young, believed their governours
and so departed from the field, and with
them more than eight hundred spears, that
strake no stroke that day. Howbeit the
lord Guichard d'Angle and the lord John of
Saintre, who were with the earl of Poitiers,
would not fly, but entered into the thickest
press of the battle. The king's three sons
took the way to Chauvigny, and the lord
John of Landas and the lord Thibauld of
Vaudenay, who were set to await on the
duke of Normandy, when they had brought
the duke a long league from the battle, then
they took leave of the duke and desired the
lord of Saint-Venant that he should not
leave the duke, but to bring him in safe-
guard, whereby he should win more thank
of the king than to abide still in the field.
Then they met also the duke of Orleans and
a great company with him, who were also
departed from the field with clear hands :
there were many good knights and squires,
though that their masters departed from the
field, yet they had rather a died than to
have had any reproach.
Then the king's battle came on the
Englishmen : there was a sore fight and
many a great stroke given and received.
The king and his youngest son met with the
battle of the English marshals, the earl of
Warwick and the earl of Suflblk, and with
them of Gascons the captal of Buch, the
lord of Pommiers, the lord Amery of Tastes,
the lord of Mussidan, the lord of Languiran
and the lord de Latrau. To the French
party there came time enough the lord John
of Landas and the lord of Vaudenay ; they
alighted afoot and went into the king's
battle, and a little beside fought the duke
of Athens, constable of France, and a little
above him the duke of Bourbon and many
good knights of Bourbonnais and of Picardy
with him, and a little on the one side there
were the Poitevins, the lord de Pons, the
lord of Partenay, the lord of Dammartin,
the lord of Tannay-Bouton, the lord of
Surgieres, the lord John Saintre, the lord
Guichard d'Angle, the lord Argenton, the
lord of Linieres, the lord of Montendre and
divers other, also the viscount of Roche-
chouart and the earl of Aunay ; ^ and of Bur-
goyne the lord James of Beaujeu, the lord de
Chateau -Vilain and other : in another part
there was the earl of Ventadour and of
Montpensier, the lord James of Bourbon,
the lord John d'Artois and also the lord
James his brother, the lord Arnold of
Cervolles, called the archpriest, armed for
the young earl of Alen9on ; and of Auvergne
there was the lord of Mercoeur, the lord de
la Tour, the lord of Chalen9on, the lord of
Montaigu, the lord of Rochfort, the lord
d'Acier, the lord d'Acon ; and of Limousin
there was the lord de Melval, the lord of
Mareuil, the lord of Pierrebuffiere ; and of
Picardy there was the lord William of
Nesle, the lord Arnold of Rayneval, the
lord Geoffrey of Saint-Dizier, the lord of
Chauny, the lord of Helly, the lord of
Montsault, the lord of Hangest and divers
other : and also in the king's battle there
was the earl Douglas of Scotland, who
fought a season right valiantly, but when
he saw the discomfiture, he departed and
saved himself ; for in no wise he would be
taken of the Englishmen, he had rather
been there slain. On the English part the
lord James Audley with the aid of his four
squires fought always in the chief of the
battle : he was sore hurt in the body and
in the visage : as long as his breath served
him he fought ; at last at the end of the
battle his four squires took and brought
him out of the field and laid him under a
hedge side for to refresh him ; and they
unarmed him and bound up his wounds as
well as they could. On the French party
king John was that day a full right good
1 * Le conte d'Aulnoy,' but it should be * visconte.
BATTLE OF POITIERS
[27
knight : if the fourth part of his men had
done their devoirs as well as he did, the
journey had been his by all likelihood.
Howbeit they were all slain and taken that
were there, except a few that saved them-
selves, that were with the king.^ There
was slain the duke Peter of Bourbon, the
lord Guichard of Beaujeu, the lord of
Landas, and the duke of Athens, constable
of France, the bishop of Chalons in Cham-
pagne, the lord William of Nesle, the lord
Eustace of Ribemont, the lord de la Tour,
the lord William of Montaigu, sir Grismouton
of Chambly, sir Baudrin de la Heuse, and
many other, as they fought by companies ;
and there were taken prisoners the lord of
Vaudenay, the lord of Pompadour, and the
archpriest, sore hurt, the earl of Vaudimont,
the earl of Mons, the earl of Joinville, the
earl of Vendome, sir Louis of Melval, the
lord Pierrebuffiere and the lord of Serignac :
there were at that brunt slain and taken
more than two hundred knights.^
CHAPTER CLXIII
Of two Frenchmen that fled from the battle of
Poitiers, and two Englishmen that followed
them.
Among the battles, recounterings, chases
and pursuits that were made that day in
the field, it fortuned so to sir Oudart of
Renty that when he departed from the field
because he saw the field was lost without
recovery, he thought not to abide the
danger of the Englishmen ; wherefore he
fled all alone and was gone out of the field
1 ' Howbeit they that stayed acquitted them as
well as they might, so that they were all slain or
taken. Few escaped of those that set themselves
with the king ' : or according to the fuller text :
' Few escaped of those that alighted down on the
sand by the side of the king their lord.'
2 The translator has chosen to rearrange the
above list of killed, wounded or taken, which the
French text gives in order as they fought, saying
that in one part there fell the duke of Bourbon, sir
Guichard of Beaujeu and sir John of Landas, and
there were severely wounded or taken the arch-
priest, sir Thibaud of Vodenay and sir Baudouin
d'Annequin ; in another there were slain the duke
of Athens and the bishop of Chalons, and taken the
earl of Vaudemont and Joinville and the earl of
Vendome : a little above this there were slain sir
William de Nesle, sir Eustace de Ribemont and
others, and taken sir Louis de Melval, the lord of
Pierrebufiere and the lord of Seregnach.
a league, and an English knight pursued
him and ever cried to him and said,
' Return again, sir knight, it is a shame to
fly away thus.' Then the knight turned,
and the English knight thought to have
stricken him with his spear in the targe,
but he failed, for sir Oudart swerved aside
from the stroke, but he failed not the
English knight, for he strake him such a
stroke on the helm with his sword, that he
was astonied and fell from his horse to the
earth and lay still. Then sir Oudart
alighted and came to him or he could rise,
and said, ' Yield you, rescue or no rescue,
or else I shall slay you.' The Englishman
yielded and went with him, and afterward
was ransomed. Also it fortuned that another
squireofPicardy called John de Hellenes was
fled from the battle and met with his page,
who delivered him a new fresh horse,
whereon he rode away alone. The same
season there was in the field the lord
Berkeley of England, a young lusty knight,
who the same day had reared his banner,
and he all alone pursued the said John of
Hellenes. And when he had followed the
space of a league, the said John turned
again and laid his sword in the rest instead
of a spear, and so came running toward the
lord Berkeley, who lift up his sword to have
stricken the squire ; but when he saw the
stroke come, he turned from it, so that the
Englishman lost his stroke and John strake
him as he passed on the arm, that the lord
Berkeley's sword fell into the field. When
he saw his sword down, he lighted suddenly
off his horse and came to the place where
his sword lay, and as he stooped down to
take up his sword, the French squire did
pike his sword at him, and by hap strake
him through both the thighs, so that the
knight fell to the earth and could not help
himself. And John alighted off his horse
and took the knight's sword that lay on the
ground, and came to him and demanded if
he would yield him or not. The knight
then demanded his name. *Sir,' said he,
' I hight John of Hellenes ; but what is
your name ? ' * Certainly,' said the knight,
' my name is Thomas and am lord of
Berkeley, a fair castle on the river of Severn
in the marches of Wales.' 'Well, sir,'
quoth the squire, 'then ye shall be my
prisoner, and I shall bring you in safe-guard
and I shall see that you shall be healed of
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THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
your hurt.' 'Well,' said the knight, 'I
am content to be your prisoner, for ye have
by law of arms won me.' There he sware
to be his prisoner, rescue or no rescue.
Then the squire drew forth the sword out
of the knight's thighs and the wound was
open : then he wrapped and bound the
wound and set him on his horse and so
brought him fair and easily to Chatelleraut,
and there tarried more than fifteen days for
his sake and did get him remedy for his hurt :
and when he was somewhat amended, then
he gat him a litter and so brought him at
his ease to his house in Picardy. There he
was more than a year till he was perfectly
whole ; and when he departed he paid for
his ransom six thousand nobles, and so this
squire was made a knight by reason of the
profit that he had of the lord Berkeley.
CHAPTER CLXIV
How king John was taken prisoner at the
battle of Poitiers.
Oftentimes the adventures of amours
and of war are more fortunate and marvel-
lous than any man can think or wish.
Truly this battle, the which was near to
Poitiers in the fields of Beauvoir and
Maupertuis, was right great and perilous,
and many deeds of arms there was done
the which all came not to knowledge.
The fighters on both sides endured much
pain : king John with his own hands did that
day marvels in arms : he had an axe in his
hands wherewith he defended himself and
fought in the breaking of the press. Near
to the king there was taken the earl of
Tancarville, sir Jaques of Bourbon earl of
Ponthieu, and the lord John of Artois earl
of Eu, and a little above that under the
banner of the captal of Buch was taken sir
Charles of Artois and divers other knights
and squires. The chase endured to the
gates of Poitiers : there were many slain
and beaten down, horse and man, for they
of Poitiers closed their gates and would
suffer none to enter ; wherefore in the street
before the gate was horrible murder, men
hurt and beaten down. The Frenchmen
yielded themselves as far off as they might
know an Englishman : there were divers
English archers that had four, five or six
prisoners : the lord of Pons, a great baron
of Poitou, was there slain, and many other
knights and squires ; and there was taken
the earl of Rochechouart, the lord of Dam-
martin, the lord of Partenay, and of Sain-
tonge the lord of Montendre and the lord
John of Saintre, but he was so sore hurt
that he had never health after : he was
reputed for one of the best knights in
France. And there was left for dead
among other dead men the lord Guichard
d'Angle, who fought that day by the king
right valiantly, and so did the lord of
Charny, on whom was great press, because
he bare the sovereign banner of the king's :
his own banner was also in the field, the
which was of gules, three scutcheons silver.
So many Englishmen and Gascons came to
that part, that perforce they opened the
king's battle, so that the Frenchmen were
so mingled among their enemies that some-
time there was five men upon one gentleman.
There was taken the lord of Pompadour
and ^ the lord Bartholomew de Burghersh,
and there was slain sir Geoffrey of Charny
with the king's banner in his hands : also
the lord Raynold Cobham slew the earl
of Dammartin. Then there was a great
press to take the king, and such as knew
him cried, ' Sir, yield you, or else ye are
but dead.' There was a knight of Saint-
Omer's, retained in wages with the king ot
England, called sir Denis Morbeke, who
had served the Englishmen five year before,
because in his youth he had forfeited the
realm of France for a murder that he did
at Saint-Omer's. It happened so well for
him, that he was next to the king when
they were about to take him : he stept
forth into the press, and by strength of
his body and arms he came to the French
king and said in good F'rench, ' Sir, yield
you.' The king beheld the knight and
said : ' To whom shall I yield me ? Where
is my cousin the prince of Wales ? If I might
see him, I would speak with him.' Denis
answered and said : ' Sir, he is not here ;
but yield you to me and I shall bring you
to him. ' ' Who be you ? ' quoth the king.
' Sir,' quoth he, ' I am Denis of Morbeke,
a knight of Artois ; but I serve the king of
England because I am banished the realm
1 This 'and' should be 'by,' but the French
text is responsible for the mistake.
BATTLE OF POITIERS
129
of France and I have forfeited all that I
had there.' Then the king gave him his
right gauntlet, saying, ' I yield me to
you.' There was a great press about the
king, for every man enforced him to
say,^ ' I have taken him,' so that the king
could not go forward with his young son
the lord Philip with him because of the
press.
The prince of Wales, who was courageous
and cruel as a lion, took that day great
pleasure to fight and to chase his enemies.
The lord John Chandos, who was with
him, of all that day never left him nor
never took heed of taking of any prisoner :
then at the end of the battle he said to the
prince : ' Sir, it were good that you rested
here and set your banner a-high in this
bush, that your people may draw hither,
for they be sore spread abroad, nor I can
see no more banners nor pennons of the
French party ; wherefore, sir, rest and
refresh you, for ye be sore chafed.' Then
the prince's banner was set up a-high on a
bush, and trumpets and clarions began to
sown. Then the prince did off his bassenet,
and the knights for his body and they of his
chamber were ready about him, and a red
paviHon pight up, and then drink was
brought forth to the prince and for such
lords as were about him, the which still in-
creased as they came from the chase : there
they tarried and their prisoners with them.
And when the two marshals were come to
the prince, he demanded of them if they
knew any tidings of the French king. They
answered and said : 'Sir, we hear none of
certainty, but we think verily he is other
dead or taken, for he is not gone out of
the battles.' Then the prince said to the
earl of Warwick and to sir Raynold Cob-
ham : ' Sirs, I require you go forth and see
what ye can know, that at your return ye
may shew me the truth.' These two lords
took their horses and departed from the
prince and rode up a little hill to look
about them : then they perceived a flock
of men of arms coming together right
wearily : ^ there was the French king afoot
in great peril, for Englishmen and Gascons
were his masters ; they had taken him from
sir Denis Morbeke perforce, and such as
were most of force said, ' I have taken
him ' ; * Nay,' quoth another, * I have taken
1 'S'eflForgoit de dire.' 2 ' Lentement.'
K
him ' : so they strave which should have
him. Then the French king, to eschew
that peril, said : ' Sirs, strive not : lead
me courteously, and my son, to my cousin
the prince, and strive not for my taking,
for I am so great a lord to make you all
rich.' The king's words somewhat appeased
them ; howbeit ever as they went they
made riot and brawled for the taking of
the king. When the two foresaid lords
saw and heard that noise and strife among
them, they came to them and said : ' Sirs,
what is the matter that ye strive for?'
'Sirs,' said one of them, ' it is for the French
king, who is here taken prisoner, and
there be more than ten knights and squires
that challengeth the taking of him and of his
son. ' Then the two lords entered into the
press and caused every man to draw aback,
and commanded them in the prince's name
on pain of their heads to make no more
noise nor to approach the king no nearer,
without they were commanded. Then
every man gave room to the lords, and
they alighted and did their reverence to
the king, and so brought him and his son
in peace and rest to the prince of Wales.
CHAPTER CLXV
Of the gift that the prince gave to the lord
Audley after the battle of Poitiers.
As soon as the earl of Warwick and the
lord Cobham were departed from the prince,
as ye have heard before, then the prince
demanded of the knights that were about
him for the lord Audley, if any knew any-
thing of him. Some knights that were
there answered and said : ' Sir, he is sore
hurt and lieth in a litter here beside.'
' By my faith,' said the prince, ' of his hurts
I am right sorry : go and know if he may
be brought hither, or else I will go and see
him thereas he is. ' Then two knights came
to the lord Audley and said : 'Sir, the
prince desireth greatly to see you, other
ye must go to him or else he will come to
you.' 'Ah, sir,' said the knight, 'I thank
the prince when he thinketh on so poor
a knight as I am.' Then he called eight
of his servants and caused them to bear
him in his litter to the place whereas the
prince was. Then the prince took him in
I30
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
his arms and kissed him and made him
great cheer and said : ' Sir James, I ought
greatly to honour you, for by your vaUance
ye have this day achieved the grace and
renown of us all, and ye are reputed for
the most valiant of all other.' 'Ah, sir,'
said the knight, 'ye say as it pleaseth
you : I would it were so : and if I have
this day anything advanced myself to serve
you and to accomplish the vow that I
made, it ought not to be reputed to me
any prowess. ' ' Sir James,' said the prince,
* I and all ours take you in this journey for
the best doer in arms, and to the intent to
furnish you the better to pursue the wars,
I retain you for ever to be my knight with
five hundred marks of yearly revenues, the
which I shall assign you on mine heritage
in England.' ' Sir,' said the knight, ' God
grant me to deserve the great goodness
that ye shew me ' : and so he took his
leave of the prince, for he was right feeble,
and so his servants brought him to his
lodging. And as soon as he was gone,
the earl of Warwick and the lord Cobham
returned to the prince and presented to
him the French king. The prince made
lowly reverence to the king and caused
wine and spices to be brought forth, and
himself served the king in sign of great
love.
CHAPTER CLXVI
How the Englishmen won greatly at the
battle of Poitiers.
Thus this battle was discomfited, as ye
have heard, the which was in the fields of
Maupertuis a two leagues from Poitiers the
twenty-second day of September the year
of our Lord MCCCLVI. It begun in the
morning i and ended at noon, but as then
all the Englishmen were not returned from
the chase ; therefore the prince's banner
stood on a bush to draw all his men to-
gether, but it was nigh night or all came
from the chase. And as it was reported,
there was slain all the flower of France,
and there was taken with the king and the
lord Philip his son a seventeen earls, beside
barons, knights and squires, and slain a
five or six thousand of one and other.
1 ' Environ heure de prime.'
When every man was come from the chase,
they had twice as many prisoners as they
were in number in all. Then it was coun-
selled among them because of the great
charge and doubt to keep so many, that
they should put many of them to ransom
incontinent in the field, and so they did :
and the prisoners found the Englishmen
and Gascons right courteous ; there were
many that day put to ransom and let go
all only on their promise of faith and truth
to return again between that and Christmas
to Bordeaux with their ransoms. Then
that night they lay in the field beside
whereas the battle had been : some un-
armed them, but not all, and unarmed all
their prisoners, and every man made good
cheer to his prisoner ; for that day whoso-
ever took any prisoner, he was clear his
and might quit or ransom him at his
pleasure. All such as were there with the
prince were all made rich with honour and
goods, as well by ransoming of prisoners as
by winning of gold, silver, plate, jewels,
that was there found : there was no man
that did set anything by rich harness,
whereof there was great plenty, for the
Frenchmen came thither richly beseen,
weening to have had the journey for them.
CHAPTER CLXVn
How the lord James Audley gave to his four
squires the five hundred marks of revenues
that the prince had given him.
When sir James Audley was brought to
his lodging, then he sent for sir Peter
Audley his brother and for the lord Bar-
tholomew of Burghersh, the lord Stephen
of Cosington, the lord of Willoughby and
the lord Ralph Ferrers, all these were of
his lineage, and then he called before him
his four squires, that had served him that
day well and truly. Then he said to the
said lords : ' Sirs, it hath pleased my lord
the prince to give me five hundred marks
of revenues by year in heritage, for the
which gift I have done him but small
service with my body. Sirs, behold here
these four squires, who hath always served
me truly and specially this day : that
honour that I have is by their valiantness.
Wherefore I will reward them : I give and
BATTLE OF POITIERS
131
resign into their hands the gift that my
lord the prince hath given me of five
hundred marks of yearly revenues, to them
and to their heirs for ever, in like manner
as it was given me. I clearly disherit me
thereof and inherit them without any
repeal ^ or condition.' The lords and other
that were there, every man beheld other
and said among themselves : ' It cometh
of a great nobleness to give this gift.'
They answered him with one voice : ' Sir,
be it as God will ; we shall bear witness in
this behalf wheresoever we be come. ' Then
they departed from him, and some of them
went to the prince, who the same night
would make a supper to the French king
and to the other prisoners, for they had
then enough to do withal, of that the
Frenchmen brought with them,^ for the
Englishmen wanted victual before, for some
in three days had no bread before.
CHAPTER CLXVIII
How the prince made a supper to the French
king the same day of the battle.
The same day of the battle at night the
prince made a supper in his lodging to the
French king and to the most part of the
great lords that were prisoners. The prince
made the king and his son, the lord James
of Bourbon, the lord John d'Artois, the
earl of Tancarville, the earl of Estampes,
the earl Dammartin, the earl of Joinville
and the lord of Partenay to sit all at one
board, and other lords, knights and squires
at other tables ; and always the prince
served before the king as humbly as he
could, and would not sit at the king's board
for any desire that the king could make,
but he said he was not sufficient to sit at
the table with so great a prince as the king
was. But then he said to the king : * Sir,
for God's sake make none evil nor heavy
cheer, though God this day did not consent
to follow your will ; for, sir, surely the king
my father shall bear you as much honour
and amity as he may do, and shall accord
1 'Rappel,' i.e. power of recalling the gift. The
word ' repeal ' is a correction of ' rebell.'
2 ' Who was to give the king of France a supper
of his own provisions ; for the French had brought
great abundance with them, and provisions had
failed among the English,' etc.
with you so reasonably that ye shall ever
be friends together after. And, sir, methink
ye ought to rejoice, though the journey be
not as ye would have had it, for this day
ye have won the high renown of prowess
and have passed this day in valiantness all
other of your party. Sir, I say not this to
mock you, for all that be on our party, that
saw every man's deeds, are plainly accorded
by true sentence to give you the prize
and chaplet.' Therewith the Frenchmen
began to murmur and said among them-
selves how the prince had spoken nobly,
and that by all estimation he should prove
a noble man, if God send him life and to
persevere in such good fortune.
CHAPTER CLXIX
How the prince returned to Bordeaux
after the battle of Poitiers,
When supper was done, every man went
to his lodging with their prisoners. The
same night they put many to ransom and
believed them on their faiths and troths,
and ransomed them but easily, for they said
they would set no knight's ransom so high,
but that he might pay at his ease and main-
tain still his degree. The next day, when
they had heard mass and taken some repast
and that everything was trussed and ready,
then they took their horses and rode towards
Poitiers. The same night there was come
to Poitiers the lord of Roye with a hundred
spears : he was not at the battle, but he met
the duke of Normandy near to Chauvigny,
and the duke sent him to Poitiers to keep
the town till they heard other tidings.
When the lord of Roye knew that the English-
men were so near coming to the city, he
caused every man to be armed and every
man to go to his defence to the walls,
towers and gates ; and the Englishmen
passed by without any approaching, for
they were so laded with gold, silver and
prisoners, that in their returning they
assaulted no fortress ; they thought it a
great deed if they might bring the French
king, with their other prisoners and riches
that they had won, in safeguard to Bordeaux.
They rode but small journeys because of
their prisoners and great carriages that they
had : they rode in a day no more but four
132
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
or five leagues and lodged ever betimes,
and rode close together in good array saving
the marshals' battles, w^ho rode ever before
with five hundred men of arms to open the
passages as the prince should pass ; but they
found no encounterers, for all the country
was so frayed that every man drew to the
fortresses.
As the prince rode, it was shewed him
how the lord Audley had given to his four
squires the gift of the five hundred marks
that he had given unto him : then the
prince sent for him and he was brought in
his litter to the prince, who received him
courteously and said : ' Sir James, we have
knowledge that the revenues that we gave
you, as soon as ye came to your lodging,
you gave the same to four squires : we
would know why ye did so, and whether
the gift was agreeable to you or not.' ' Sir,'
said the knight, * it is of truth I have given
it to them, and I shall shew you why I did
so. These four squires that be here present
have a long season served me well and truly
in many great businesses, and, sir, in this
last battle they served me in such wise that
an they had never done nothing else, I was
bound to reward them, and before the same
day they had never nothing of me in reward.
Sir, I am but a man alone ; but by the aid
and comfort of them I took on me to ac-
complish my vow long before made. I had
been dead in the battle an they had not
been : wherefore, sir, when I considered
the love that they bare unto me, I had not
been courteous if I would not a rewarded
them. I thank God I have had and shall
have enough as long as I live : I will never
be abashed for lack of good. Sir, if I have
done this without your pleasure, I require
you to pardon me, for, sir, both I and my
squires shall serve you as well as ever we
did. ' Then the prince said : ' Sir James,
for anything that ye have done I cannot
blame you, but can you good thank there-
for ; and for the valiantness of these
squires, whom ye praise so much, I accord
to them your gift, and I will render again
to you six hundred marks in like manner
as ye had the other.'
Thus the prince and his company did so
much that they passed through Poitou and
Saintonge without damage and came to
Blaye, and there passed the river of Gironde
and arrived in the good city of Bordeaux.
It cannot be recorded the great feast and
cheer that they of the city with the clergy
made to the prince, and how honourably
they were there received. The prince
brought the French king into the abbey of
Saint Andrew's, and there they lodged both,
the king in one part and the prince in the
other. The prince bought of the lords,
knights and squires of Gascoyne the most
part of the earls of the realm of France,
such as were prisoners, and paid ready
money for them. There was divers
questions and challenges made between the
knights and squires of Gascoyne for taking
of the French king ; howbeit Denis Mor-
beke by right of arms and by true tokens
that he shewed challenged him for his
prisoner. Another squire of Gascoyne
called Bernard of Truttes said how he had
right to him : there was much ado and
many words before the prince and other
lords that were there, and because these
two challenged each other to fight in that
quarrel, the prince caused the matter to
rest till they came in England and that no
declaration should be made but afore the
king of England his father ; but because
the French king himself aided to sustain
the challenge of Denis Morbeke, for he
inclined more to him than to any other,
the prince therefore privily caused to be
delivered to the said sir Denis two thousand
nobles to maintain withal his estate.
Anon after the prince came to Bordeaux, the
cardinal of Perigord came thither, who was
sent from the pope in legation, as it was said.
He was there more than fifteen days or the
prince would speak with him because of the
chatelain of Amposte and his men, who
were against him in the battle of Poitiers.
The prince believed that the cardinal sent
them thither, but the cardinal did so much by
the means of the lord of Caumont, the lord of
Montferrand and the captal of Buch, who
were his cousins, they shewed so good
reasons to the prince, that he was content
to hear him speak. And when he was
before the prince, he excused himself so
sagely that the prince and his council held
him excused, and so he fell again into the
prince's love and redeemed out his men by
reasonable ransoms ; and the chatelain was
set to his ransom of ten thousand franks,
the which he paid after. Then the cardinal
began to treat on the deliverance of the
GOVERNMENT BY THE THREE ESTATES
133
French king, but I pass it briefly because
nothing was done. Thus the prince, the
Gascons and EngHshmen tarried still at
Bordeaux till it was Lent in great mirth
and revel, and spent foolishly the gold and
silver that they had won. In England also
there was great joy when they heard tidings
of the battle of Poitiers, of the discomfiting
of the Frenchmen and taking of the king :
great solemnities were made in all churches
and great fires and wakes throughout all
England. The knights and squires, such
as were come home from that journey,
were much made of and praised more than
other.
CHAPTER CLXX
How the three estates of France assembled
together at Paris after the battle of Poitiers.
The same season that the battle of Poitiers
was, the duke of Lancaster was in the
county of Evreux and on the marches of
Cotentin, and with him the lord Philip of
Navarre and the lord Godfrey of Harcourt.
They made war in Normandy and had done
all that season in the title of the king of
Navarre, whom the French king held in
prison. These lords did all that they might
to have been at the journey of Poitiers with
the prince, but they could not, for all the
passages on the river of Loire were so well
kept that they might not pass : but when
they heard how the prince had taken the
French king at the battle of Poitiers, they
were glad and brake up their journey,
because the duke of Lancaster and sir
Philip of Navarre would go into England,
and so they did ; and they sent sir Godfrey
of Harcourt to Saint-Saviour's-le-Viconte
to keep there frontier war. ^
Now let us speak of the French king's
three sons, Charles, Louis and John, who
were returned from the besynes at Poitiers.
They were right young of age and of
counsel ; in them was but small recovery,
nor there was none of them that would take
on him the governance of the realm of
1 ' Tenir frontiere.' The word * frontiere ' means
' line of battle ' or ' fortress \ (in the face of the
enemy), and hence the meaning 'boundary.' The
expressions ' faire frontiere ' or ' tenir frontiere ' are
used of opposing or making war against an enemy.
France. Also the lords, knights and squires,
such as fled from the battle, were so hated
and blamed of the commons of the realm,
that scant they durst abide in any good
town. Then all the prelates of holy Church
being in France, bishops, abbots, and all
other noble lords and knights, and the
provost of the merchants, the burgesses of
Paris, and the counsels of other good towns,
they all assembled at Paris, and there they
would ordain how the realm should be
governed till the king were delivered out of
prison. Also they would know furthermore
what was become of the great treasure that
had been levied in the realm by dimes,
maltotes, subsidies, forging of moneys, and
in all other extortions, whereby the people
hath been overlaid and troubled, and the
soldiers evil paid, and the realm evil kept
and defended : but of all this there were none
that could give account. Then they agreed
that the prelates should choose out twelve
persons among them, who should have
power by them and by all the clergy to
ordain and to advise all things convenable
to be done ; and the lords and knights to
choose other twelve among them of their
most sagest and discreet persons, to de-
termine all causes ; and the burgesses to
choose other twelve for the commons : the
which six and thirty persons should often-
times meet at Paris and there to commune
and ordain for all causes of the realm, and
every matter to be brought to them : and
to these three estates all other prelates,
lords and commons should obey.
So these persons were chosen out, but
in the beginning there were divers in
this election that the duke of Normandy
was not content withal, nor his council.
First these three estates defended evermore
forging of money : also they required the
duke of Normandy that he would arrest the
chancellor of the king his father, the lord
Robert of Lorris, and the lord Simon of
Bucy, and divers other masters of the counts
and other councillors of the king's, to the
intent that they might make a true account
of that they had taken and levied in the
realm and by their counsels. When these
masters and councillors heard of this matter,
they departed out of the realm into other
countries, to abide there till they heard
other tidings.
134
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
CHAPTERS CLXXI, CLXXII
SUMMARY.— The three estates received
all taxes and coined new gold money called
* moutons, ' They desired the duke of Nor-
mandy to set free the king of Navarre, hut
he would not. Then, seeing that Godfrey de
Harcourt made war in Normandy, they sent
a body of men to Coutances, where he was
defeated and slain.
CHAPTER CLXXni
How the prince conveyed the French king
from Bordeaux into England.
After the death of this knight sir Godfrey
of Harcourt, the Frenchmen returned to
Coutances with their prisoners and pillage,
and anon after they went into France to
the duke of Normandy, who as then was
called regent of France, and to the three
estates, who received them right honour-
ably. So from thenceforth Saint- Saviour-
le-Viconte was English and all the lands
pertaining to sir Godfrey of Harcourt, for
he had sold it to the king of England after
his decease and disherited the lord Louis
of Harcourt his nephew, because he would
not take his part. As soon as the king of
England heard tidings of the death of the
lord Godfrey of Harcourt, he was sorry
thereof: then he sent incontinent men of
arms, knights, squires and archers more
than three hundred by sea to go and take
possession for him of Saint - Saviour - le -
Viconte, the which was worth thirty
thousand franks by year, and made captain
of those lands the lord John Lisle. The
three estates all that season studied on the
ordinance of the realm of France, and it
was all governed by them.
The same winter the prince of Wales
and such of England as were with him at
Bordeaux ordained for ships to convey the
French king and his son and all other
prisoners into England. And when the
time of his departure approached, then he
commanded tJie lord d'Albret, the lord of
Mussidan, the lord de Lesparre, the lord of
Pommiers and the lord of Rauzan to keep
the country there till his return again.
Then he took the sea, and certain lords of
Gascoyne with him. The French king was
in a vessel by himself, to be the more at his
ease, accompanied with two hundred men
of arms and two thousand archers ; for it
was shewed the prince that the three estates
by whom the realm of France was governed
had laid in Normandy and Crotoy two
great armies, to the intent to meet with him
and to get the French king out of his hands,
if they might ; but there were no such that
appeared, and yet they were on the sea
eleven days, and on the twelfth day they
arrived at Sandwich. Then they issued out
of their ship and lay there all that night
and tarried there two days to refresh them,
and on the third day they rode to Canter-
bury. When the king of England knew of
their coming, he commanded them of
London to prepare them and their city to
receive such a man as the French king was.
Then they of London arrayed themselves
by companies and the chief mesters [with]
clothing different [each] from the other.
At Saint Thomas of Canterbury the French
king and the prince made their offerings
and there tarried a day, and then rode to
Rochester and tarried there that day, and
the next day to Dartford and the fourth
day to London, where they were honour-
ably received, and so they were in every
good town as they passed. The French
king rode through London on a white
courser well apparelled, and the prince on
a little black hobby by him. Thus he was
conveyed along the city, till he came to. the
Savoy, the which house pertained to the
heritage of the duke of Lancaster. There
the French king kept his house a long
season, and thither came to see him the
king and the queen oftentimes and made
him great feast and cheer. Anon after by
the commandment of pope Innocent the
sixth there came into England the lord
Talleyrand, cardinal of Perigord, and the lord
Nicholas, cardinal of Urgel : they treated for
a peace between the two kings, but they
could bring nothing to effect, but at last by
good means they procured a truce between
the two kings and all their assisters, to
endure till the feast of Saint John the
Baptist in the year of our Lord God
MCCCLix. ; and out of this truce was
excepted the lord Philip of Navarre and his
allies, the countess of Montfort and the
duchy of Bretayne. Anon after the French
DISTURBANCES IN PARIS, 1357
135
king was removed from the Savoy to the
castle of Windsor, and all his household,
and went a-hunting and a-hawking there-
about at his pleasure, and the lord Philip
his son with him : and all the other prisoners
abode still at London and went to see the
king at their pleasure and were received all
only on their faiths.
CHAPTERS CLXXIV-CLXXVIII
SUMMARY.— The king of Scotland, who
had been a prisoner in England more than
nine years, was delivered by treaty.
The duke of Lancaster raised an army to
aid the conntess of Montfort in May 1357,
and laid siege to Rennes. During this
siege a young bachelor named Bertrand du
Guesclin fought with sir Nicholas Dag-
xvorth an Englishman.
Sir William de Gauville won back the
castle of Evreux for the king of Navan-e.
At this time there was a company of
armed men in Provence led by A retold de
Cervolles, called the archpriest, with whom
the pope and cardinals fell in treaty for
fear that Avignon should be plundered ;
another between the Loire and Seine had
one Ruffi,n {Griffith) for their captain ; and
in A^ormandy there was a company of Eng-
lish and Navarrois under sir Robert
Knolles.
CHAPTER CLXXIX
How the provost of the merchants of Paris
slew three knights in the regent's chamber.
In this season that the three estates thus
ruled, there rose in divers countries certain
manner of people calling themselves com-
panions, and they made war to every man.
The noblemen of the realm of France and
the prelates of holy Church began to wax
weary of the rule and ordinance of the
three estates, and so gave up their rule and
suffered the provost of the merchants to
meddle with some of the burgesses of Paris,
because they meddled farther than they
were pleased withal.^ So on a day the
^ ' So they suffered the provost of the merchants
and some of the burgesses of Paris to deal as they
would, because they (the three estates) meddled
with affairs farther than they were pleased.'
regent of France was in the palace of Paris
with many noblemen and prelates with
him. The provost then assembled a great
number of the commons of Paris, such as
were of his opinion, and all they ware hats
of one colour, to the intent to be known.
The provost came to the palace with his
men about him and entered into the duke's
chamber, and there eagerly he desired him
that he would take on him the meddling of
the business of the realm of France, that
the realm, the which pertained to him by
inheritance, might be better kept, and that
such companions as goeth about the realm
wasting, robbing and pilling the same
might be subdued. The duke answered
how he would gladly intend thereto, if he
had wherewith, and said they that receive
the profit and the rights pertaining to the
realm ought to do it, if it be done or not I
report me.^ So they multiplied such words
between them that three of the greatest of
the duke's council were there slain so near
him, that his clothes were all bloody with
their blood and he himself in great peril :
but there was set one of their hats on his head
and he was fain there to pardon the death
of his three knights, two of arms and the
third of the law, the one called the lord
Robert of Clermont, a right noble man,
another the lord of Conflans, and the
knight of the law the lord Simon of Bucy.
CHAPTER CLXXX
How the king of Navarre came out of prison.
After this foresaid adventure certain
knights, as the lord John of Picquigny and
other, under the comfort of the provost of
Paris and of other councillors of the good
towns, came to the strong castle of Arleux
in Palluel, in Picardy, where the king of
Navarre was in prison under the keeping of
1 ' Mais celui qui faisoit lever les profits et les
droitures appartenans au royaulme le devoit faire,
s'il le fist, je ne S9ay pourquoi ne comment ce fut,
mais les paroles moultiplyerent tant,' etc. The
punctuation and reading are doubtful, but probably
it should be, 'he that levied the profits and rights
belonging to the realm ought to do it ; so let
him do it.' The translator's expression, 'If it
be done or not, I report me,' is quite unintelligible.
We may observe, however, that the same expres-
sion occurs again (ii. 91) : 'I report me if I have not
good cause to say,' where it is a translation of
' Regardez et imaginez,' etc.
36
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
the lord Tristram du Bos. They brought to
them that kept the castle such tokens that
they had the king of Navarre delivered into
their hands, for the captain was not as then
there ; and they brought him with great joy
into the city of Amiens, where he was well
received, and lighted at a canon's house,
who loved him entirely, called Guy Quieret :
and the king tarried there a fifteen days
till he had so provided for himself that he
was assured of the duke of Normandy, then
regent of France : for the provost of the
merchants of Paris had gotten him his
peace of the duke and of them of Paris.
And then the king of Navarre was brought
to Paris by the lord John of Picquigny and
by other burgesses of Amiens, whereas
every man was glad to see him and the
duke made him great feast and cheer ; for
it behoved him so to do, for the provost
and his sect exhorted him thereto : there-
fore the duke dissembled for the pleasure
of the provost and other of Paris.
CHAPTER CLXXXI
How the king of Navarre preached solemnly
in Paris.
When the king of Navarre had been a
certain time in Paris, on a day he assembled
together prelates, knights and clerks of the
university and there he shewed openly
among them in Latin in the presence of the
duke of Normandy his complaint and griefs,
and violence done to him wrongfully with-
out right or reason, and said how there was
none that ought to doubt in him, but that
he would live and die in the defence of the
realm of France and the crown thereof, as
he was bound to do : for he was extraught
of father and mother of the right line of
France, and said, if he would challenge the
realm and crown of France, he could shew
by right how he was more nearer thereto
than the king of England. His sermon
and language was so pleasant that he was
greatly praised, and so little and little he
entered into the favour of them of Paris, so
that he was better beloved there than the
regent the duke of Normandy, and also
with divers other cities in the realm of
France. But whatsoever semblant the
provost and they of Paris made to the king
of Navarre, for all that the lord Philip of
Navarre would never trust them, nor would
not come to Paris, for he always said that in
a commonalty there was never no certainty,
but finally shame, rebuke and dishonour.
CHAPTER CLXXXII ^
Of the beginning of the rising of
the commons called Jaquery, in Beauvoisin.
Anon after the deliverance of the king of
Navarre there began a marvellous tribula-
tion in the realm of France, as in Beau-
voisin, in Brie, on the river of Marne,
in Laonnois, and about Soissons. For
certain people of the common villages,
without any head or ruler, assembled to-
gether in Beauvoisin. In the beginning
they passed not a hundred in number :
they said how the noblemen of the realm
of France, knights and squires, shamed the
realm, and that it should be a great wealth
to destroy them all ; and each of them said
it was true, and said all with one voice :
' Shame have he that doth not his power to
destroy all the gentlemen of the realm ! '
Thus they gathered together without any
other counsel, and without any armour
saving with staves and knives, and so went to
the house of a knight dwelling thereby, and
brake up his house and slew the knight and
the lady and all his children great and
small and brent his house. And then they
went to another castle, and took the knight
thereof and bound him fast to a stake, and
then violated his wife and his daughter before
his face and then slew the lady and his
daughter and all his other children, and
then slew the knight by great torment and
brent and beat down the castle. And so
they did to divers other castles and good
houses ; and they multiplied so that they
were a six thousand, and ever as they went
forward they increased, for such like as
they were fell ever to them, so that every
gentleman fled from them and took their
wives and children with them, and fled ten
or twenty leagues off" to be in surety, and
left their houses void and their goods
therein.
These mischievous people thus assembled
without captain or armour robbed, brent
and slew all gentlemen that they could lay
THE JACQUERIE, 1357
137
hands on, and forced and ravished ladies
and damosels, and did such shameful deeds
that no human creature ought to think on
any such, and he that did most mischief
was most praised with them and greatest
master. I dare not write the horrible
deeds that they did to ladies and damosels :
among other they slew a knight and after
did put him on a broach and roasted him at
the fire in the sight of the lady his wife and
his children ; and after the lady had been
enforced and ravished with a ten or twelve,
they made her perforce to eat of her husband
and after made her to die an evil death and
all her children. They made among them
a king, one of Clermont in Beauvoisin :
they chose him that was the most un-
graciousest of all other and they called him
king Jaques Goodman, and so thereby they
were called companions of the Jaquery.
They destroyed and brent in the country of
Beauvoisin about Corbie, Amiens and Mont-
didier more than threescore good houses
and strong castles. In like manner these
unhappy people were in Brie and Artois,
so that all the ladies, knights and squires of
that country were fain to fly away to Meaux
in Brie, as well the duchess of Normandy
and the duchess of Orleans as divers other
ladies and damosels, or else they had been
violated and after murdered. Also there
were a certain of the same ungracious people
between Paris and Noyon and between Paris
and Soissons, and all about in the land of
Coucy, in the county of Valois, in the
bishopric of Laon,^ Noyon and Soissons.
There were brent and destroyed more than
a hundred castles and good houses of
knights and squires in that country.
CHAPTER CLXXXIII
How the provost of the merchants of Paris
caused walls to be made about the city of
Paris.
When the gentlemen of Beauvoisin, of
Corbiois, of Vermandois and of other lands,
whereas these mischievous people were
conversant, saw the woodness among them,
they sent for succours to their friends into
1 The translator, partly following a corrupt text,
says, ' bytwene Brieche and Loan.' The true
reading is ' en I'dveschiet de Laon.'
Flanders, to Brabant, to Hainault and to
Hesbaye. vSo there came from all parts ;
and so all these gentlemen strangers with
them of the country assembled together and
did set on these people where they might
find them, and slew and hanged them upon
trees by heaps. The king of Navarre on a
day slew of them more than three thousand
beside Clermont in Beauvoisin. It was
time to take them up, for an they had been
all together assembled, they were more than
a hundred thousand ; and when they were
demanded why they did so evil deeds, they
would answer and say they could not tell,
but that they did as they saw other do,
thinking thereby to have destroyed all the
nobles and gentlemen of the world.
In the same season the duke of Normandy
departed from Paris and was in doubt of the
king of Navarre and of the provost of the
merchants and of his sect, for they were
all of one accord. He rode to the bridge
of Charenton on the river of Marne, and
there he made a great summons of gentle-
men and then defied the provost of the
merchants . and all his aiders. Then the
provost was in doubt of him, that he would
in the night-time come and overrun the
city of Paris, the which as then was not
closed. Then he set workmen a- work as
many as he could get, and made great dikes
all about Paris and began walls and gates :
he had the space of one whole year a three
hundred workmen continually working.
It was a great deed to furnish an arm and
to close with defence such a city as Paris :
surely it was the best deed that ever any
provost did there, for else it had been after
divers times overrun and robbed by divers
occasions.
CHAPTER CLXXXIV
Of the battle at Meaux in Brie, where the
companions of the Jaquery were discom-
fited by the earl of Foix and the captal of
Buch.
In the season while these ungracious people
reigned, there came out of Pruce the earl
of Foix and the captal of Buch his cousin,
and in their way they heard, as they should
have entered into France, of the great mis-
chief that fell among the noblemen by these
138
THE CHRONICLES OF FRO I SS ART
unhappy people ; and in the city of Meaux
was the duchess of Normandy and the
duchess of Orleans and a three hundred
other ladies and damosels and the duke of
Orleans also. Then the two said knights
agreed to go and see these ladies and to
comfort them to their powers : howbeit the
captal was English, but as then it was
truce between the two kings : they had in
their company a threescore spears. And
when they were come to Meaux in Brie,
they were welcome to the ladies and
damosels there : and when those of the
Jaquery understood that there was at
Meaux such a number of ladies, young
damosels and noble children, then they
assembled together and with them they of
Valois, and so came to Meaux. And also
certain of Paris that heard thereof went to
them, so that they were in all a nine thou-
sand and daily more resorted to them : so
they came to the gates of the town of
Meaux and the people of the town opened
the gates and suffered them to enter, so
that all the streets were full of them to the
market-place, whereas these noble ladies
were lodged in a strong place closed about
with the river of Marne : there came such
a number against them that the ladies were
sore affrayed. Then these two knights and
their company came to the gate of the
market-place and issued out and set on
those villains, who were but evil armed,
the earl of Foix's banner and the duke of
Orleans', and the captal's pennon. And
when these villains saw these men of war
well apparelled issued out to defend the
place, the foremost of them began to recule
back, and the gentlemen pursued them
with their spears and swords : and when
they felt the great strokes, they reculed all
at once and fell for haste each on other.
Then all the noblemen issued out of the
barriers and anon won the place, and
entered in among their enemies and beat
them down by heaps and slew them like
beasts and chased them all out of the town,
and slew so many that they were weary,
and made many of them by heaps to fly
into the river. Briefly, that day they
slew of them more than seven thousand,
and none had scaped, if they would a
followed the chase any farther. And when
these men of arms returned again to the
town, they set fire thereon and brent it
clean and all the villains of the town that
they could close therein, because they took
part with the Jaquery. After this dis-
comfiture thus done at Meaux they never
assembled again together after ; for the
young Enguerrand lord of Coucy had
about him certain men of war, and they
ever slew them as they might meet with
them without any mercy.
CHAPTERS CLXXXV, CLXXXVI
SUMMARY.— Paris, which held to the
party of the king of Navarre, was besieged
by the duke of Normandy, who made a
private treaty with the king of Navarre by
which Etienne Marcel, provost of the
merchants, ajid twelve other burgesses should
be given up to the duke of Normandy. A
body of citizens was surprised and defeated
by a company of English and Navarrois,
and the provost and his party were much
blamed for it.
CHAPTER CLXXXVn
Of the death of the provost of the merchants
of Paris.
The provost and his sect had among them-
selves divers counsels secretly, to know
how they should maintain themselves ; for
they could find by no means any mercy in
the duke of Normandy, for he sent word
generally to all the commons of Paris that
he would keep with them no longer peace,
without he had delivered into his hands
twelve of Paris, such as he would choose,
to do with them his pleasure : the which
thing greatly abashed the provost and his
company. Finally, they saw well that it
were better for them to save their lives,
goods and friends, rather than to be
destroyed, and that it were better for them
to slay than to be slain. Then secretly
they treated with the Englishmen, such as
made war against Paris ; and they agreed
between them that the provost and his sect
should be at the gate Saint-Honore and at
the gate Saint-Antoine at the hour of mid-
night and to let in the Englishmen and
Navarrois provided ready to overrua the
city and to destroy and rob it clean, except
such houses as had certain signs limited
I
DEATH OF ^TIENNE MARCEL, 1357
139
among them, and in all other houses with-
out such tokens to slay men, women and
children. The same night that this should
have been done God inspired certain
burgesses of the city, such as always were
of the duke's party, as John Maillart and
Simon his brother and divers other, who
by divine inspiration, as it ought to be
supposed, were informed that Paris should
be that night destroyed. They incontinent
armed them and shewed the matter in
other places to have more aid, and a little
before midnight they came to the gate
Saint - Antoine and there they found the
provost of the merchants with the keys of
the gates in his hands. Then John
Maillart said to the provost, calling him
by his name : ' Stephen, what do you here
at this hour ? ' The provost answered and
said: 'John, what would ye? I am here
to take heed to the town, whereof I have
the governing.' ' By God,' said John, *ye
shall not go so : ye are not here at this
hour for any good, and that may be seen
by the keys of the gates that ye have in
your hands. I think it be to betray the
town.' Quoth the provost: 'John, ye lie
falsely.' 'Nay,' said John, 'Stephen,
thou liest falsely like a traitor ' : and there-
with strake at him and said to his com-
pany : * Slay the traitors ! ' Then , every
man strake at them. The provost would
a fled, but John Maillart gave him with an
axe on the head, that he fell down to
the earth, and yet he was his gossip, and
left not till he was slain and six of them
that were there with him, and the other
taken and put in prison. Then people
began to stir in the streets, and John
Maillart and they of his accord went to the
gate Saint- Honore and there they found
certain of the provost's sect, and there they
laid treason to them, but ^ their excuses
availed nothing. There were divers taken
and sent into divers places to prison, and
such as would not be taken were slain
without mercy. The same night they
went and took divers in their beds, such as
were culpable of the treason by the con-
fession of such as were taken. The next
day John Maillart assembled the most part
of the commons in the market hall, and
there he mounted on a stage and shewed
generally the cause why he had slain the
1 Or rather, ' and.'
provost of the merchants ; and there by the
counsel of all the wise men all such as were
of the sect of the provost were judged to
the death, and so they were executed by
divers torments of death.
Thus done, John Maillart, who was then
greatly in the grace of the commons of
Paris, and other of his adherents sent
Simon Maillart and two masters of the
parliament, sir Stephen Alphonse and
master John Pastourel, to the duke of
Normandy being at Charenton, They
shewed the duke all the matter and desired
him to come to Paris to aid and to counsel
them of the city from thenceforth, saying
that all his adversaries were dead. The
duke said : ' With right a good will ' ; and
so he came to Paris, and with him sir
Arnold d'Audrehem, the lord of Roye and
other knights, and he lodged at Louvre.^
CHAPTERS CLXXXVIII-CXCVII
SUMMARY.— The king of Navarre de-
clared war on the realm of France and the
Navarrois won 7nany towns on the Seine,
Marne and Oise, and defeated the French
host at Mauconseil, iSth August 1 358.
Amiens zuould have been delivered up to
the Navarrois, hut for the constable de
Fiennes and the earl of Saint- Pol, who
came in haste from Corbie and then laid
siege to Saint- Valhy, which was at length
surrendered. The French pursued the lord
Philip of Navarre, who with difficulty
recrossed the Somme and escaped. Mean-
while there was a great dearth in France,
and the realm was full of Navarrois, who
under the captal de Btuh and others took
many strong places.
Sir Peter Audley with some Navarrois
made an attempt on Chdlons, which failed.
At length a peace was made between the
duke of Normandy and the king of Navarre,
which, however, the lord Philip did not
accept.
CHAPTERS CXCVni-CCIV
SUMMARY.— For all this peace, there
was as much war as before, because the
truce betzveen France and England had
1 ' Au Louvre.'
140
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
expired. War was carried on in Cham-
pagne by sir Eustace d' Aubrecicourt for the
English, who was defeated and taken
prisoner, 2-^rd June, at Nogent-siir-Seine.
He -was afterwards ransomed by the English
garrisons of Champagne and became their
captain.
The brigands that held fortresses i7t France
began marvellously to decline.
A treaty of peace agreed to in London by
the kings of France and England was
rejected by the duke of Normandy and the
estates. The king of England prepared to
invade France.
Sir Robert Knolles rode through Berry
and Auvergne towards Avignon, pursued
by the earl of Forez zvith a large force, but
he escaped them and went into Limousin.
CHAPTERS CCV-CCXIV
SUMMARY. —Certain knights of the
Empire came to join the king of England
at Calais and rode into France zuith the
duke of Lancaster, who came before the
king. At All Saints they returned and
met the English host marching in Jitie
array, with the king and the prince of
Wales. The king rode through Artois and
Picardy, and so to Rheims, where he laid a
siege. The king of Navarre quarrelled
with the duke of Normandy and made ivar
upoit him. At length the king of England
left the siege of Rheims, and going into
Burgundy lay at Guillon till after mid-
Lent. He then made a composition with
the duke of Burgundy and retired towards
Paris, encamping at Bourg-la-Reine.
The duke of Normandy refused battle,
and the king I'e tired towards Chartres.
On the way negotiations were carried on for
peace, and at length terms were arranged
at Bretigny near Chartres.^ On payment
of 600,000 frajtks and delivery of hostages the
French king was released, and then went on
foot in pilgrimage from Calais to Boulogne
in co77ipany zvith the prince of Wales and
his tzvo brothers, Liojiel and Edmund. De-
livery tvas made of the ceded provinces and
the king of England orde7'ed his garrisons
to leave their holds. These garrisons
1 The documents connected with the peace of
Bretigny are given very incompletely and con-
fusedly in the text which the translator followed.
formed companies to plunder the country
and the lord Jacques of Bourbon was sent
against them. The cofupanies drezv to-
gether and marched towards Lyons.
CHAPTER CCXV
How the lord James of Bourbon and his
company were discomfited by the com-
panions, and how the pope made to be
cried a croisey, after these companions had
taken the Bridge Saint-Esprit, and of the
answer that they made.
The men of war thus assembled with the
lord of Bourbon being at Lyons under-
stood that the rout of the companions
approached fast towards them, and had
won the town and castle of Brignais and
divers other holds, and how they sore
wasted and exiled the country. These
tidings greatly displeased the lord of Bour-
bon, because he had the governing of the
earl of Forez' land and of his son's his
nephew's.-^ Then they went into the field
and saw well how they were a great
number of men of arms, knights and
squires, and so they sent out their currours
to know what their enemies did and. where
they were and where they should be found.
Now shall I shew you the great malice of
these- companions, who were lodged on a
mountain, and there they had such a place
that they could not be descried nor
aviewed, and specially the chief of them,
who were best harnessed, for the residue,
who were worst harnessed, arranged along
on the hill-side and suffered the French
currours to approach near to them and to
return again without any damage to the
lord James of Bourbon, the earl d'Uzes,
sir Raynold of Forez and to the other
French company, to whom they reported
as they had seen and said : * Sirs, we have
seen yonder company your enemies and to
our powers well advised them, and all
things seen and considered, to our estima-
tion they pass not a five or six thousand
persons and marvellously evil harnessed.
And when the lord of Bourbon heard that
report, he said to the archpriest : ' Sir, ye
have told me or this that they were to the
1 Froissart says, 'because he had the governance
of the county of Forez, his nephews' land.'
BATTLE OF BRIGNAIS, 1361
[41
number of sixteen thousand fighting men,
and now ye hear all contrary.' * Sir,'
quoth he, * I thought them never under
the said sum, and if they be not, God be
thanked ; it is the better for us. There-
fore now take heed what ye will do. ' ' In
the name of God,' quoth the lord of Bour-
bon, ' we will go and fight with them ' : and
there he ordered his battles and set them
in good array ready to fight, for he might
see his enemies before him ; and there he
made certain new knights, first his own
eldest son Peter, and he raised his banner,
and also his nephew the young earl of
Forez, the lord of Tournon, the lord of
Montelimar and the lord Groslee of
Dauphine ; and there were also the lord
Louis [and] sir Robert of Beaujeu, sir
Louis of Chalon, sir Hugh of Vienne, the
earl d'Uzes and divers other good knights
and squires, all desiring to advance their
honours and to overthrow these com-
panions that thus pilled the country with-
out any title of reason : and there it was
ordained that the archpriest, sir Arnold of
Cervolles, should govern the first battle, for
he was a good and expert knight, and he
had in that battle sixteen hundred fighting
men. These routs of companions that were
on the mountain saw right well the order-
ing of the Frenchmen, but they could not
so well see them nor their guiding, . nor
approach well to them but to their great
danger or damage ; for these companions
had in this mountain a thousand cartload
of great stones, which was greatly to their
advantage and profit. These Frenchmen
that so sore desired to fight with their
enemies, howsoever they did, they could
not come to them the next way ; therefore
they were driven of necessity to coast
about the mountain, where their enemies
were : and when they came on that side,
then they, who had great provision of stones,
began to cast so sore down the hill on them
that did approach, that they beat down,
hurt and maimed a great number, in such
wise that they might nor durst not pass nor
approach any nearer to them : and so that
first battle was so sore beaten and defoiled,
that of all day after they did but little aid.
Then to their succour approached the
other battles with sir James of Bourbon,
his son and his nephews, with their banners
and a great number of good men of war.
and all went to be lost ; the which was
great damage and pity, that they had not
wrought by better advice and counsel than
they did. The archpriest and divers other
knights that were there had said before
that it had been best to have suffered their
enemies to have dislodged out of the hold
that they were in, and then to have fought
with them at more ease ; but they could
not be heard.
Thus, as the lord James of Bourbon and
the other lords with their banners and
pennons before them approached and
coasted the said mountain, the worst
armed of the companions cast still con-
tinually stones at them in such wise that
the hardiest of them was driven aback ;
and thus, as they held them in that estate
a great space, the great fresh battle of
these companions found a way and came
about the mountain well ranged and had
cut their spears of six foot of length, and
so came crying with one voice and brake
in among the Frenchmen. So at the first
meeting they overthrew many to the earth :
there were sore strokes on both parts, and
these companions fought so ardently that
it was marvel, and caused the Frenchmen
to recule back : and there the archpriest
like a good knight fought valiantly, but he
was taken prisoner by force of arms and
sore hurt, and divers other knights and
squires of his company. Whereto should
I make longer rehearsal of this matter?
In effect the Frenchmen had the worse ;
and the lord James of Bourbon was sore
hurt, and sir Peter his son, and there was
slain the young earl of Forez, and taken
sir Raynold of Forez his uncle, the earl
d'Uzes, sir Robert of Beaujeu, sir Louis of
Chalon, and more than a hundred knights,
and with much pain the lord of Bourbon
and his son Peter were borne into the city
of Lyons. This battle was about the year
of our Lord God a thousand three hundred
threescore and one, the Friday after Easter-
day.
Greatly were they of the country
abashed, when they heard that their
people were discomfited, and there was
none so hardy, nor so strong a castle, but
trembled for fear ; for the wise and dis-
creet men supposed and imagined that
great mischief should multiply thereby,
without God put to some remedy. And
142
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
they of Lyons were greatly abashed when
they knew that the companions had the
victory ; howbeit they received sweetly all
them that returned and scaped from the
battle, and were sore displeased for the
hurts of the lord of Bourbon and of sir
Peter his son, and they of the town, ladies
and damosels, right goodly did visit him ;
but this lord James of Bourbon died a
three days after the field and sir Peter his
son lived not long after, and they were
sore bewailed of every creature; and for
the death of this lord of Bourbon the
French king was right sore displeased, but
he could not amend it, so it behoved him
to pass over his sorrow as well as he might.
Now let us speak of these companions,
who persevered still in their evil deeds as
people rejoiced and comforted of their
deeds, as well for winning of that journey
as for the ransoming of many good
prisoners : so thus these companions led
their time at their pleasure in that country,
for there were none that came against
them ; for incontinent after the discom-
fiture of Brignais they entered and spread
abroad in the county of Forez and pilled
and wasted all the country except the fort-
resses, and because they were so great a
company, almost nothing held against
them : and so they divided them into two
parts, and sir Seguin of Badefol had the
less part ; howbeit he had in his company
a three thousand fighting men, and he
went and lay at Anse, a mile from Lyons,^
and fortified the place marvellously, and
so his company were thereabout in the
marches, the which was one of the plentiful
countries of the world, the which they
overran, and ransomed the people at their
pleasure, that is to say, all the countries on
this side and beyond the river of Saone,
the county of Macon, the archbishopric of
Lyons and the land of the lord of Beaujeu
and all the country to Marcigny-les-
Nonnains and to the county of Nevers.
The other part of the same company, as
Naudan de Bageran, Espiote, Creswey,^
Robert Briquet, Ortingo [and] Bernardet
de la Salle, I'Amit, the bourg Camus, the
bourg of Breteuil, the bourg of Lesparre,
and divers other of one sort and affinity,
1 ' A une lieue de Lyon,' but the distance is really
about six leagues.
2 The Englishman John Creswey (or Creswell).
drew them toward Avignon, and said how
they would see the pope and cardinals and
to have some of their money, or else to
harry and to pill the country, and so they
tarried here and there abiding for the
ransom of such prisoners as they had
taken, and also to see if the truce held
between France and England ; and as
they went toward Avignon, they took by
the way towns and fortresses, so that none
held against them, for all the country was
afraid ; and also in that country they had used
no war, so that such as were in these small
holds wist not how to defend themselves
from such men of war. And these com-
panions heard how there was at the Bridge
Saint-Esprit,^ a seven leagues from Avig-
non, great treasure and riches of the
country assembled there together on trust
of the strong fortress ; and so the com-
panions advised among them that if they
might win that hold, it should be greatly
to their advantage and profit, for then they
thought to be masters of Rhone and of
them in Avignon. And on this purpose
they studied, till at last they had cast their
advice, as I have heard reported, in this
manner. Guyot du Pin and the little
Meschin rode with their company in one
night a fifteen leagues, and in the morning
at the breaking of the day they came to
the town of the Bridge Saint -Spirit and
suddenly took it and all that were within,
the which was great pity, for there they
slew many an honest person and defoiled
many a damosels and won such riches that
it could not be numbered and great pur-
veyances to live thereby a whole year : and
so by that means they might run at their
ease without danger, one season into the
realm of France and another time into the
Empire. So there assembled together all
the companions and every day ran to the
gates of Avignon, whereby the pope and
cardinals were in great affray and dread.
And so those companions made there a
sovereign captain among them, who was
ever most commonly enemy to God and to
the world.^
Beside these there were in France great
1 Pont-Saint-Esprit, a town on the right bank of
the Rhone.
2 Froissart says, ' who caused himself to be
commonly called : Friend to God and enemy to all
the world.'
THE COMPANIES, 1361, 1362
M3
number of pillers and robbers, what of
Englishmen, Gascons and Almains, who
said they must needs live ; and they held
still certain garrisons and fortresses, for
all that the king of England's deputies had
commanded them to avoid and depart ;
howbeit they would not all obey, where-
with the French king was sore displeased,
and all his council. But when these com-
panions in divers places heard how these
other companions had overthrown the lord
of Bourbon and a two thousand knights
and squires, and taken many a good
prisQner, and also had taken in the town
Saint - Esprit so great riches that it was
a thing incomparable, and thinking how
they were likely to win Avignon or else
to put to mercy the pope and cardinals
and all the country of Provence, then they
thought all to depart and go thither for
covetise to win more and to do more evil
deeds ; so that was the cause that divers of
them left up their fortresses and went to their
companions, in hope to get more pillage.
And when that pope Innocent the sixth
and the college of Rome saw how they
were vexed by these cursed people, they
were greatly abashed and then ordained a
croisey against these evil Christian people,
who did their pain to destroy Christen-
dom, as other bands had done before,^
without title of any reason : for they
wasted all the country without any cause,
and robbed without sparing all that ever
they could get, and violated and defoiled
women, old and young, without pity, and
slew men, women and children without
mercy, doing to them no trespass ; ^ and
such as did most shamefullest deeds were
reputed with them most valiant. So then
the pope and the cardinals preached
openly this croisey and assoiled a pena et
culpa all those that would take on them
this croisey and that would abandon their
bodies willingly to destroy these evil
people and their companions; and there
was chosen among the cardinals sir Peter of
Moustier, cardinal of Arras, called Ostia,'
to be chief captain of the croisey, and
incontinent he departed out of Avignon,
and went and tarried at Carpentras, a
seven mile from Avignon, and there he
retained all manner of soldiers, such as
1 ' Ensi comme les Wandeles fisent jadis.'
2 'Who had done them no ill." 3 ' Dit d'Ostie.'
would save their souls in attaining to these
said pardons, but they should have none
other wages; wherefore that journey brake,
for every man departed, some into Lom-
bardy, some to their own countries, and
some went to the said evil company, so that
daily they increased. So thus they har-
ried the pope, the cardinals and the mer-
chants about Avignon and did much evil,
till it was far into the summer season in
the year of our Lord God a thousand three
hundred threescore and one.
Then the pope and the cardinals advised
them of a noble gentle knight and a good
warrior, the marquis of Montferrat, who
kept war and had done a long space
against the lords of Milan. The pope sent
for him, and so he came to Avignon and
was honourably received of the pope and
cardinals, and so a treaty was made with
him by reason of a sum of money that he
should have, to the intent that he should
get out of that country the said evil com-
panions, and to retain them with him in
his wars of Lombardy. So then the
marquis treated with the captains of the
companions, and by reason of threescore
thousand florins that they should have
among them and great wages that the
marquis should give them, they agreed to
depart and go with him into Lombardy,
so they might be assoiled a pena et culpa.
All this was agreed, accomplished, and the
florins paid : and then they rendered up
the town Saint -Esprit and left the march
of Avignon and passed forth with the
marquis, whereof king John of France and
all the realm were right joyous, when they
saw how they were delivered of these evil
people. Howbeit there were many that
returned to Burgoyne, and sir Seguin of
Badefol departed not out of the garrison
of Anse, for he would not leave it for no
manner of entreaty nor promise ; but the
realm of France was in far better rest and
peace than it was before. So when the
most part of the companions were thus
passed forth with the marquis into the land
of Piedmont, there the marquis did well
his devoir against the lords of Milan and
conquered divers towns, castles, fortresses
and countries against them, and had divers
encounterings and skirmishes with them
to his honour and profit, so that within a
year by the help of these companions he
144
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
had the better hand, and in part had all
his intent against the two lords of Milan,
of sir Galeas and sir Bernabo, who after
reigned in great prosperity.
So it fortuned that sir Seguin of Badefol,
who was all that season in the garrison
of Anse on the river of Saone, took by
scaling a good city in Auvergne called
Brioude, and therein he tarried more than
a year and fortified it in such wise that
he doubted nothing, and overran the
country to Clermont, to Chilhac, to Puy,
to Chaise-Dieu, to Montferrant, to Riom,
to Nonnette, to Issoire, and to Vodables
and the land of the count Dolphin,^ the
lord whereof was the same time in hostage
in England, and in these countries he and
his company did much evil ; and when he
had sore impoverished the country there-
about, then by treaty he departed and
took with him great pillage and treasure
and so went to Gascoyne, from whence
he came first. Of this sir Seguin I can
write no more, but that, as I heard re-
counted, he died marvellously : God for-
give him all his trespasses. Amen.
CHAPTERS CCXVI-CCXIX
SUMMARY. — Henry duke of Lancaster
died, and the lord John, son of the king of
England, became duke in right of his wife.
The pope Innocent VI. died and was suc-
ceeded by Urban V. The prince of Wales
took the government of Acquitaine. The
king of Cyprus went through the Empire
and then to England to get help for a crusade
against the infidels. lie returtied through
France and so to Acquitaine.
King John of France came to London,
where he fell sick and died.
The duke of Nor?nandy sent the marshal
Bouciquaut to join sir Bertrand du Guesclin
against the king of Navarre. They took
Nantes and Meulan by stratagem. The
captal of Buck became commander of the
Navarrois.
1 The comte dauphin d'Auvergne.
CHAPTER CCXX
Here beginneth the feats of war done in the
time of king Charles the V. , whereof the
beginning speaketh of the obsequy of king
John and how the young king Charles was
honourably crowned at Rheims, and of the
great expenses that was done there ; and
of the beginning of the battle of Cocherel.
Thus, as ye have heard before, the king of
Cypre returned into France and came to
Paris to the duke of Normandy, and there
was the duke's brethren, the duke of Anjou
and the lord Philip, who was after duke of
Burgoyne, and all they tarried for the body
of the king their father, the which was
coming out of England ; and the king of
Cypre holp them to complain the death of
the king and was marvellously displeased
therewith, because of the hindering of his
viage of the croisey, and so he clothed him-
self with the vesture of dolour.
So the day came that the body of the
French king approached to Paris, the which
body was brought thither by the earl of
Artois, the earl Dammartin and the great
prior of France. The duke of Normandy
and his brethren, the king of Cypre, and
the most part of all the clergy of Paris went
afoot and met with the body beyond Saint-
Denis in France, and there he was solemnly
buried and the archbishop of Sens sang the
mass : and after the service done and the
dinner, the which was right noble, the lords
and prelates returned to Paris and there
they held a parliament and general council
to determine how the realm should be
ordered, for the realm might not long be
without a king : and then it was counselled
by the advice of the prelates and nobles of
the realm that they should draw to the city
of Rheims and there to crown the duke of
Normandy, who as yet was called none
otherwise ; and he wrote to his uncle
Wenceslas duke of Brabant and of Luxem-
bourg and also to the earl of Flanders,
desiring them to be at his coronation on
Trinity Sunday next coming.
In the same season, while the lords made
their purveyance for the king's coronation,
the Frenchmen and Navarrois approached
near together in Normandy ; for into the
city of Evreux was come the captal of Buch,
BATTLE OF COCHEREL, 1364
145
who made there his assembly of men of
war and of companions such as he could
get. Now let us speak of him and of sir
Bertram of Guesclin^ and of a journey of
battle between them the Tuesday before
Trinity Sunday, that the duke of Normandy
should be crowned king, as he was in the
cathedral church of Rheims. When the
captal of Buch had made his assembly in
the city of Evreux of archers and brigands,
and left in the city a captain called sir
Leger d'Orgessin, and sent to Conches the
lord Guy of Gauville to keep frontier war,^
then he departed from Evreux with all his
men of arms and archers ; for he heard say
how the Frenchmen were abroad, but he
wist not where they were. Then he took
the fields and had great desire to find them,
and numbered his company and found that
he was to the sum of seven hundred spears,
three hundred archers and five hundred of
other men of war, and with him were
divers good knights and squires, and
specially a banneret of the realm of Navarre
called the lord of Sault, an expert man of
arms ; but he that held the greatest sum of
men of arms and archers in all the company
was a knight of England called sir John
Jouel : there was also the lord Peter of
Saquainville, sir "William of Gauville, the
lord Bertrand du Franc, the bascle of
Mareuil and divers other, all in will to
encounter sir Bertram of Guesclin and to
fight with him. Then they drew to Passy
and to the Bridge of the Arch,^ for they
thought that the Frenchmen should pass
the river of Seine there, if they were not
passed already.
So it happened that the Friday in the
Whitsun week the captal and his company
rode out of a wood and by aventure they
met a herald of arms called king Faucon,
and the same morning he was departed from
the French host. As soon as the captal
saw him, he knew him well and made him
great cheer, for he was pertaining to the
king of England : then he demanded of
1 This name, which in the last chapter is written
by the translator ' Guesclyn,' appears here and
generally elsewhere as ' Clesquy.' The form in the
French text is usually Clesquin. Froissart, who
reports a conversation on the form of the name,
probably wrote ' Claiequin.'
2 ' Pour faire frontiere sus le pays,* ' to hold the
country against the enemy.'
3 Pont-de-l'Arche.
L
him from whence he came and if he knew
any tidings of the Frenchmen. ' Sir,* quoth
he, * in the name of God I know well where
they be : I departed from them to-day :
they seek you as well as ye do them.'
' Where be they, ' quoth the captal,
' beyond the Bridge of the Arch or a this
side?' ' Sir,' quoth Faucon, ' they be passed
the bridge at Vernon, and, as I believe,
they are now about Passy. ' * What number
be they,' quoth the capital, * and what
captains have they ? I pray you shew me. '
' Sir,' quoth Faucon, * they are well a fifteen
hundred fighting men, and there is sir,
Bertram of Guesclin, who hath the greatest
company of Bretons, also there is the earl
of Auxerre, the viscount of Beaumont, the
lord Louis of Chalon, the lord of Beaujeu,
the master of the cross-bows,^ the archpriest,
the lord Oudart of Renty ; and of Gascoyne
there is the company of the lord d'Albret,
and the lord Aymenion of Pommiers, the
lord soudic of Latrau.''^ And when the
captal heard those Gascons named, he
marvelled greatly and blushed for dis-
pleasure, and said : ' Faucon, is this true ye
say, that these lords of Gascoyne are there,
and the lord d'Albret's company?' * Sir,'
quoth the herald, ' yea, without fail.' ' And
where is the lord d'Albret himself?' quoth
the captal. 'Sir,' quoth Faucon, *he is
at Paris with the regent duke of Normandy,
who apparelleth himself to go to Rheims,
for it is said that on Sunday next com-
ing he should be crowned king.' Then
the captal laid his hand on his own head
and said in great displeasure, ' By Saint
Antony's cap,^ Gascon against Gascon.'
'Sir,' quoth Faucon, 'hereby tarrieth for
me a herald of the archpriest sent to speak
with you from him ; and as I understand by
the herald, the archpriest would speak with
you.' Then the captal said : ' Ah, Faucon,
say to the French herald he need not to go
any farther : let him shew to the archpriest
that I will not speak with him.' Then sir
John Jouel stept forth and said : ' Sir, why
will ye not speak with him ? Peradventure
it is for our profit.' Then the captal said :
1 The master of the cross-bows was sir Baudouin
d'Annequin.
2 The soudic (or soudan) de Latrau was lord of
Prechac and of Didonne. ' Latrau ' is a correction
of ' Lestrade.'
3 ' Par le cap saint Antoine,' ' by the head of
Saint Antony.'
146
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
* Nay, I warrant you it is not for our profit,
for the archpriest is so great a brawler that
if he come to us he will but jangle, and in
the mean time imagine our strength and
aview our number,^ the which peradventure
shall turn more to our prejudice than ad-
vantage : therefore I have no haste to speak
with him.' Then Faucon the herald went
to the other herald, whereas he tarried under
a hedge, and excused the captal so wisely
that he was well content, and then he went
to the archpriest and shewed him all, as
Faucon had said.
Thus the Frenchmen and Nav'arrois had
'knowledge each of other by the report of
the two heralds, and apparelled themselves
each to meet other. And when the captal
had heard by Faucon what number the
Frenchmen were, then incontinent he sent
certain messengers to the city of Evreux to
the captain there, desiring him to send out
of the city all manner of companions and
other that were able for the war, and that
they should meet with him about Cocherel,
for there he thought to find the Frenchmen,
for surely, he said, wheresoever they met
he would fight with them. And when
these tidings came to the captain of Evreux,
named sir Leger d'Orgessin, then he com-
manded every man that was able to ride a
horse should go out of the city and draw to
the captal ; and so there departed out of
the town more than sixscore, all young
men of the nation of the town. So that
Wednesday the captal lodged by noon on a
mountain and his company about him ; and
the Frenchmen rode forward to find them,
till they came to a river called in that
country Iton, the which ran toward Evreux,
and it springeth near to Conches, and there
they lodged that Wednesday in a fair
meadow along by the river -side; and so
the next morning both parties sent out their
Gurrours to see if they could hear any tidings
each of other, and so each of them made
report that they were within two leagues
together. Then the Navarrois rode as
Faucon led them, the same way he came
from them, and so about noon they came
1 This is a mistranslation. The original is :
' Mais I'archeprestre est si grant barateur, que s'il
venoit jusques a nous, [en nous] comptant jangles
et hordes il adviseroit,' etc., ' but the archpriest is so
great a deceiver, that if he came to us, while telling
us jests and pleasantries he would observe our
strength,' etc.
into the way to Cocherel, and there they
saw the Frenchmen before them in ordering
of their battles ; and there was great num-
ber of banners and pennons, so that they
seemed to be double the number that they
were indeed. Then the Navarrois rested
them without a little wood that was there :
then the captains drew together and ordered
their battles. First they made three battles
well and properly all afoot and sent all their
carriages and pages into the little wood,
and they set sir John Jouel in the first battle
with all the men of arms and archers of
England ; the second battle led the captal of
Buch, and in his battle were a four hundred
fighting men one and other, and with him
was the lord of Sault of Navarre, a young
lusty knight, the lord William of Gauville
and sir Peter of Saquainville ; the third
battle was led by three knights, that is to
say, the lord bascle of Mareuil, the lord
Bertram of [the] Franc and the lord Sanse
Lopins, they were a four hundred : and
when they had ordered their battles, then
they took the vantage of a little hill there
beside on their right hand, between them
and the wood, and so on the front of that
hill they arranged themselves before their
enemies ; and they set the captal's banner
on a bush of thorns and set a sixty men of
arms about it to defend it from their
enemies, and that they did to the intent
that, if they were sparkled abroad, they
should draw to the standard, and so deter-
mined not to descend down from the moun-
tain for no manner of cause, but to let
their enemies come to them, if they would
fight with them.
CHAPTER CCXXI
I
How by the policy and counsel of sir Bertram
of Guesclin the Navarrois descended down
from the mountain to fight with the French-
men, and how the captal was taken.
Thus, as ye have heard, the Navarrois and
Englishmen were arranged on the mountain
while the Frenchmen ordered their battles,
whereof they made three and a rear-gimrd.
The first had sir Bertram of Guesclin with
all his Bretons, and he was ordained to ren-
counter the captal's battle : the second had
the earl of Auxerre, and with him there
BATTLE OF COCHEREL
H7
was the viscount Beaumont and the lord
Baudwyn d'Annequin, master of the cross-
bows, and with them were Frenchmen,
Picards and Normans, as sir Oudart of
Renty, sir Enguerrand of Eudin, sir Louis
of Haveskerke and divers other good knights
and squires : the third battle had the arch-
priest and the Burgoynians, and with him
the lord of Chalon, the lord Beaujeu, the
lord John of Vienne and divers other, and
this battle was assigned to assemble against
the bascle of Mareuil and his rout : and the
battle which was the rear-guard were all
Gascons, whereof sir Aymenion of Pom-
miers, the lord soudic of Latrau, the lord
Perducas d'Albret and the lord Petiton of
Curton were sovereign captains. Then
these Gascon knights advised well the be-
having of the captal and how his standard
was set on a bush and kept with a certain
number : then they said that it behoved
them, when their battles were assembled
together, that they should endeavour them-
selves to conquer the captal's standard,
saying how if they might get it their enemies
should be soon discomfited. Also these
Gascons avised them on another ordinance,
the which was to them that day right pro-
fitable. The lords of France were a long
space together in council how they should
maintain themselves, for they saw well that
their enemies had a great advantage : then
the Gascons spake a word, the which was
well hoard ; they said : * Sirs, we know well
that the captal is as worthy a knight as can
be found in any land, for as long as he is
able to fight, he shall do us great damage.
Let us ordain thirty a-horseback of the best
men of arms that be in our company, and
let the thirty take heed to nothing but to
address themselves to the captal, while we
intend to conquer his standard, and by the
might of their horses let them break the
press, so that they may come to the captal,
and then take him and carry him out of the
field, for without that be done we shall
have no end of our battle : ^ for if he may
be taken by this means, the journey shall
be ours, his people will be so sore abashed
of his taking.' Then the knights of France
and of Bretayne accorded lightly to that
device, and said it was good counsel and so
they would do. Then among them they
1 Or rather, ' carry him out of the field and not
wait for the end of the battle,'
chose out thirty of the best men of arms
among them, and mounted on thirty of the
best horses in all the company, and they
drew them aside in the field well determined
of that they should do, and all the residue
tarried in the field afoot in good array.
When they of France had well ordered
their battles and that every man knew what
he should do, then there was a communing
among them what should be their cry that
day and to what banner they should draw
to ; and so they were determined to cry
' Our Lady of Auxerre ! ' and to make their
captain that day the earl of Auxerre. But
the earl would in no wise agree thereto,
to take that charge on him, but excused
himself right graciously, saying, ' Lords, I
thank you of the honour that ye would put
me to, but surely as for me I will not
thereof, for I am over young to have
such a charge or honour, for this is the first
journey that ever I was at, therefore ye
shall take another. Here be many good
knights, as sir Bertram of Guesclin, the
archpriest, the master of the cross-bows, the
lord Louis of Chalon, the lojd Aymenion of
Pommiers and sir Oudart of Renty ; these
have been in many great journeys and they
know how to order such a matter better
than I can, therefore I pray you hold me
excused.' Then the knights regarded each
other and said to him : ' Ah, noble earl of
Auxerre, ye are the greatest among us both
of land and lineage, therefore of right ye
ought to be our head.' 'Certainly, sirs,'
quoth he, 'ye say as it pleaseth you,^ but
this day I shall be as one of your com-
panions, and shall live and die and bide
mine aventure with you, but as for the
sovereignty, surely I will none thereof.'
Then they beheld each other and advised
whom they might make chief captain. Then
they were avised that the best knight in all
their company and he that had been best
proved was sir Bertrain of Guesclin : then
it was ordained by their common accord
that their cry should be that day, * Our
Lady, Guesclin ! ' and that they should all
obey that day to sir Bertram.
All things ordained and stablished and
every lord and knight under his own stan-
dard or pennon, then they regarded their
enemies, who were a-high on the hill and
would not depart from their strength,
1 ' Ye say it of your courtesy.*^
148
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
for they thought it not ; ^ the which greatly
annoyed the Frenchmen, because it was
evil mounting of that hill and also the sun
was very hot : the biggest of them were
faint,^ for they were fasting, and they had
neither wine nor victual with them that did
them any good, without it were certain lords
that had little flagons of wine, the which
were anon empty ; nor they made that
morning no provision for victual, for they
had thought to have fought with their
enemies the same morning, but they did
not ; but they escried as near as they might
the Navarrois and Englishmen,^ and so the
day was far gone or they could be assembled
together. And when the lords of France
saw the behaving of the Navarrois, then
they drew them together in manner of
council, to determine whether they should
go and fight with their enemies or not : so
they were of divers opinions : some would
go fight with them, saying it should be
great blame to them to do otherwise, some
that were sad and well avised argued to the
contrary and said : ' If we go and fight with
them whereas they be in the avantage, it shall
be to our great peril, for of five of us they
will have three.' So finally they would not
agree to go to them, for dangers that might
fall. And the Navarrois advised well their
manner and said among themselves : * Be-
hold yonder our enemies : they will come
anon to fight with us, by seeming they make
them ready thereto.' There were certain
knights and squires, Normans, prisoners
with the Navarrois, and they were let go on
their faiths, and they went privily into the
French host and said to the lords there:
'Sirs, avise you well, for an ye let this day
pass without ])attle, your enemies will be to-
morrow greatly recomforted, for it is said
among them that the lord Louis of Navarre
should come to them with a four hundred
spears.' So these words inclined them greatly
to fight with their enemies, howsoever they
did ; and so made them ready to have set
forward : and at that point they were a
three or four times, but ever the wise men
held them back and said : * Sirs, let us
abide a little space and see what they will
1 ' For they had no design or will to do so.'
2 ' Therefore the strongest of them feared it '
(le ressongnoient).
3 ' For the N. and E. put it off as lor^g as they
could,'
do, for their hearts are so great and pre-
sumptuous that they would as gladly fight
with us as we with them.' There were
many overcome with heat of the sun, for it
was then about noon and they had fasted all
the day and were armed and sore chafed,
and said among them, ' If we go up this
hill to fight with them, we are all likely to
be lost ; therefore let us draw as for this
day to our lodging, and to-morrow let us
take other counsel.' Thus they were in
divers opinions.
When the lords and knights of France
saw the governing of the Englishmen and
of the Navarrois, and how that they would
not depart out of the hold that they were in
and that it was high noon of the day,
and also had heard the words that the
prisoners that came from them had said,
and also saw the most part of their people
sore travailed with the heat of the sun, the
which was to them right displeasant, then
by the advice of sir Bertram of Guesclin
they took other counsel : for he said : ' Sirs,
we see well that our enemies desireth sore
to fight with us ; howbeit they will not
descend out of their hold, without it be by
the means that I shall shew you. Let us
make semblant to withdraw back and not to
fight as this day, and also our people are
sore travailed with heat, and let us send our
varlets, our carriage and our spare horses
over the bridge and water, and let us with-
draw back to our lodging, and in our going
back let us be ready to turn again, if need
be, and let us see what they will do. If
they be willing to fight with us, they will
descend down the hill to chase us, and if
we see that they do so, then let us be ready
to turn again on them, and then we shall
deal with them the more easily.' This coun-
sel was accepted of all the company : then
every lord drew him under his own standard,
and then they caused their trumpets to
sound the retreat and commanded all
knights, squires and varlets to pass the
bridge and to carry over all their carriages.^
So thus they passed over, and some men of
arms passed after feintly.^
When sir John Jouel, who was an expert
knight and had great desire to fight with
the Frenchmen, saw the manner of them,
how they drew back, then he said to the
1 ' Leur harnois.'
' Faintement,' ' by way of a feint.'
I
BATTLE OF COCHEREL
149
captal : * Sir, let us go quickly after them :
see you not how they do fly away ? ' * Ah, '
said the captal, * trust not thereto : they do
it but for an evil intent and to beguile us. '
Then sir John Jouel avanced himself, for
he had great desire to fight with his enemies,
saying to his company, * Saint George !
whosoever loveth me let them follow, for I
will go and fight with our enemies ' : and
so took his spear in his hand and went
forth before all the battles and descended
down the hill, and some of his company, or
the captal knew thereof. But when he saw
that sir John Jouel was gone to fight without
him, he took it of great presumption and
said to them about him : ' vSirs, let us go
down the hill quickly, for sir John Jouel shall
not fight without me.' Then the captal
and his company advanced them down the
hill, and when the Frenchmen saw them
descend from the hill and come into the
plain fields, they were right joyous, and
said, ' Lo, now we may see that we have
desired all this day ' ; and so suddenly
turned and cried * Our Lady, Guesclin ! ' and
dressed their banners against the Navarrois,
and so assembled together all ^foot ; and
sir John Jouel, who courageously assembled
his banners against the battle of the Bretons,
of whom sir Bertram was chief captain, did
many a feat of arms, for he was a hardy
knight. Thus the knights and squires
sparkled abroad in the plain and fought
together with such weapons as they had,
and each of them entered into other's battle
and so fought with great courage and will ;
the Englishmen and Navarrois cried ' Saint
George ! ' and the Frenchmen ' Our Lady,
Guesclin ! ' There were many good knights
on the French part, as sir Bertram of
Guesclin, the young earl of Auxerre, the vis-
count Beaumont, sir Baudwyn d'Annequin,
sir Louis of Chalon, the young lord of
Beaujeu, sir Antony, who that day reared
his banner, sir Louis of Haveskerke, sir
Oudart of Renty, sir Enguerrand of Eudin ;
and also of Gascons, first sir Aymenion of
Pommiers, sir Perducas d'Albret, sir soudic
de Latrau, sir Petiton of Curton, and divers
other of that sort : and the Gascons dressed
them against the captal and his company,
and they against them ; they had great
desire to meet each other : there was a sore
battle and many a noble feat of arms done
and achieved. A man ought not to lie
willingly : ^ it might be demanded where
was the archpriest all this season, who was
a great captain and had a great company
under his rule, because I make no mention
of him. I shall shew you the truth. As
soon as the archpriest saw the battle begin,
he gat himself out of the press, but he said
to his company and to him that bare his
standard : ' I charge you all, as ye love me
or fear my displeasure, that ye abide the
end of the battle and do your devoirs as
well as ye can ; but as for me, I will depart
and not return again, for I may not as this
day fight nor be armed against some knight
that is in the field against us. And if any
demand for me, answer them as I have
shewed you before.' So thus he departed,
and but one squire all only with him, and
so he repassed the river and let the remnant
deal ; and so the residue of the field missed
him not, for they saw his banner and com-
pany to the end of the battle, wherefore
they believed surely that he had been there
personally. Now shall I shew you of the
battle and how it was ended.
At the beginning of the battle, when sir
John Jouel was come down the hill and his
company with him, and the captal also and
his company, trusting to have had the
victory (howbeit the case turned other-
wise), and saw that the Frenchmen turned
them in good array and order, then they
perceived well how they had been too
hasty to come from their advantage. How-
beit, like valiant knights, they bashed
nothing, but thought to win the victory
with their hands in plain field. And so a
little they reculed back and assembled
together all their people, and then they
made way for their archers to come
forth on before, who as then were behind
them. And when the archers were forward,
then they shot fiercely together, but the
Frenchmen were so well armed and so
strongly pavised that they took but little
hurt, nor letted not for all that to fight,
and so entered in among the Englishmen
and Navarrois, and they in like wise among
them, so that there was between them a
cruel battle : they took by strength of
arms and wrestling spears, axes and other
1 * On ne doit point mentir a son pouvoir.' This
refers to what follows, as is clear in the fuller text :
' In matters of arms the truth should be spoken,
therefore it must be confessed that,' etc.
ISO
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
1
:le of ^I
weapons, each from other, and took
prisoners on both parts. Thus they fought
hand to hand so valiantly that it was marvel
to behold ; so ye may well believe that in
this great press and peril there were many
overthrown and slain, for there were none
that spared other. I say to you plainly,
the Frenchmen had no need as then to
sleep, for they had in hand people hardy
and full of courage, wherefore it behoved
every man to acquit themselves valiantly
and to defend their bodies and keep their
country and to take their advantage when
it came at the point, or else they had been
all discomfited : surely the Bretons and
Gascons did acquit themselves right well
that day and did many a noble feat of arms.
Now shall I shew you of the thirty that
were appointed to set on the captal, who
were right well horsed. They took heed
to nothing else but to the executing of their
enterprise that they had in charge, so all
together came on the captal, whereas he
was fighting with a great axe in his hand
and gave therewith so great strokes that
none durst approach near him, but these
thirty by force of their horses brake the
press and came on the captal and by clean
force they took him. Then began the
battles sore in every place, for the captal's
men cried to the rescue ; howbeit all their
pain availed them nothing, for the captal
was carried out of the field ; at which time
it was hard to tell who had the better.
CHAPTER CCXXII
How the Englishmen and Navarrois were
discomfited at the battle of Cocherel, and
how the young king of France made his
brother duke of Burgoyne, and of the castles
and fortresses that were after won.
In this great battle, where that the English-
men and Navarrois intended to follow to
rescue the captal, whom they saw carried
away before them, and of the French part
sir Aymenion of Pommiers, sir Petiton of
Curton, sir soudic de Latrau and the lord
d'Albret's company, they intended with a
courageous will to dress them toward the
captal's standard that stood on a bush,
there was then a sore battle ; for the
standard was well defended with good men
of war, and specially with sir bascle of
Mareuil and sir Geoffrey of Roussillon :
there was many rescues, and many one
hurt and cast to the earth : howbeit the
Navarrois that were about the standard
were overthrown, and the bascle of Mareuil
slain, and sir Geoffrey of Roussillon taken
prisoner, and sir Aymenion of Pommiers
no man could tell what became of him,
whether he were slain or taken. ^ And
when the captal's standard was taken and
torn all to pieces, in the mean season the
Bretons, Frenchmen, Picards, Normans
and the Burgoynians fought valiantly, the
which stood them well in hand to do, for
the Navarrois had caused them somewhat to
recule, and there was dead of the French
party the viscount Beaumont, the which was
great damage, for he was a lusty young
knight and was likely to have proved a
noble man ; and his company with great
pain carried him out of the field, as I heard
recounted of them of both parties. It had
not been seen afore in such a battle with such
a number to be so well fought as this battle
was, for they were all afoot hand to hand
and were meddled together each party with
other and fought with such weapons as they
had, and there was many a great stroke
given with axes of steel, and there was sore
hurt sir Petiton of Curton and sir soudic de
Latrau in such wise that they could do no
more good that day. Sir John Jouel, by
whom the battle began, did that day many
a feat of arms and was hurt in divers places
of his body, and finally he was taken
prisoner by a squire of Bretayne of the
company of sir Bertram of Guesclin, and
was carried out of the press. But there
was slain of the French party the master of
the cross-bows, and sir Louis of Haveskerke
and divers other, and of the Navarrois the
lord of Sault and many of his men, and the
same day died prisoner sir John Jouel ; and
there was taken sir William of Gauville,
sir Peter of Saquainville, sir Geoffrey of
Roussillon, sir Bertram of [the] Franc
and divers other ; but a few of the Navarrois
saved, they were near all taken or slain in
1 This should be : ' Sir Geoffrey of Roussillon was
taken prisoner by sir Aymenion of Pommiers, and
all the others who were there either slain or driven
on so far that none could tell what became of them.'
However, the French text which the translator had
before him is made unintelligible by the omission of
the words ' et tout li aultre. '
I
CORONATION OF CHARLES V., 1364
51
the place. This battle was in Normandy
near to Cocherel on a Tuesday^ the twenty-
fourth day of May2 the year of our Lord
MCCCLXIV.
After this discomfiture and that all the
dead were despoiled, and every man taking
heed to his prisoners and dressing of them
that were hurt, and that the most part of
the Frenchmen were repassed the bridge
and drawing to their lodging right sore
travailed and weary, the same season sir
Guy of Gauville, son to sir William of
Gauville, was departed the same morning
from the garrison of Conches with a fifty
spears, to the intent to have come to the
captal or the battle began, wherefore they
made great haste and came to the place
whereas the battle had been. Then the
Frenchmen that were behind cried to their
company saying, ' Turn again, sirs, behold
here cometh more of our enemies ' : and sir
Aymenion and his company were there
ready, and when he saw the Navarrois, he
set his standard a-high on a bush to cause
the Frenchmen to draw thither. And when
sir Guy heard them cry, ' Our Lady,
Guesclin ! ' and saw not the captal nor
none of his company, but saw much people
lie dead on the ground, then he perceived
well that the Navarrois had been dis-
comfited, and then he returned the same
way he came. And that evening the
Frenchmen took heed to their prisoners.
Then there was much speaking and en-
quiring for the archpriest, when it was
known that he was not at the battle, and
his men excused him as well as they could.
And the thirty that took the captal never
ceased till they had brought him to the
castle of Vernon. And the next day the
Frenchmen dislodged and went to Rouen
and there left part of their prisoners.
CHAPTER CCXXIII
Of the coronation of king Charles the fifth.
On Trinity Sunday the year of our Lord a
MCCCLXIV. king Charles, son and heir to
king John, was crowned and sacred king
1 The original has ' jeudy.' The translator more
than once gives us 'Tuesday' for 'jeudi' and ' Wed-
nesday' for ' mardi,' as in i. 189.
- A better text gives xvi. here for xxiiii.
in the great church of our Lady in Rheims,
and also the queen his wife, daughter to
duke Peter of Bourbon, by the archbishop
of the same place. And there was present
king Peter of Cypre, the duke of Anjou,
the duke of Burgoyne, sir Wenceslas of
Bohemia, duke of Luxembourg and of
Brabant, the earls of Eu and of Dammartin,
of Tancarville and of Vaudemont, with
many prelates and other lords, and in the
city was great feasts and solemnities five
days : then the king departed and went to
Paris. It cannot be recounted in a whole
day the solemnities and great feasts that
they of Paris made them. The lords re-
turned into their own countries, such as
had been there at the king's coronation.
At the king's coming to Paris his youngest
brother was put in possession of the duchy
of Burgoyne, and so departed from Paris
with a great number of men and went and
took livery, seisin and homage of the
barons, knights, cities, castles and good
towns of the duchy of Burgoyne : and
when he had visited his country, he re-
turned to Paris. And the same season the
archpriest appeased the king's displeasure
by such excusations as he laid for himself,
in that he was not at the journey of
Cocherel, shewing how he might not be
armed against the captal ; the which
captal at the request of the lord d'Albret
was let out of prison on his faith and troth,
the which captal aided greatly to excuse
the archpriest to the king and to other
knights of France, such as spake evil of
him : also he had as then newly overthrown
in Burgoyne beside Dijon a four hundred
companions and pillers of the country,
whereof Guyot du Pin, Tallebart, Talle-
bardon and John of Chauffour were captains.
The same season the king caused to be
beheaded sir Peter Saquainville in the city
of Rouen, because he was become Navarrois,
and sir Gauville had been in the same case,
an sir Guy his son had not been, who sent
word to the king, that if he put to death
his father, he would in like wise serve sir
Braimon de Laval, a great lord of Bretayne,
whom he had as prisoner ; wherefore his
lineage and kindred did so much by their
suit to the king, that there was an exchange
made between sir Braimon and sir Gauville,
and each delivered for other. In this
season sir Bertram of Guesclin gat again
152
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
The \
the castle of Rolleboise for six thousand
franks that he paid to the captain thereof,
named Wauter, who returned again to
Brabant from whence he came. Yet there
were divers companions that held still
sundry fortresses in Caux, Normandy,
Perche, Beauce and in other places, the
which did much hurt and trouble in the
realm of France, some in the title of the
king of Navarre and some in their own
quarrel, to rob the country without reason
or true title. The French king sent his
brother the duke of Burgundy against these
pillers, and so the duke made his summons
in the city of Chartres. Then he drew
into the field, and with him sir Bertram
of Guesclin, sir Bouciquaut, the earl of
Auxerre, sir Louis of Chalon, the lord of
Beaujeu, sir Aymenion of Pommiers, sir
Rayneval, the Begue of Villaines, sir
Nicholas of Ligne, master of the cross-bows,
sir Oudart of Renty, sir Enguerrand of
Eudin, and to the number of five thousand
fighting men. And when they saw they
were so great a number, they divided in
three parts, whereof sir Bertram of Guesclin
with a thousand went toward Cotentin
through the marches of Cherbourg to keep
the frontiers there, that the Navarrois
should do no hurt nor damage to the
country of Normandy ; and with him was
the lord of Auxerre, the earl of Joigny, sir
Arnold d'Audrehem, and many knights
and squires of Bretayne and of Normandy.
The second battle had the lord de la Riviere,
and in his company divers knights and
squires of France and of Picardy, and they
were sent into the earldom of Evreux ; and
the duke himself with the greatest company
went and laid siege to Marchelainville, a
strong castle Navarrois, and brought thither
many engines from the city of Chartres,
the which did cast day and night and did
them within much trouble.
CHAPTER CCXXIV
Of the journey that the duke of Burgoyne
made against the garrisons Navarrois,
and of the succour that the French king
sent to sir Charles of Blois.
SUMMAR Y. — The lord Louis of Navarre
had overrun the Bourbonnais and Auvergne
and taken La Charite on the Loire. The
duke of Burgundy and those with him took
many towns and castles in Normandy, and
at length besieged and took La Charite.
In the mean time the earl of Montfort lay
at siege before Auray in Brittany, and the
king of France sent Bertrand du Guesclin
and others to aid sir Charles of Blois
against him. Also to the earl of Montfort
came sir John Chandos and other knights
and sqtiires of England.
CHAPTER CCXXV
How sir Charles of Blois came against the
earl Montfort in ordinance of battle, and
how sir John Chandos came against him,
and how many were in each battle.
SUMMARY.— Sir Charles of Blois came
to Auray with sir Bertrand du Gtiesclin
and many others. Sir John Chandos was
commander of the earl of Montforfs army,
and by his means all attempts to make peace
were frustrated. The battle was fought in
a plain near to Auray on a Sunday morn-
ing {2gth September 1364).
CHAPTER CCXXVI
How sir John Chandos discomfited the battle
of the earl of Auxerre, and how sir Bertram
of Guesclin was discomfited and taken, and
the lord Charles of Blois slain in the battle,
and of the pitiful complaint that the earl
Montfort made for his death.
SUMMARY — The battle of Auray was
won by the party of the earl of Montfort
tinder sir John Chandos, and sir Charles
of Blois was slain.
I
CHAPTER CCXXVH
Of the truce that was given to bury the dead
after the battle of Auray, and how divers
castles yielded up to the earl Montfort, and
how he besieged Quimper-Corentin.
SUMMARY.— The French party were
greatly discouraged by this defeat, and th^
king of England was rejoiced, and so like-
I
END OF THE WARS IN BRITTANY, 1364
153
7vise was the earl of Flanders^ who was at
that time with him at Dover.
CHAPTER CCXXVIII
Now let us speak of the earl Montfort, how
he did in Bretayne.
SUMMARY.— The earl of Montfort took
Auray,Jugon and Dinant, and laid siege
to Quimper- Corentin.
CHAPTER CCXXIX
How the peace was made that the earl of
Montfort should abide duke of Bretayne,
and how the French king rendered to
Clisson his land, and of the marriage of
the duke of Normandy, and how the
captal of Buch became liege man to the
French king and afterward renounced
him again.
SUMMAR K — A treaty was made by which
the earl of Alontfort should remain duke of
Brittany, doittg homage for the duchy to the
king of France. Also peace was made between
the king of France and the king of Navarre,
chiefly by the means of the captal de Buch,
The chapter then continues thus : —
In this season yet was there still in
France great number of the companions,
the which as then wist not what to do,
seeing the wars of Bretayne were ended.
These companions pursued ever after deeds
of arms and taking of pillages at their
advantages, from the which they could not
nor would abstain, and all their chief re-
course was in France, for they called the
realm of P^rance their chamber. They
durst do no hurt in Acquitaine, for the
land would not suffer them, and also, to
say truth, most part of the captains were
Gascons and Englishmen under the obei-
sance of the king of England and of the
prince ; some there were of Bretayne, but
not many : wherefore divers of the realm
of France murmured against the king of
England and the prince, and said covertly
how that they acquitted not themselves
well against the French king, seeing they
do not their good wills to put out of the
realm those evil-disposed people. So the
wise and sage men of France considered
that, without they did put some remedy to
drive them out of the realm either by battle
or by means of some money, else at length
they were likely to destroy the noble realm
of France and holy Christendom.
The same season there was in Hungary
a king that would gladly have had them
with him; for he had great war against
the Turk, who did him great damage.
Then he wrote to pope Urban the fifth,
who was as then at Avignon, certifying
him how he would gladly that the realm of
France were delivered of the number of
companions and that they were all with
him in his wars against the Turk : and in
like wise he wrote letters to the French
king and to the prince of Wales. And so
they entreated the said companions and
offered them gold and silver and passage ;
but they answered that they would not that
way, saying they would not go so far to
make war ; for it was shewed among them-
selves by some of their own company that
had been before in Hungary, how that
there were such straits, that if they were
fought with there, they could never escape,
but to die shamefully ; the which so affrayed
them that they had no lust to go thither.
And when the pope and the French king
saw that they would not agree according
to their desires, and also that they would
not avoid out of the realm of France, but
daily multiplied, then they bethought them
of another way and means to cause them
to avoid.
The same season there was a king in
Castile called don Peter, ^ who was full of
marvellous opinions, and .he was rude and
rebel against the commandments of holy
Church, and in mind to subdue all his
Christian neighbours, kings and princes,
and specially the king of Aragon called
Peter, who was a good true Christian
prince, and had as then taken from him
part of his realm, thinking to have all the
remnant. 'Also this king don Peter of
Castile had three bastard brethren, the
which king Alphonso his father had by
a lady called the Riche Done : ^ the eldest
was called Henry, the second don Tello,
1 ' Dame Pietre,' which is written by the trans-
lator either ' Dame Peter' or ' Dampeter.'
2 Eleanor de Guzman, called ' la Richa Dona.'
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
and the third Sancho. This king don
Peter hated them so, that he would not
suffer them to come in his sight, and
oftentimes, if he might have gotten them,
he would have stricken off their heads :
howbeit they were well beloved with the
king their father, and in his life he gave to
Henry the eldest the county of Asturge,
but this king don Peter his brother had
taken it from him, and therefore they kept
daily war together. This bastard Henry
was a right hardy and a valiant knight,
and had been long in France and pursued
the war there and served the French king,
who loved him right entirely. King don
Peter, as the common bruit ran, had put
to death the mother of the children, where-
with they were right sore displeased, and
good cause why. Also beside that, he
had put to death and exiled divers great
lords of the realm of Castile : he was so
cruel and so without shame that all his
men feared, doubted and hated him as far
as they durst. Also he caused to die a
right good and holy lady, the which he had
to wife, called the lady Blanche, daughter
to duke Peter of Bourbon, sister-german to
the French queen and to the countess of
Savoy, whose death was right displeasant
to all her lineage, the which was one of the
noblest lineages of the world. And beside
all this there ran a bruit of him among his
own men how that he was amiably allied
with the king of Granade and with the king
of Bellemarine and the king of Tremesen,^
who were all God's enemies and infidels :
wherefore some of his own men feared that
he would do some hurt to his own country,
as in violating of God's churches, for he
began already to take from them their
rents and revenues and held some of the
prelates in prison and constrained them by
tyranny, whereof great complaints came
daily to our holy father the pope, requiring
him to find some remedy : to whose com-
plaints the pope condescended, and sent
incontinent messengers into Castile to the
king don Peter, commanding him that
incontinent without any delay personally
to come to the court of Rome, to wash,
cleanse and purge him of such villain deeds
as he was guilty in. Howbeit this king
don Peter, full of pride and presumptuous-
ness, would not obey nor come there, but
1 Tlemcen.
dealt shamefully with the pope's messenger^
whereby he ran greatly in the indignation
of the Church and specially of the head of
the Church, as of our holy father the pope.
Thus this evil king don Peter persevered
still in his obstinate sin.
Then advice and counsel was taken by
the pope and by the college, what way they
might correct him, and there it was deter-
mined that he was not worthy to bear the
name of a king, nor to hold any realm, and
there in plain consistory in Avignon, in the
chamber of excommunication, he was openly
declared to be reputed as an infidel. Then
it was thought that he should be constrained
and corrected by help of the companions
that were as then in the realm of France.
Then the king of Aragon, who hated the
king of Castile, was sent for, and also
Henry the bastard of Spain, to come to
Avignon to the pope ; and when they were
come, the pope made FTenry the bastard
legitive and lawful to obtain the realm of
Castile, and don Peter cursed and con-
demned by sentence of the pope, and there
the king of Aragon said how he would open
the passage through his country and pro-
vide victuals and purveyances for all
manner of people and men of war that
would pursue to go into Castile to confound
king don Peter and to put him out of his
realm. Of this ordinance was the French
king right joyous, and did his pain to help
to get out of prison sir Bertram of Guesclin,
who was prisoner with sir John Chandos,
and paid for his ransom a hundred thousand
franks, part thereof paid the French king
and the pope, and Henry the bastard paid
the residue ; and after his deliverance they
fell in treaty with the companions and
promised them great profit, if they would
go into the realm of Castile ; whereto they
lightly agreed for a certain sum of money
that they had to depart among them : and
so this journey was shewed to the prince of
Wales and to the knights and squires about
him, and specially to sir John Chandos,
who was desired to be one of the chief
captains with sir Bertram of Guesclin ;
howbeit he excused him and said he might
not go thither. Yet the journey was not
let for all that, and divers knights of
the prince's went thither, as sir Eustace
d'Aubrecicourt, sir Hugh Calverley, sir
Gaultier Hewet, sir Matthew Gournay, sir
DON PETER OF CASTILE
:55
Perducas d'Albiet and divers other ; and
the chief captain of this enterprise was
made the lord John of Bourbon earl of
Marche, to countervenge ^ the death of his
cousin the queen of Spain, and was in all
things ruled and counselled by the advice
of sir Bertram of Guesclin, for the earl of
Marche was as then a jolly young lusty
knight ; and also the lord Antony of Beaujeu
went forth in that viage, and divers other
good knights, as sir Arnold d'Audrehem,
marshal of France, the Begue of Villaines,
the lord d'Antoing in Hainault, the lord of
Briffeuil, sir John Neuville, sir Gauvain of
Bailleul, sir Johnof Berguettes, the Allemant
of Saint-Venant and divers other, the which
I cannot name. And so all these lords and
other advanced forth in the viage and made
their assembly in Languedoc and at Mont-
pellier and thereabout, and so passed all to
Narbonne, to go toward Perpignan and so
to enter on that side into the realm of
Aragon. These men of war were to the
number of thirty thousand, and there were
the chief captains of the companions, as sir
Robert Briquet, sir John Creswey, Naudan
of Bageran, I'Amit, the little Meschin, the
bourg Camus, the bourg de Lesparre,
Batillier, Espiote, Aymenion d'Artigue,
Perrot of Savoy and divers other, all of
accord and of one alliance, having great
desire to put king don Peter out of the
realm of Castile and to make king the earl
of Asturge, his brother Henry the bastard.
And when these men of arms should
enter into the realm of Aragon, to do their
enterprise the more privily they sent to
king don Peter to blind him by their
message : but he was already well informed
of their intents and how they were coming
on him into the realm of Castile ; but he
set nothing thereby, but assembled his
people to resist against them and to fight
with them at the entry of his realm. Their
message was desiring him to open the straits
of his country and to give free passage to
the pilgrims of God, who had enterprised
by great devotion to go into the realm of
Granade, to revenge the death and passion
of our Lord Jesu Christ and to destroy the
infidels and to exalt the Christian faith.
The king don Peter at these tidings did
nothing but laugh, and said he would do
nothing at their desire, nor obey in any
1 A correction of counterwyne.'
point to such a rascal company. And
when these knights and other men of arms
knew the will and answer of king don Peter,
whereby they reputed him right orgulous
and presumptuous, and made all the haste
they might to advance, to do him all the
hurt they could. So they all passed through
the realm of Aragon, where they found the
passages ready open for them, and victual
and everything ready apparelled and at a
meetly price ; for the king of Aragon had
great joy of their coming, trusting then by
their means to conquer again from the king
of Castile all his lands, that king don Peter
had before taken from him by force : and
then these men of war passed the great
river that departeth Castile and Aragon,
and so they entered into the realm of
Spain : and when they had conquered
towns, cities and castles, straits, ports and
passages, the which the king don Peter had
taken from the king of Aragon, then sir
Bertram and his company delivered them to
the king of Aragon on the condition that
always from thenceforth he should aid and
comfort Henry the bastard against don
Peter.
Tidings came to the king of Castile how
that the Frenchmen, Bretons, Englishmen,
Normans, Picards and Burgoynians were
entered into his realm and were as then
passed the great river departing Castile and
Aragon, and how they had won again all
on that side the river, the which cost him
much pain and trouble or he won it first.
Then he was right sore displeased and
said : * Well, all shall not go so as they
ween it shall.' Then he made a special
commandment throughout all his realm, in
giving knowledge to them that his letters
and messengers were sent unto, that they
should without delay come to him, to the
intent to fight with the men of war that
were entered into his realm of Castile.
There were but a few that obeyed his
commandment, and when he had thought
to have had a great assembly of men of
war, he was deceived, for few or none came
to him ; for his lords and knights of Spain
forsook and refused him and turned to his
brother the bastard : wherefore he was fain
to fly, or else he had been taken, he was so
sore behated with his enemies and also with
his own men, so that none abode about
him except one true knight called Ferrant
156
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
I
of Castro ; ^ he would never forsake him
for none adventure. And so then don
Peter went to Seville, the best city of
Spain, and when he was come thither, he
was in no great surety ; wherefore he
trussed and put into coffers his treasure, and
took a ship with his wife and children, and
so departed from Seville, and Ferrant of
Castro his knight with him, and he arrived
like a knight discomfited in Galice [at a
port] called the Corogne,^ where there was
a strong castle, and therein he, his wife
and children entered, that is to say, two
young daughters, Constance and Isabel,
and of all his men and council he had none
but Ferrant of Castro.
CHAPTER CCXXX
Now let us shew of Henry the bastard, how
he persevered in his enterprise.
Thus, as I have shewed before, this king
don Peter was sore behated with his own
men throughout all the realm of Castile
because of the marvellous cruel justice that
he had done and by the occasion of the
destruction of the noblemen of his realm,
the which he had put to death and slain
with his hands. Wherefore as soon as they
saw his bastard brother enter into the realm
with so great puissance, then they drew all
to him and received him to their lord, and
so rode forth with him ; and they caused
cities, towns, boroughs and castles to be
opened to him and every man to do him
homage : and so the Spaniards all with one
voice cried, ' Live Henry, and die don
Peter, who hath been to us so cruel and so
evil.' Thus the lords led forth Henry
throughout all the realm of Castile, as the
lord Gomez Carillo, the great master of
Calatrava,^ and the master of Saint James.
So thus all manner of people obeyed to him
and crowned him king in the city of
Asturge ; and all prelates, earls, barons and
knights made him reverence as to their
king, and sware always to maintain him as
their king, or else, if need required, to die
in the quarrel. So thus this king rode
from city to city and from town to town,
1 Fernando Perez de Castro. 2 Corunna.
3 ' The grand master of the order of Calatrava.'
and always and in every place he had
reverence done to him like a king : and
then he gave to the knights strangers, such
as came with him into the realm of Castile,
great gifts and rich jewels so largely, that
every man reputed him for a liberal and
an honourable lord. And commonly the
Normans, Frenchmen and Bretons said that
in him was all liberality, and how he was
well worthy to live and to reign over a
great realm ; and so he did a season right
puissantly and in great prosperity. Thus
the bastard of Spain came to the seignory of
the realm of Castile, and he made his two
brethren, don Tello and Sancho, each of
them an earl with great revenues and profit.
Thus this Henry was king of Castile, of
Galice, of Seville, of Toledo and of Lisbon,
unto such season as the puissance of Wales
and Acquitaine put him out thereof and set
again king don Peter into the possession
and seignory of the foresaid realms, as ye
shall hear after in this history.
When that this king Henry saw himself
in this estate and that every man obeyed
him and reputed him for their king and
lord, and saw nothing likely to the contrary
of his desire, then he imagined and cast his
advice to exalt his name and to employ the
number of such companions as were come
to serve him out of the realm of France, to
make a voyage on the king of Granade ;
whereof he spake to divers knights, who
were well agreed thereto. And always this
king Henry held still about him the prince's
knights, as sir Eustace d'Aubrecicourt, sir
Hugh Calverley and other, and shewed
them great token and sign of love in trust
that they should aid and serve him in his
voyage to Granade, whither he hoped to go.
And anon after his coronation there de-
parted from him the most part of the
knights of France, and he gave them great
gifts at their departing ; and so then re-
turned the earl of Marche, sir Arnold
d'Audrehem, the lord Beaujeu and divers
other, but sir Bertram of Guesclin tarried
still in Castile with the king, and sir Oliver
of Manny and the Bretons with certain
number of the companions : and so then
sir Bertram of Guesclin was made constable
of all the realm of Castile by the accord of
king Henry and all the lords of the country.
Now let us speak of king don Peter, how
he maintained himself.
FLIGHT OF DON PETFR, 1366
tS7
CHAPTER CCXXXI
How king don Peter required the prince of
Wales to aid him against his brother.
Ye have well heard how king don Peter
was driven into the castle of Corogne' on
the sea, and with him his wife, his two
daughters, and don Ferrant of Castro with
him all only, so that in the mean season
that his brother the bastard, by puissance
of the men of war that he had got out of
France, conquered Castile, and that all the
country yielded them to him, as ye have
heard before. He was right sore afraid,
and not well assured in the castle of Corogne,
for he doubted greatly his brother the
bastard, for he knew well that if he had
knowledge of his being there, he would
come with puissance and besiege him.
"Wherefore he thought he would not abide
that peril ; therefore he departed in a night
and took a ship, and his wife, his two
daughters and don Ferrant of Castro, and
all the gold, silver, and jewels that they
had : but the wind was to him so contrary
that he could not draw from the coast, and
so was fain again to enter into the fortress
of Corogne. Then the king don Peter de-
manded of don Ferrant his knight how he
should maintain himself, complaining of
fortune, that was to him so contrary. ' Sir,'
quoth the knight, ' or ye depart from hence,
it were good that ye did send to your cousin
the prince of Wales, to know if he would
receive you or not, and for pity somewhat
to tender your need and necessity ; for
divers ways he is bound thereto by reason
of the great alliances that the king his father
and yours had together. The prince of
Wales is so noble and so gentle of blood
and of courage, that when he knoweth your
tribulation, I think verily he will take
thereof great compassion. And if he will
aid to set you again in your realm, there is
none that can do it so well in all the world,
he is so feared, redoubted and beloved with
all men of war. And, sir, ye are here in a
good strong fortress, to keep a season till
yehearother tidings out of Acquitaine.' To
this counsel accorded lightly the king don
Peter. Then he wrote letters right piteous
and amiable, and a knight with two squires
were desired to do this message ; and so
they took on them that journey and entered
into the sea, and sailed so long that they
arrived at Bayonne, the which city held of
the king of England. Then they demanded
tidings of the prince, and it was shewed
them how that he was at Bordeaux. Then
they took their horses and rode so long that
they came to Bordeaux, and there took
their lodging, and anon after they went to
the abbey of Saint Andrew's, where the
prince was. And there these messengers
shewed how they were come out of Castile
and were Spaniards and messengers from
king don Peter of Castile : and when the
prince knew thereof, he said he would see
them and know what they would have.
And so they came and kneeled down and
saluted him according to their usage, and
recommended the king their master to him
and delivered their letters. The prince took
up the messengers and received their letters,
and opened and read them at good leisure,
wherein he found how piteously king don
Peter wrote,'signifying to him all his poverty
and mischief, and how that his brother the
bastard, by puissance and by the great
amities that he had purchased, first of the
pope, of the French king and of the king
of Aragon, and by the help of the com-
panions, had put him out from the heritage
of the realm of Castile : wherefore he de-
sired the prince for God's sake and by the
way of pity that he would intend to provide
for him some counsel and remedy, wherein
he should achieve grace of God and of all
the world ; for it is not the right way of a
true Christian king to disinherit a rightful
heir and to enherit by puissance of tyranny
a bastard. And the prince, who was a
valiant knight and a sage, closed the letters
in his hands and said to the messengers :
' Sirs, ye be right welcome to me from my
cousin the king of Castile : ye shall tarry a
space here with us, and ere ye depart, ye
shall have an answer,'
Then the prince's knights, who knew
right well what they had to do, led to their
lodgings the Spanish knight and the two
squires ; and the prince, who tarried still in
his chamber, mused greatly on those tidings,
and then sent for sir John Chandos and for
sir Thomas Felton, two of the chief of his
council, for the one was the seneschal of
Acquitaine and the other constable. And
when they were come to him, then he said
[58
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
to them all smiling : * Sirs, ye shall hear
new tidings out of Spain. The king don
Peter our cousin complaineth him greatly of
the bastard Henry his brother, who hath
taken from him his inheritance and hath put
him out of his realm, as ye have heard re-
ported by them that hath come from thence :
and he requireth us instantly of our comfort
and aid, as it appeareth here l)y his letters. '
And so then the prince read the letters
word by word a two times, and these two
knights heard well all the matter. And
when he had read the letters, then he said
to them : ' Sirs, ye two, sir John and sir
Thomas, ye are the most special of my
council, and in whom I 'have most trust and
affiance. Wherefore I desire you counsel
me what ye think were best to do. ' Then
these two knights beheld each other without
any word speaking. Then the prince again
said, ' Sirs, speak hardily what ye think in
this matter ' : and there the prince was
counselled by those two knights, as I was
informed, that he should send to the king
don Peter men of war to Corogne, where
he was according to the tenour of the letters
and also by the report of the messengers,
and that the men of war should bring him
to the city of Bordeaux, and there more
plainly to know what he would say, and
then, according as they should hear his
words, to take advice and to give him such
counsel as of reason should suffice him.
This answer pleased right well the prince.
Then he desired to go to Corogne in that
viage, to bring in safe -guard to him the
king don Peter, first sir Thomas Felton as
sovereign and chief of that army, sir Richard
of Pontchardon, sir Niel Loring, sir Simon
de Burley, sir William Trussell ; and in
that army there should be twelve ships fur-
nished with archers and men of war. So
these knights made their provision to go
into Galice ; and then the messengers de-
parted from Bordeaux and rode with them
to Bayonne and there tarried a three or
four days, abiding for wind and weather.
And the fifth day, as they were departing,
the king don Peter of Castile arrived at
Bayonne himself, for he was departed from
Corogne in great haste and doubt, for he
durst not abide there any longer, and
brought but a few of his men with him and
such treasure as he had. So the tidings of
his coming was great joy to the Englishmen.
Then sir Thomas Felton and his company
came to him and received him right sweetly,
and shewed him how they were there ready
by the commandment of the prince their
lord to have come to him to Corogne and
to any other place, to have brought him to
the prince ; of the which tidings the king
don Peter was right joyous, and thanked
greatly the prince and the knights that were
there.
The coming of the king don Peter thus
to Bayonne sir Thomas Felton and the
other knights certified the prince thereof, of
the which he was right joyous : and within
a short space after these knights brought
the king don Peter to that city of Bordeaux.
And the prince, who greatly desired to see
his cousin the king don Peter and to do him
the more honour and feast, issued out of
Bordeaux accompanied with divers knights
and squires, and went and met the king
and did to him great reverence both in word
and deed ; the which he could do right well,
for there was no prince in his time that
could sheAv more honour than he. And
when the prince had well feasted him, then
they rode to Bordeaux, and the prince took
the king above him, in no wise he would do
otherwise : and as they rode together the
king don Peter shewed to the prince how
his bastard brother had chased him out of
his realm of Castile, and also he piteously
complained him of the untruth of his men,
shewing how they had all forsaken him ex-
cept one knight, the which was there with
him, called don Ferrant of Castro. The
prince right courteously and sagely recom-
forted him, desiring him not to be abashed
nor discomforted, for though he had as then
lost all, he trusted it should be in the puis-
sance of God to restore him again all his
loss, and moreover to take vengeance of all
his enemies. Thus as they talked together,
they rode so long that they came to Bor-
deaux, and alighted at the abbey of Saint
Andrew's, whereas the prince and princess
kept their house ; and then the king was
brought to a fair chamber ready apparelled
for him, and when he was changed, he
went to the princess and to the ladies, who
received him right courteously, as they
could right well do. I might over long
make report to you of this matter, what of
their cheer, feasts and sports ; wherefore I
pass it over briefly and shall shew you how
DON PETER OF CASTILE AT BORDEAUX
159
king don Peter sped with the prince his
cousin, whom he found right amiable and
courteous, and well condescended to his de-
sires : howbeit, there were some of his
council said unto him as ye shall hear after.
Or that don Peter came to Bordeaux,
some wise and sage imaginative lords, as
well of Gascoyne as of England, who were
of the prince's council and had ever truly
served him and given him good counsel and
so thought ever to do, they said to the
prince : ' Sir, ye have heard say divers
times, he that too much embraceth holdeth
the weaklier. It is for a truth that ye are
one of the princes of the world most praised,
honoured and redoubted, and holdeth on
this side the sea great lands and seignories,
thanked be God, in good rest and peace.
There is no king, near nor far off, as at this
present time, that dare displease you, ye
are so renowned of good chivalry, grace and
good fortune : ye ought therefore by reason
to be content with that ye have and seek
not to get you any enemies. Sir, we say
not this for none evil : we know well the
king don Peter of Castile, who is now driven
out of his realm, is a man of high mind,
right cruel and full of evil conditions ; for
by him hath been done many evil deeds in
the realm of Castile, and hath caused many
a valiant man to lose his head and brought
cruelly to an end without any manner of
reason : and so by his villain deeds and
consent he is now deceived ^ and put out of
his realm, and also beside all this he is
enemy to the Church and cursed by our
holy father the pope. He is reputed, and
hath been a great season, like a tyrant, and
without title of reason hath always grieved
and made war with his neighl)Ours, the
king of Aragon and the king of Navarre,
and would have disherited them by puis-
sance ; and also, as the bruit runneth
throughout his realm and by his own men,
how he caused to die his wife your cousin,
daughter to the duke of Bourbon. Where-
fore, sir, ye ought to think and consider
that all this that he now suffereth are rods
and strokes of God sent to chastise him and
to give ensample to all other Christian kings
and princes to beware that they do not as
he hath done.' With such words or
1 The French is 'deceu' (for 'decheu'), 'fallen,'
which the translator has confused with ' deceii ' from
*decevoir.'
semblable the prince was counselled, or
king don Peter arrived at Bayonne ; but
to these words the prince answered thus,
saying : ' Lords, I think and believe
certainly that ye counsel me truly to the
best of your powers. I know well and am
well informed of the life and state of this
king don Peter, and know well that without
number he hath done many evil deeds,
whereby now he is deceived.^ But the
cause present that moveth and giveth us
courage to be willing to aid him,*is as I
shall shew you. It is not convenable that
a bastard should hold a realm in heritage,
and put out of his own realm his brother,
rightful inheritor to the land ; the which
thing all kings and kings' sons should in no
wise suffer nor consent to, for it is a great
prejudice against the state royal : and also
beside that, the king my father and this king
don Peter hath a great season been allied
together by great confederations, wherefore
we are bound to aid him in cause that he
require and desire us so to do.' Thus the
prince was moved in his courage to aid and
comfort this king don Peter in his trouble
and besynes. Thus he answered to his
council, and they could not remove him
out of that purpose, for his mind was ever
more and more firmly set on that matter.
And when king don Peter of Castile was
come to the prince, to the city of Bordeaux,
he humbled himself right sweetly to the
prince, and offered to him great gifts and
profit, in saying that he would make
Edward his eldest son king of Galice, and
that he would depart to him and to his men
great good and riches, the which he had
left behind him in the realm of Castile,
because he durst not bring it with him ; but
this riches was in so sure keeping that none
knew where it was but himself: to the
which words the knights gave good intent,
for Englishmen and Gascons naturally are
covetous. Then the prince was counselled
to assemble all the barons of the duchy of
Acquitaine, and his special council : and
so there was at Bordeaux a great council,
and there the king don Peter shewed openly
how he would maintain himself and how he
would satisfy every man, if the prince would
take on him to bring him again into his
country. Then there were letters written
and messengers sent forth, and lords and
knights sent for all about, as the ear/
i6o
THE CHRONICLES OF FRO I SS ART
of Armagnac, the earl of Comminges, the
lord d'Albret, the earl of Caraman/ the
captal of Buch, the lord of Terride, the
viscount of Castelbon, the lord of Lescun,
the lord of Rauzan, the lord of Lesparre,
the lord of Caumont, the lord of Mussidan,
the lord of Curton, the lord of Puycornet
and all the other barons and knights of
Gascoyne and of Beam ; and also the earl
of Foix was desired to come thither, but he
would not, but excused himself because he
had a disease in his leg and might not ride,
but he sent thither his counsel.
To this parliament thus holden in the
city of Bordeaux came all the earls, vis-
counts, barons and wise men of Acquitaine,
of Saintonge, Poitou, Quercy, Limousin
and of Gascoyne : and when they were all
come, they went to council three days on
the state and ordinance for this king don
Peter of Spain, who was always there
present in the council with the prince his
cousin, reasoning always to fortify his
quarrel and business. Finally the prince
was counselled that he should send sufficient
messengers to the king his father into Eng-
land, to know his counsel what he should
do in that case ; and his pleasure and
answer once known, then all the lords said
they would take counsel together, and so
make the prince such an answer that of
reason he should be well content. Then
there were chosen and named four knights
of the prince's, that should go into England
to the king, that is to say, sir Delaware,
sir Niel Loring, sir John and sir Elie of
Pommiers.
Thus then departed and brake up this
council, and every man went home to their
own houses ; and king don Peter tarried
still at Bordeaux with the prince and
princess, who did him much honour and
made him great feast and cheer. And then
the foresaid four knights departed, who
were appointed to go into England, and
they took shipping and sped so well in
their journey by the help of God and the
wind, that they arrived at Hampton, and
there rested one day to refresh them and to
unship their horses and carriages, and the
second day took their horses and rode so
long that they came to the city of London.
And there they demanded where the king
1 This the viscount of Caraman, and so he is called
in chap. 234.
was, and it was shewed them how he was"
at Windsor : and thither they went, and
were right welcome and well received both
with the king and with the queen, as well
because they were pertaining to the prince
their son, as also because they were lords
and knights of great recommendation.
Then they delivered their letters to the
king, and the king opened and read them ;
and when he had a little studied, then he
said : * Sirs, ye shall go to your lodgings,
and I shall send to you certain lords and
wise men of my council, and they shall
answer you with short expedition.' This
answer pleased well these knights, and the
next day they returned to London, and
within a short space after the king came to
Westminster, and with him the most greatest
of his council, as his son the duke of
Lancaster, the earl of Arundel, the earl of
Salisbury, the earl of Manny,^ sir Raynold
Cobham, the earl Percy, the lord Nevill
and divers other ; and prelates there were
the bishop of Winchester, of Lincoln and
of London. And so they kept a great
council and a long upon the prince's letters,
and on his request that he had made to the
king his father. Finally it seemed to the
king and his council a thing due and
reasonable for the prince to take on him, to
bring again the king of Spain into his own
heritage, and to this they all openly agreed.
And thereupon they wrote notable letters
directed from the king and from the council
of England to the prince and to all the
barons of Acquitaine, and so with these
letters the said messengers departed again
to the city of Bordeaux, whereas they found
the prince and the king don Peter, to whom
they delivered letters from the king of
England.
Then was there a new day of council se
to be had in the city of Bordeaux, a
thither came all such as were sent fo:
Then there was read openly in the council
the king of England's letters, the which
devised plainly how he would that the
prince his son in the name of God and
Saint George should take on him to set
again king don Peter into his heritage,
the which his bastard brother wrongfully
had taken from him without reason, and
falsely, as it appeareth, hath put him
out thereof. Also the king's letters made
1 ' Le sire de Mauny.'
1
COUNCIL AT BAYONNE, 1366
161
mention how he was much bound thereto
because of certain alliances of old time
made between him and the king of Castile
his cousin, as to aid him, if case required,
if he were thereto desired. "Wherefore
he desired by his letters all his friends
and subjects that the prince his son might
be aided and counselled by them as well
as though he were there present himself.
And when the barons of Acquitaine heard
read these letters and commandments of
the king, and perceived the king's plea-
sure and the prince's their lord, then they
joyously answered and said : ' Sir, we shall
gladly obey the king our sovereign lord's
commandment : it is reason that we obey
you and him, and so we will do and serve
you in this viage, and king don Peter
in like wise. But, sir, we would know
who should pay us our wages, for it will
be hard to get out men of war into a
strange country?'^ Then the prince be-
held king don Peter and said : ' Sir king,
ye hear what our people say : answer you
them, for it behoveth you to answer, seeing
the matters be yours.' Then the king
don Peter answered the prince and said :
* Right dear cousin, as far as the gold,
silver and treasure that I have brought
hither, which is not the thirtieth part so
much as I have left behind me, as long as
that will endure, I shall give and part
therewith to your people.' Then the prince
said : * Sir, ye say well ; and as for the
remnant, I shall become debtor to them
and pay them as the case requireth, the
which I shall lend you, and all that we
need till we come into Castile.' 'Sir,'
quoth the king don Peter, * ye do me great
courtesy and grace.'
And in this council there were divers
sage men, as the earl of Armagnac, the
lord of Pommiers, sir John Chandos, the
captal of Buch and divers other, who con-
sidered that the prince could not well
make this viage without the accord and
consent of the king of Navarre : for they
could not enter into Spain but through his
country and through the straits of Ronces-
vaulx, the which passage they were not in
1 The original gives it thus, but the sense is
spoilt by the omission of the words ' sans estre
payez,' which are found in the true text: 'for it will
be hard to take men of war into a strange country
without they be paid.'
M
surety to have, because the king of
Navarre and Henry the bastard had newly
made alliance together. So thus there was
much communing how they might do to
achieve their purpose : then was it deter-
mined that there should be another day
assigned of a council to be kept at the city
of Bayonne, and that the prince should send
sufficient ambassadors to the king of Na-
varre, desiring him to be at that council in
Bayonne. And so on this determination
every man departed, fully concluded to be
at Bayonne the day limited and prefixed.
In the mean season the prince sent sir
John Chandos and sir Thomas Felton to
the king of Navarre, who was as then in
the city of Pampelone. These two sage
and well - languaged knights did so much
that they came to the king of Navarre,
who made faithful covenant by word and
by writing sealed to be at the said parlia-
ment at Bayonne, and thereon the messen-
gers returned again to the prince and
shewed him these tidings.
The day assigned of this parliament there
came to the city of Bayonne the king of
Spain don Peter, the prince, the earl of
Armagnac, the lord d'Albret, and all the
barons of Gascoyne, Poitou, Quercy, Rouer-
gue, Saintonge and Limousin. And thither
came personally the king of Navarre,
and the prince and king don Peter did
him great honour, because they thought
the better to speed with him. So thus in
the city of Bayonne there was a great
council, the which endured five days, and
the prince and his council had much to do
or they could bring the king of Navarre to
their desire ; for he was a man not easy to
be won, if he saw that men had any need
of him. Howbeit, the great power of the
prince brought him into that case, that
finally he sware, promised and sealed to
king cion Peter peace, love and firm alli-
ance and confederation. And in like
manner king don Peter did to him upon
certain compositions that were there or-
dained ; of the which the prince of Wales
was a mean between them and chief de-
viser thereof : the which was, that the king
don Peter, as king of all Castile, gave,
sealed and accorded to the king of Navarre
and to his heirs for ever all the land of
Logrono, as it lieth on both sides the
river, and also all the land and country of
l62
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
Sauveterre,^ with the town, castle and all
the appurtenances, also the town of Saint
John de Pied -de -Port and the marches
thereabout, the which lands, towns, castles
and seignories he had taken from him by
force ; and also that the king of Navarre
should have twenty thousand franks for the
opening of his country, and to suffer pass
peaceably all manner of men of war, and
to minister to them victuals and purvey-
ances for their money, of the which sum of
florins the king don Peter became debtor
to the king of Navarre. And when the
barons of Acquitaine knew that this treaty
was made and confirmed, then they de-
sired to know who should pay them their
wages ; and the prince, who had great affec-
tion toward this viage, became debtor
to them for their wages, and the king
don Peter became debtor to the prince.
And when all these things were ordained
and fully confirmed, and that every man
knew what he ought to do and what he
should have, and that they had sojourned
there the space of twelve days, then the
king of Navarre departed home into his
own country, and all other lords departed
every man to his own, and the prince went
to Bordeaux and the king don Peter tarried
still at Bayonne.
Then the prince sent his heralds into
Spain to certain knights and captains,
Englishmen and Gascons, favourable and
obeisant to him, signifying them how that
it was his pleasure that they should take
their leaves of Henry the bastard and come
to him, saying how he had need of them
and was of the intent to employ and occupy
them otherwise. And when these heralds
had brought these letters into Castile to
these knights from the prince, and that
they perceived the prince's pleasure, then
they took their leave of king Henry as
soon as they could in courteous manner
without discovering of the prince's inten-
tion. Then this bastard king Henry, who
was right liberal, courteous and honour-
able, gave them licence with many great
gifts, and thanked them greatly of their
service. So then departed from Spain sir
Eustace d'Aubrecicourt, sir Hugh Cal-
verley, sir Walter Hewet, sir Matthew
Gournay, sir John Devereux and their com-
pany, and divers other knights and squires,
1 Salvatierra,
the which I cannot all name, of the prince's
house, and they departed as shortly as they
might. The same season the companions
were spread abroad in the country and
knew nothing what these said knights did :
howbeit, when they knew it, they gathered
together, as sir Robert Briquet, John
Creswey, sir Robert Cheyne, sir Perducas
d'Albret, sir Garsis du Chastel, Naudan of
Bageran, the bourg of Lesparre, the bourg
Camus and the bourg Breteuil. And this
bastard king Henry knew not that the
prince was in a mind to bring again his
brother don Peter into Castile, so soon as
these knights did : for if he had known it,
they should not have departed so soon as
they did ; for he might well have letted
them, if he had known it. So these
knights departed, and as soon as king
Henry knew thereof, he made no great
semblant of it, but said to sir Bertram of
GuescHn, who was still about him : * Sir
Bertram, behold the prince of Wales ; it is
shewed us that he will make us war and
bring again that Jew who calleth himself
king of Spain by force into this our realm.
Sir, what say you thereto?' Sir Bertram
answered and said : ' Sir, he is so valiant
a knight, that if he take on him the enter-
prise, he will do his power to achieve it, if
he may. Therefore, sir, I say to you,
cause your passages and straits on all sides
to be well kept, so that none may pass nor
enter into your realm but by your licence :
and, sir, keep your people in love : I know
certainly ye shall have in France many
knights and great aid, the which gladly will
serve you. Sir, by your licence I will return
thither ; and in the mean time keep your
people in love, and I know well I shall
find in France many friends, and, sir, I
shall get you as many as I can. ' ' By my
faith,' quoth king Henry, *ye say well,
and I shall order all the remnant according
to your will.' And so within a little space
after sir Bertram departed and went into
Aragon, where the king received him joy-
ously ; and there he tarried a fifteen days
and then departed and went to Mont-
pellier, and there found the duke of Anjou,
who also received him joyously, as he
whom he loved right entirely: and when
he had been there a season, he departed
and went into France to the king, who
received him with great joy.
THE COMPANIES QUIT SPAIN
163
CHAPTER CCXXXII
How that king Henry allied him to the king
of Aragon, and of the men that the prince
sent for, and how the prince was coun-
selled to pursue his war, and of the lord
dAlbret, who discomfited the seneschal of
Toulouse.
SUMMARY. — The men of the companies,
who wished to leave Castile and come into
Acquitaine, zvere barred from the passes by
the king of Aragon. Finally sir John
Chandos obtained them a passage from the
earl of Foix. The prince of Wales collected
great sums of money frojn England and
elsewhere to maintain men of tvar, and the
lord d'Albret promised to serve him with a
thousand spears. Meanwhile one division
of the companies passed by Toulouse to
Montauban, and the seneschal of Toulouse
xvith the earl of Narbonne endeavoured to
stop them. A battle was fought at Mont-
auban, in which finally the French were
defeated, and the seneschal of Toulouse, the
earl of Narbonne, the seneschal of Carcas-
sonne and many other knights were taken
prisoners.
CHAPTER CCXXXni
How these companions let their prisoners
depart on their faiths, but the pope de-
fended them to pay any ransom ; and of
the words that the king of Mallorca had
to the prince, and of the departing of the
prince to go into Spain.
After the discomfiture and taking of
the said prisoners, the said sir Perducas
d'Albret, sir Robert Cheyne, sir John Trivet,
the bourg of Breteuil, Naudan of Bageran
and their company parted their booty and
all their winning, whereof they had great
plenty, and all such as had any prisoners
kept them still to their own profit, other to
ransom or to quit them at their pleasure.
And they ransomed their prisoners right
courteously, every man after his degree,
the more courteously because this adven-
ture came to them so fortunately by valiant-
ness of deeds of arms ; and such as were
let go on their faith and promise had days
limited to them to bring their ransoms to
Bordeaux or to other places, whereas they
were appointed. So the prisoners departed
and went home into their own countries,
and these companions went to the prince,
who received them right joyously and sent
them to lodge and to abide in the marches
of Basque among the mountains.
I shall shew you what befell of this
matter and of the earl of Narbonne, the
seneschal of Toulouse and other, who were
put to ransom and had promised on their
faiths to pay it. In the same season there
was at Rome pope Urban the fifth, who
entirely hated these manner of people of
companions and had long time before
cursed them because of the villain deeds
that they had done. So that when he was
informed of this said journey, and how the
earl of Narbonne and other were over-
thrown, he was sore displeased therewith,
and suffered till he heard how they were
put to their ransom and come home into
their own countries and out of their
enemies' hands. Then he sent to each of
them and by express words defended them
in any wise to pay any ransom, and assoiled
them of their promise. Thus these knightis
and lords were quitted of their ransom,
such as had been taken at Montauban, for
they durst not trespass the pope's com-
mandment : the which happed well for these
lords, knights and squires, but it fortuned
evil for the companions, who abode and
looked ever for their money, trusting to
have had it to [have] arrayed and apr
parelled them like men of war, and so they
made great preparation on trust thereof,
whereof they were deceived. So this
ordinance of the pope was right contagious
to them, and they complained oftentimes
thereof to sir John Chandos, who was con-
stable of Acquitaine and had the oversight
by right of arms in such matters : howbeit,
he dissimuled with them as well as he
might, because he knew well the pope
had cursed them and how that all their
deeds turned to pilling and robbery ; and
as far as ever I could hear, they had never
other remedy in that matter.
Now let us speak of the prince of Wales
and approach to his viage and shew how he
persevered. First, as it hath been shewed
here before, he did so much that he had
all the companions of his accord, who were
164
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
to the number of twelve thousand fighting
men, and greatly it was to his cost to
retain them. And after he had them, he
sustained and bare their charges, or they
departed out of the principality, from the
beginning of Augus't to the beginning of
February ; and beside that the prince re-
ceived and retained all manner of men of
war, wheresoever he could get them. And
also the foresaid king Henry retained men
of war in every part out of the realm of
France and other places, and they came to
serve him because of the alliances that
were between the French king and him ;
and also he had with him retained some
of the companions Bretons, such as were
favourable to sir Bertram of Guesclin, as
sir Silvester Bude, Alain of Saint-Pol, Wil-
liam of Breuil, and Alain of Laconet, all
these were captains of those companions.
And the prince might have had also with him
many strangers men of war, as Flemings,
Almains and Brabances, if he had list ;
but he sent home again many of them,
for he had rather have had of his own
subjects of the principality than strangers.
Also there came to him a great aid out of
England ; for when the king of England
his father knew that this viage went for-
ward, then he gave licence to one of his
sons, duke John of Lancaster, to go to the
prince of Wales his brother with a great
number of men of war, as four hundred
men of arms and four hundred archers.
And when the prince knew of his brother's
coming, he was thereof right joyous.
In the same season came to the prince to
Bordeaux James king of Mallorca, so he
called himself, but he had in possession
nothing of the realm, for the king of Aragon
kept it from him by force and had slain in
prison the king of Mallorca in a city called
Barcelone. Therefore this young king
James, to revenge the death of his father
and to recover his heritage, was fled out of
his own realm to the prince ; and he had
married the queen of Naples. The prince
made him great cheer and greatly comforted
him ; and when the king had shewed the
prince all the reasons and occasions of his
coming, and perceived the wrong that the
king of Aragon had done to him, as in
keeping from him his inheritance, and also
slain his father, then the prince said : ' Sir
king, I promise you faithfully that after my
return out of Spain I shall intend to set
you again into your heritage other by
treaty or, by force.' This promise pleased
greatly the king, and so he tarried still with
the prince in Bordeaux abiding his depart-
ing as other did. And the prince, to do
him more honour, caused to be delivered to
him all that was for him necessary, because
he was a stranger and of a far country, and
had not there of his own after his appetite.
And daily there came great complaints to
the prince of the companions, how they
did nmch hurt to men and women of the
country where they lay, so that the people
of that marches would gladly that the prince
should advance forth in his viage, to the
which the prince was right desirous. How-
beit, he was counselled that he should suffer
the feast of Christmas first to pass, to the
intent that they might have winter at their
backs ; to the which counsel the prince
inclined, and somewhat because the princess
his wife was great with child, who took much
thought for his departing ; wherefore the
prince would gladly see her delivered or he
departed, and she on her part was gladder
to have him abide.
All this mean season there was great
provision made for this viage, because they
should enter into a realm where they should
find but small provision ; and while they
thus sojourned at Bordeaux, and that all the
country was full of men of war, the prince
kept oftentimes great council 4 and among
other things, as I was informed, the lord
d'Albret was countermanded with his thou-
sand spears, and a letter was sent to him
from the prince containing thus : ' Sir
d'Albret, sith it is so that we have taken
on us by our voluntary will this viage, the
which we intend shortly to proceed, con-
sidering our great business, charges and
diseases that we have, as well by strangers,
such as entered into our service, as by great
number of the companions, the which
number is so great that we will not leave
them behind us for perils that may ensue,
and also to see how the land may be kept
in mine absence, for all may not go nor yet
all abide behind ; therefore it is ordained
by us and by our council that in this viage
ye shall serve us but with two hundred
spears, and discharge you of the residue
and let them do what them list : and thus
God keep you. From Bordeaux the seventh
PREPARATIONS FOR THE EXPEDITION
165
day of December.' These letters, sealed
with the prince's great seal, were sent to
the lord d'Albret, who was in his own
country right busy to prepare him toward
this viage, for it was said that the prince
should depart shortly. When he saw the
prince's letters, he opened them and read
them two times over, the better to under-
stand them, for he had great marvel of that
he had found written in them, and was in
his mind marvellously displeased, and said :
* How is it that my lord the prince japeth
and mockeththus with me, sith he would that
I should give leave to depart eight hundred
spears, knights and squires, whom by his
commandment I have retained and have let
them of their profit divers other ways.'
And incontinent in that displeasure he
called for his clerk and caused him to write
a letter to the prince in this manner : 'Dear
sir, I am greatly marvelled of the letters ye
have sent me ; and, sir, I cannot well find
nor take counsel how I ought or can answer
you in that behalf, for it turneth to my great
prejudice and blame, and to all my company,
whom I have by your own ordinance and
commandment retained, and they are all
ready apparelled to do you service, and I
have letted them of taking their profit
in other places, whereas they might have
had it ; for some of them were determined
to have gone over the sea into Pruce, to
Constantine, and to Jerusalem, as all knights
and squires doth, to advance themselves.
Sir, they have great marvel and are sore
displeased that they should thus be put out,
and in like wise I have great marvel thereof
and in what manner I have deserved it.
Dear sir, please it you to know, I cannot
assure you of any of them divided from
their company. I am the least and worst
of them all : if any depart, I am in surety
they will all depart. God keep you in his
safe-guard. Written, ' etc. When the prince
heard this answer, he took it of great
presumption, and so did divers knights of
England that were there of his council.
Then the prince shook his head and said
in English, as I was informed, for I was
then in Bordeaux : ' Ah,' said the prince,
* the lord d'Albret is a great master in my
country, when he will break the ordinance
that is devised by my council. By God it
shall not go as he weeneth. Let him abide,
an he will, for without his thousand spears
I trust to God I shall furnish my viage.'
Then certain knights of England that were
there said : * Sir, ye know full little the
minds of these Gascons, nor how proud
they be, nor they love us but little nor never
did. Sir, remember ye not how highly and
greatly they bare themselves against you in
the city of Bordeaux, when that king John
of France was first brought thither ? They
said then and maintained plainly that by
them all only ye attained to achieve that
viage in taking of the king. And that
right well appeared ; for ye were in great
treaty with them the space of four months,
or they would consent that the French king
should be carried into England. First it
behoved you to satisfy their minds, to keep
them in love.' And at those words the
prince held his peace, howbeit his thought
was never the less. This was the first
occasion of the hatred that was after be-
tween the prince and the lord d'Albret.
Thus the lord d'Albret was in great peril ;
for the prince was high and of great courage
and cruel in his heart, for he would other
by right or wrong that every lord under his
commandment should hold of him. But
the earl of Armagnac, uncle to the said lord
d'Albret, when he heard of this displeasure
between the prince and the lord d'Albret
his nephew, then he came to Bordeaux to
the prince, and sir John Chandos and sir
Thomas Felton with him, by whose counsel
the prince was much ordered : and so by
their good means the prince's displeasure
was appeased, so that the lord d'Albret
should bring no more but two hundred
spears ; with the which he was nothing
joyous, nor yet his people, nor never after
he loved so entirely the prince as he did
before. Howbeit there was no remedy but
to bear and pass over his trouble as well as
he might.
Thus, while the prince was making of his
provision and abiding the coming of his
brother the duke of Lancaster, the princess
travailed, and through the grace of God she
was delivered of a fair son on the day of
the three kings of Cologne, the which was,
as that year went, on a Wednesday, at the
hour of three or thereabout. Whereof the
prince and all his people were right joyous ;
and the Friday after he was christened at
noon in the church of Saint Andrew in the
city of Bordeaux. The archbishop of the
i66
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
same place christened him, and the bishop
of Agen in Agenois and the king of
Mallorca were his godfathers. And this
child had to name Richard, who was after-
ward king of England, as ye shall hear in
this history.
The Sunday after, the hour of prime,
departed from Bordeaux the prince with
great triumph, and all other men of war.
Howbeit the most part of his host were
passed on before and lay about the city of
Ast in Gascoyne, and the prince the same
Sunday at night came to the same city and
there tarried a three days ; for then it was
shewed him that the duke of Lancaster his
brother was coming and had passed the sea
a five days before and was arrived in
Bretayne at Saint Matthew's of Fine-Pos-
terne,^ and so was come to Nantes, where
the duke of Bretayne greatly feasted him.
Then the duke of Lancaster passed through
Poitou and Saintonge and came to Blaye,
and there passed the river of Gironde and
so came to Bordeaux and went to the abbey
of Saint Andrew, where the princess lay,
who joyously received him, and so did all
other ladies and damosels that were there.
Then the duke thought to tarry there no
longer, but took his leave of his sister the
princess and departed with all his company,
and rode so long that he came to the city
of Ast, where he found the prince his
brother. They made great joy each of
other, for they loved together entirely :
there was great tokens of love shewed
between them and their company. And
anon after the duke of Lancaster's coming
thither came the earl of Foix and made
great reverence and cheer to the prince and
to his brother, and offered himself in all
points to be at their commandment. The
prince, who could well honour all lords
according to their estates, honoured him
greatly and thanked him of his coming
thither ; and after the prince gave him the
charge of his country in his absence, de-
siring him to keep it well till his return.
The earl joyously accorded to his desire,
and then took leave and departed home into
his country ; and the prince and the duke
1 Saint -Matthieu -de- Fine -terre, a Benedictine
abbey at the extremity of Brittany. From the
Latin name, Sanctus Matthceus de Fine postremo,
Froissart has made ' Saint-Mathieu-de-Fine-Pos-
terne.'
of Lancaster his brother sported them in the
city of Ast, and all their people spread
abroad in the country about the entry of
the passages of Navarre ; for as then they
were not in certain if they should pass that
way or not, yet the king of Navarre had
promised to open his passages : for words
ran through the host that newly he was
agreed with the king Henry, whereof the
prince and his council had great marvel and
the king don Peter was right sore displeased.
And in this mean season, while these
words thus ran, sir Hugh Calverley and his
people approached to Navarre and took the
city of Miranda and the town of the Queen's
Bridge,^ whereof all the country was sore
affrayed, the which tidings came to the king
of Navarre. And when he perceived that
these companions would enter into his land
by force, he was sore displeased and wrote
word thereof to the prince : and the prince
let the matter pass briefly, because the king
of Navarre, as he thought, kept not true
promise with king don Peter. Then the
prince wrote to him that he should excuse
himself of the words that was laid on him ;
for it was there openly said that he was
clean turned to king Henry. And when
the king of Navarre understood that treason
was laid on him, then he was more angry
than he was before. Then he sent a knight
to the prince, called sir Martin Carra ; he
came to the city of Ast to excuse the king
of Navarre, and he demeaned himself so
wisely that the prince was appeased of his
displeasure, so that the same knight should
return into Navarre to the king his master,
causing him to come to Saint -John's de
Pied-de-Port,2 and the prince to take coun-
sel if he should go and speak with him, or
else to send sufficient messengers to him.
Thus this sir Martin Carra departed from
the prince and returned into Navarre to the
king, and shewed him how he had sped
and in what condition he had found the
prince and his council, and also on what
condition he was departed from them.
This knight did so much that he brought
the king of Navarre to Saint-John's, and
then he went to the city of Ast to the
prince. And when the prince knew that
the king of Navarre was at Saint-John's de
Pied-de-Port, then he determined to send
1 Puente-la-reyna.
2 Saint-Jean-Pied-de-Port.
I
THE PASSAGE OF THE MOUNTAINS, 1367
167
to him the duke of Lancaster his brother
and sir John Chandos ; and so these two
lords with a small company rode to the town
of Saint-John's with this said knight, and
there the king of Navarre received them
right joyously, and there had long counsel
together. Finally it was accorded that the
king of Navarre should approach nearer to
the prince to a certain place called Peyre-
horade, and thither the prince and king don
Peter should come to speak with him and
there to renew all their covenants and there
each of them to know what they should
have. All that the king of Navarre did
before was to the intent to be the better
assured of their promises than he thought
himself he was : for he doubted that if the
companions were entered into his country,
and this treaty and accord between them
not sealed, then he feared he should not
have that he desired, when he would.
On this treaty returned the duke of
Lancaster and sir John Chandos, and re-
counted to the prince and to king don
Peter how they had sped ; the which pleased
them right well, and so kept their day and
came to the place assigned, and also the
king of Navarre and the most special of his
council. And there were these three lords,
the king don Peter, the prince of Wales and
the duke of Lancaster on the one party, and
the king of Navarre on the other party,
long communing together ; and there it was
devised and accorded what every man should
have, and there was renewed the treaty among
them. And there the king of Navarre
knew the certainty what he should have of
the realm of Castile, and king don Peter
and he sware good love, peace and con-
federation between them and departed
amiably asunder ; and then their host
might pass when it pleased them, for the
passages and straits were opened and
victuals apparelled through all the realm of
Navarre for their money.
Then the king of Navarre went to the
city of Pampelone, and the prince and his
brother and king don Peter went to the city
of Ast. And as then there were divers
knights and lords of Poitou, of Bretayne
and of Gascoyne not come to the prince's
host, but tarried behind ; for as it hath been
said before it was not fully known whether
the prince should have passage or not, till
the end of this treaty was concluded ; and
specially in France it was supposed that he
should not pass that way, but rather that
the king of Navarre should have broken
his viage, the which fell contrary. And
when these knights and squires knew the
certainty thereof and perceived that the
passages were opened, then they advanced
themselves as fast as they might, for they
knew well that the prince would pass shortly
and not return again without battle.
Thither came the lord Clisson with a fair
company of men of arms, and at last came
with an evil will the lord d'Albret with two
hundred spears, and all that viage he kept
company with the captal of Buch. And all
this matter and confederations knowledge
thereof was had in France, for always there
were messengers coming and going, report-
ing alway that they knew or heard. And
when sir Bertram of Guesclin, who was
with the duke of Anjou, knew how the
prince was passed and how the passages of
Navarre were opened to them, then he en-
forced his summons and thought surely the
matter should not be ended without battle.
Then he took his way toward Aragon to
come to king Henry as fast as he might,
and all manner of people followed him,
such as were commanded, and divers other
of the realm of France and other places,
such as thought to advance themselves to
get honour.
CHAPTER CCXXXIV
Of the passage of the prince, and how he
passed, and all his company.
Between Saint-John's de Pied-de-Port and
the city of Pampelone under the mountains
there are straits and perilous passages, for
there is a hundred places on the same pas-
sages that a hundred men may keep a
passage against all the world. Also it was
at the same season very cold, for it was
about the month of February when they
passed. But or they passed, they took
wise counsel how and by what means they
should pass ; for it was shewed them plainly
that they could not pass all at once, and
therefore they ordained that they should
pass in three battles three sundry days, as
the Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday ; the
Monday the vaward, whereof was captain
the duke of Lancaster, and in his company
1 68
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
the constable of Acquitaine sir John Chan-
dos, who had twelve hundred pennons of
his arms, the field silver, a sharp pile gules,
and with him was the two marshals of
Acquitaine, as sir Guichard d'Angle and sir
Stephen Cosington, and with them was the
pennon of Saint George. There was also sir
William Beauchamp, son to the earl of
Warwick, sir Hugh Hastings, and the lord
Nevill, who served sir John Chandos with
thirty spears in that viage at his own charge
because of the taking of the battle of
Auray ; ^ and also there was the lord
d'Aubeterre, sir Garsis of the Castle, sir
Richard of Tanton, sir Robert Cheyne, sir
Robert Briquet, John Creswey, Amery of
the Rochechouart, Gaillard of la Motte,
William of Clifton, Willekos the Butler and
Penneriel. All these were there with their
pennons under sir John Chandos' rule :
they were to the number of ten thousand
horses, and all these passed the Monday,
as is before said.
The Tuesday passed the prince of Wales
and king don Peter, and also the king of
Navarre, who was come again to the prince
to bear him company and to ensign him the
ready passage. And with the prince there
was sir Louis of Harcourt, the viscount of
Chatelleraut, the viscount of Rochechouart,
the lord of Partenay, the lord of Poyane,
the lord of Tannay - Bouton, and all the
Poitevins, sir Thomas Felton, great seneschal
of Acquitaine, sir William his brother, sir
Eustace d'Aubrecicourt, the seneschal of
Saintonge, the seneschal of Rochelle, the
seneschal of Quercy, the seneschal of
Limousin, the seneschal of Agenois, the
seneschal of Bigorre, sir Richard of Pont-
chardon, sir Niel Loring, sir d'Aghorisses,
sir Thomas Banaster, sir Louis of Melval,
sir Raymond of Mareuil, the lord of Pierre-
bufifiere, and to the number of four thousand
men of arms, and they were a ten thousand
horses. The same Tuesday they had evil
passage because of wind and snow : how-
beit they passed forth and lodged in the
county of Pampelone, and the king of
Navarre brought the prince and the king
don Peter into the city of Pampelone to
supper and made them great cheer.
1 That is, in quittance of his ransom, because
made prisoner at Auray ; but it was not the lord de
Neufville of whom this should be said, but the lord
de Retz, whose name has dropped out.
The Wednesday passed the king James ^^
of Mallorca and the earl of Armagnac, the^f
earl d'Albret his nephew, sir Bernard^H
d'Albret, lord of Geronde, the earl of '
Perigord, the viscount of Caraman, the
earl of Comminges, the captal of Buch, the
lord of Clisson, the three brethren of
Pommiers, sir John, sir Elie and sir
Aymenion, the lord of Caumont, the lord
of Mussidan, sir Robert Knolles, the lord
Lesparre, the lord of Condom, the lord of
Rauzan, sir Petiton of Curton, sir Aymery
of Tastes, the lord de la Barthe, sir Bertram
of Tastes, the lord of Puycornet, sir Thomas
of Winstanley, sir Perducas d'Albret, the
bourg of Breteuil, Naudan of Bageran,
Bernard de la Salle, Ortingo, I'Amit and
all the other of the companions, and they
were a ten thousand horse. They had more
easy passage than those that passed the
day before ; and so all the whole host
lodged in the county of Pampelone, abiding
each other, refreshing them and their
horses.
They lay still thus about Pampelone the
space of three days, because they found the
country plentiful both in flesh, bread, wine
and all other purveyances for them and for
their horses. Howbeit these companions
paid not for everything, as was demanded
of them, nor they could not abstain from
robbing and pilling that they could get ; so
that about Pampelone and in the way they
did much trouble and hurt, wherewith the
king of Navarre was right sore displeased,
but he could not as then amend it : but he
repented him oftentimes that he had opened
his passages to the prince and to his com-
pany, for he perceived well how he had
thereby more hurt than profit. Howbeit the
season was not then for him to say all that
he thought, for he saw well and considered
that he was not as then master of his own
country. So he had daily great complaints
made to him of one and other of his country,
wherewith his heart was sore constrained
for displeasure, but he could not remedy
it. Howbeit he caused some of his council,
such as knew well these companions and
had been in their company in France, in
Normandy and in divers other places, to
desire them to abstain themselves from
robbing and pilling the country as they did ;
to whom they promised so to do.
I
PREPARATIONS OF KING HENRY
169
I
CHAPTER CCXXXV
Of the great summons that king Henry
made, and how he sent to the prince to
summon him to fight, and how sir Oliver
of Manny took the king of Navarre
prisoner.
King Henry of Spain was well informed
of the prince's passage, for he had his
messengers and spies daily coming and
going : therefore he provided for men of
arms and commons of the realm of Castile
to the intent to resist the prince and his
brother don Peter, and daily he tarried for
the coming of sir Bertram of Guesclin with
great succours out of France. And he had
sent a special commandment throughout
all his realm to all his subjects on pain of
their lives, goods and lands, that every
man according to his estate other afoot or
a-horseback to come to him to aid and
defend his realm ; and this king Henry
was well beloved, and also they of Castile
had before much pain and trouble to aid
to make him king, therefore they obeyed
to him the rather ; and so daily they resorted
to him to Saint Dominic ^ to the number of
threescore thousand men afoot and a-horse-
back, all ready to do his commandment
and pleasure, and to live and die with him,
if need require.
And when this king Henry heard certain
word how the prince with all his host was
in the realm of Navarre and had passed
the straits of Roncesvaulx, then he knew
well there was remedy but to fight with
the prince, of the which he made semblant
to be right joyous, and said openly on high :
' Ah, the prince of Wales is a valiant knight,
and because he shall know that this is my
right and that I abide and look to fight
with him, I will write to him part of mine
intent. ' Then he sent for a clerk and he
wrote a letter thus : ' To the right puissant
and honourable lord prince of Wales and
Acquitaine. It is given us to knowledge
that you and your people are passed the
ports and are drawing hitherward, and how
that ye have made accord and alliance
with our enemy, and that your intent is to
make war against us. We have thereof
great marvel, for we never forfeited to you,
1 San Domingo de la Calzada.
nor would not do. Wherefore then are ye
come with such a great army thus on us,
to take from us so little an heritage as God
hath given us? Ye have the grace and
fortune in arms more than any prince
now living ; wherefore we think ye glorify
yourself in your puissance : and because
we knew the certainty that ye seek to give
us battle, we will that ye know that where-
soever ye enter into Castile ye shall find us
before you to keep and defend this our
seignory. Written,' etc. And when this
letter was sealed, he called to him an herald
and said : ' Go thy way as fast as thou
mayst to the prince of Wales, and bear
him this letter from me.' So the herald
departed and took the way through Navan-e
till he found the prince. Then he kneeled
down and delivered him the letter from
king Henry. The prince read the letter
a two times, the better to understand it,
and then he sent for certain of his council
and made the herald to depart a little
aside. Then the prince read the letter to
his council, demanding them advice in that
matter ; and in the mean season the prince
said to his council : ' Ah, I see well this
bastard is a stout knight and full of great
prowess, and sheweth great hardiness thus
to write to us.' Thus the prince and his
council were long together ; howbeit finally
they agreed not to write again by the herald.
Then it was shewed to him how he must
abide a season, for the prince at his pleasure
would write again by him and by none
other : therefore he was commanded to
tarry till he had his answer. Thus the
herald tarried there still at his ease and
pleasure.
The same day that the herald brought
these letters, sir Thomas Felton advanced
himself forth and demanded of the prince a
gift. Then the prince enquired of him
what it was that he would desire. ' Sir,'
quoth he, * I require you to give me licence
to depart out of your host and to ride on
before. There be divers knights and squires
of my company desiring to advance them-
selves ; and, sir, I promise you we shall
ride so forward, that we shall know the
behaving of our enemies and what way
they draw and where they lodge.' The
prince granted him with right a good will
his request, whereof he thanked the prince
and so departed out of the host as chief
[70
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
captain of that enterprise ; and in his com-
pany was sir William Felton his brother,
sir Thomas du Fort, sir Robert KnoUes,
sir Gaillard Vigier, sir Ralph Hastings, sir
d'Aghorisses and divers other knights and
squires ; and they were a seven score, and
three hundred archers, all well horsed and
good men of arms. And also there was sir
Hugh Stafford, sir Richard Tanton and sir
Simon Burley, who ought not to be for-
gotten. These men of arms rode through
Navarre by such guides as they had and
came to the river of Ebro, the which is
rude and deep ; and so they passed and
lodged in a village called Navaret : there
they held themselves, the better to know
and hear where king Henry was.
In the mean season, while these knights
thus lodged at Navaret and the prince in
the marches of Pampelone, the same time
the king of Navarre was taken prisoner, as
he rode from one town to another, by
the French party by sir Oliver of Mauny,
whereof the prince and all his part had
great marvel. And some in the prince's
host supposed it was done by a cautel by
his own means, because he would convey
the prince no further nor go in his company,
because he knew not how the matter should
go between king Henry and king don
Peter. Howbeit, the queen his wife was
thereof sore dismayed and discomforted,
and came and kneeled on her knees before
the prince and said : ' Dear sir, for God's
sake have mercy and intend on the deliver-
ance of the king my husband, who is taken
fraudulently and as yet cannot be known
how. Therefore, sir, we desire you for
the love of God that we may have him
again. ' Then the prince answered : ' Cer-
tainly, fair lady and cousin, his taking to
us is right displeasant, and we trust to
provide remedy for him shortly. Where-
fore we desire you to comfort yourself; for
this our viage once achieved, we shall
intend to no other thing but for his deliver-
ance.' Then the queen of Navarre re-
turned. And there was a noble knight,
sir Martin Carra, who undertook to guide
the prince through the realm of Navarre,
and did get him guides for his people : for
otherwise they could not have kept the
right way through the straits and perilous
passage. So thus the prince departed from
thence, thereas he was lodged, and he and
his company passed through a place named
Sarris,^ the which was right perilous to
pass, for it was narrow and an evil way.
There were many sore troubled for lack of
victual, for they found but little in that
passage till they came to Sauveterre.
Sauveterre is a good town and is in a
good country and a plentiful, as to the
marches thereabout. ^ This town is at the
utter bounds of Navarre and on the entering
into Spain, This town held with king
Henry. So then the prince's host spread
abroad that country, and the companions
advanced themselves to assail the town of
Sauveterre and to take it by force and to
rob and pill it, whereunto they had great
desire because of the great riches that they
knew was within the town, the which they
of the country had brought thither on trust
of the strength of the town. But they of
the town thought not to abide that peril,
for they knew well they could not long
endure nor resist against so great an host.
Therefore they came out and rendered
themselves to king don Peter, and cried
him mercy and presented to him the keys
of the town. The king don Peter by
counsel of the prince took them to mercy ;
or else he would not have done it, for by
his will he would have destroyed them all :
howbeit, they were all received to mercy,
and the prince, king don Peter and the
king of Mallorca with the duke of Lan-
caster entered into the town, and the earl of
Armagnac and all other lodged thereabout
in villages. Now let us leave the prince
there, and somewhat speak of his men that
were at the town of Navaret.
The foresaid knights that were there
greatly desired to advance their bodies ;
for they were a five days' journey from
their own host, whereas they departed
from them first. And oftentimes they,
issued out of Navaret and rode to th
marches of their enemies, to learn what
their enemies intended. And this kini
Henry was lodged in the field, and at
his host, desiring greatly to hear tidings
of the prince, marvelling greatly that his
herald returned not. And oftentimes his
men rode near to Navaret to learn and to
hear some tidings of the Englishmen, and
d .,
i
1 Echarri.
2 ' Selonch les marces voisines,' ' in comparison
with the neighbouring regions.'
\
THE PRINCE OF WALES AT NAVARETTA
171
the earl don Tello brother to the king don
Henry was certainly informed that there
were men of war in garrison in the town
of Navaret, wherefore he thought to go
and see them more nearer. But first on
a day the knights of England rode out of
Navaret in an evening so far forth, that
they came to king Henry's lodging and
made there a great skirmish and marvel-
lously awoke the host and slew and took
divers, and specially the knight that kept
the watch was taken without recovery, and
so returned again to Navaret without any
damage. And the next day they sent to
the prince an herald, who was as then at
Sauveterre, signifying him what they had
done and seen, and what puissance his
enemies were of, and where they were
lodged ; for they knew all this well by the
information of such prisoners as they had
taken. Of these tidings the prince was
right joyous, in that his knights had so
well borne themselves on the frontier of
his enemies.
King Henry, who was right sore dis-
pleased that the Englishmen that lay at
Navaret had thus escried his host, said
how he would approach nearer to his
enemies, and so advanced forward. And
when sir Thomas Felton and his company
at Navaret knew that king Henry was
passed the water and drew forward to find
the prince, then they determined to depart
from Navaret and to take the fields and to
know more certainty of the Spaniards.
And so they did, and sent word to the
prince how that king Henry approached
fast, and by seeming desiring greatly to
find him and his men. And the prince, who
was as then at Sauveterre, when he under-
stood that king Henry was passed the
water and took his way to come to fight
with him, he was right joyous, and said
a-high that every man heard him : ' By
my faith this bastard Henry is a valiant
knight and a hardy, for it is sign of great
prowess that he seeketh thus for us ;
and sith he doth so and we in like wise
him, by all reason we ought to meet and
fight together. Therefore it were good
that we departed from hence, and go for-
ward, and to get Vittoria, or our enemies
come there.' And so the next morning
they departed from Sauveterre, first the
prince and all his battle, and he did so
much that he came before Vittoria, and
there he found sir Thomas Felton and the
foresaid knights, to whom he made great
cheer and demanded them of divers things.
And as they were devising together, their
currours came and reported that they had
seen the currours of their enemies, wherefore
they knew for certain that king Henry and
his host was not far off by reason of the
demeaning that they had seen among the
Spaniards. "When the prince understood
these tidings, he caused his trumpets to
sown and cried alarum throughout all the
host. And when every man heard that,
then they drew to their order and array
and ranged them in battle ready to fight ;
for every man knew, or he departed from
Sauveterre, what he should do and what
order to take, the which they did incon-
tinent.
There might have been seen great noble-
ness, and banners and pennons beaten with
arms waving in the wind. What should
I say more? It was great nobleness to
behold. The vaward was so well ranged
that it was marvel to behold, whereof the
duke of Lancaster was chief and with him
sir John Chandos constable of Acquitaine
with a great company, and in those battles
there were made divers new knights. The
duke of Lancaster in the vaward made
new knights, as sir Ralph Camoys, sir
Walter Urswick, sir Thomas Dammery,
sir John Grandison and other to the
number of twelve ; and sir John Chandos
made divers English squires knights, as
Gorton, Glinton, Prior, William of Faring-
don, Amery of Rochechouart, Gaillard de
la Motte and Robert Briquet. The prince
made first knight don Peter king of Spain,
sir Thomas Holland, son to his wife the
princess, sir Hugh, sir Philip and sir Peter
Courtenay, sir John Trivet and Nicholas
Bond and divers other : and in like wise
so did divers other lords in their battles.
There were made that day three hundred
new knights or more, and all that day they
were still ready ranged in the battle to
abide for their enemies, but they came no
farther forward that day but thereas the
currours had seen them ; for king Henry
tarried for succours that should come to
him out of Aragon, and specially for sir
Bertram of Guesclin, who was coming to
him with a four thousand fighting men, for
172
THE CHRONICLES OE FROISSART
without them he thought he would not
fight ; whereof the prince was right joyous,
for his arearguard, wherein were six thousand
men, was behind him a seven leagues of
that country, whereof the prince was sore
displeased in his heart that they tarried so
long. Howbeit, if his enemies had come
on forward the same day, he was fully
determined to have received and fought
with them.
And in the same evening the two
marshals, sir d'Angle and sir Stephen
Cosington, commanded every man to draw
to their lodging, and in the next morning
to be ready at sowning of the trumpets,
every man in the same order as they had
been all that day : and so every man obeyed
saving sir Thomas Felton and such com-
pany as he had before. The same evening
they departed from the prince and rode
forward a two leagues nearer to their
enemies, to know what they did. And
that evening the earl don Tello, brother to
king Henry, was with him in his lodging
and talked together of divers deeds of arms
and adventures : and at last he said to his
brother : ' Sir, ye know well our enemies
are lodged not far from us, and yet there
is none that hath aviewed them. Sir, I
require you give me leave that in the
morning I may ride toward them with a
certain number, such as hath great desire
so to do ; and, sir, I promise you I shall
ride so near them that we will bring you
certain knowledge what they do.' And
this king Henry, when he saw the desire
of his brother, agreed thereto lightly. The
same proper hour sir Bertram of Guesclin
came to their host with a three thousand
fighting men of France and of Aragon ;
whereof the king and all his company were
right joyous, and honourably received him
and his company. The earl don Tello
forgat not his purpose, but desired such to
go as pleased him, and would gladly have
desired sir Bertram of Guesclin and sir
Arnold d'Audrehem, the Begue of Villaines
and the viscount of Roquebertin of Aragon,
but because they were so lately come to
the host, he let them alone, and also the
king Henry charged him in no wise to
speak thereof. So the earl don Tello let
it pass and took with him other of France
and of Aragon, so that he was to the
number of six thousand horses well appar-
elled, and with him his brother Sancho in
his company.
CHAPTER CCXXXVI
How certain of the company of the duke of
Lancaster's were discomfited, and of the
counsel that king Henry would not believe ;
and of the letters that the prince wrote to
king Henry, and of the counsel that sir
Bertram of Guesclin gave to the answer of
the same letters.
SUMMARY. — In the eticounters of ad-
vanced parties king Henry had the better
and sir Thomas Felton and his company
were all slain or taken. The English host set
themselves in array on a certain hill. Sir
Arnold d'Audrehem counselled king Henry
to stop the passes and starve his enemies,
but he would not take that counsel, being
desirous to fight.
The chapter thus continues : —
The prince of Wales and the duke of
Lancaster were all the said day on the
mountain, and at night they were informed
of their men that were thus taken and
slain, wherewith they were sore displeased,
but they could not amend it. Then they
drew to their lodging, and the next morning
the prince took counsel and determined to
depart from thence, and so he did and
went and lodged before Vittoria, and there
stood in battle ready to fight, for it was
informed the prince how that king Henry
and his brother and their company were
not far thence ; but they came not forward.
The prince and his company had great lack
of victuals and provision for themselves and
for their horses, for they were lodged but
in an evil country and a hard, and king
Henry and his company lay in a good
fruitful country. In the prince's host a loaf
of bread was sold for a florin, every man
glad so to give, and more an they could
have got it ; also the time was foul and
troublous of wind, rain and snow ; and in
this danger and disease they w^ere six days.
And when the prince saw that the Spaniards
came not forward to fight, and that they
were there in great distress, then they
determined to go and seek for passage at
some other place. Then they dislodged
LETTER OF THE PRINCE OF WALES
173
and took the way to Navaret, and passed
through a country called the country of the
Gard,^ and when they were passed, then
they came to a town called Viane. There
the prince and the duke of Lancaster re-
freshed them, and the earl of Armagnac
and the other lords, a two days. Then they
went and passed the river that departeth
Castile and Navarre at the bridge of Log-
rono among the gardens under the olives,
and there they found a better country than
they were in before ; howbeit, they had
great default of victual. And when that
king Henry knew that the prince and his
people were passed the river at Logrono,
then he departed from Saint- Vincent, where
he had long lain, and went and lodged
before Nazres ^ on the same river. When
the prince heard that king Henry was
approached, he was right joyous and said
openly : ' By Saint George this bastard
seemeth to be a valiant knight, sith he
desireth so sore to find us. I trust we shall
find each other shortly.' Then the prince
called to him the duke of Lancaster his
brother and divers other of his council, and
then he wrote an answer to king Henry of
the letter that he had sent him before, the
tenour whereof followeth : ' Edward, by the
grace of God prince of Wales and Acqui-
taine, to the right honourable and renowned
Henry earl of Trastemar, who at this
present time calleth himself king of Castile.
Sith it is so that ye have sent to us your
letters by your herald, wherein were con-
tained divers articles, making mention how
ye would gladly know why we take to our
friend and lover your enemy our cousin the
king don Peter, and by what title we make
you war and are entered with an army royal
into Castile, we answer thereto : know ye
for truth it is to sustain the right and to
maintain reason, as it appertaineth to all
kings and princes so to do, and also to
entertain the great alliances that the king
of England my dear father and king don
1 La Guardia.
2 Najara. The French text followed by the
translator gives ' Navaret ' indiscriminately for
Navaretta and Najara, which last is in the better
MSS. given as Nazres. This causes great confusion
in the narrative, for which of course the translator
is not responsible. Where a distinction of some
kind is necessary, as in the passage which says
that the battle was fought between Najara and
Navaretta, the text says ' between Navarre and
Navaret.'
Peter have had long together. And be-
cause ye are renowned a right valiant
knight, we would gladly, an we could,
accord you and him together ; and we
shall do so much to our cousin don Peter
that ye shall have a great part of the realm
of Castile, but as for the crown and heritage,
ye must renounce. Sir, take counsel in
this case ; and as for our entering into
Castile we will enter thereas we think best
at our own pleasure. Written at Logrono
the thirtieth day of March.'
When this letter was written, it was
closed and sealed, and delivered to the
same herald that brought the other and had
tarried for an answer more than three
weeks. Then he departed from the
presence of the prince, and rode so long
that he came to Nazres, among the bushes^
where king Henry was lodged, and drew to
the king's lodging. And the most part of
the great lords of the host came thither to
hear what tidings their herald had brought.
Then the herald kneeled down and delivered
the king the letter from the prince. The
king took and opened it and called to him
sir Bertram of Guesclin and divers other
knights of his council. There the letter
was read and well considered. Then sir
Bertram said to the king, ' Sir, know for
truth ye shall have battle shortly ; I know
so well the prince. Therefore, sir, look
well on the matter : it is necessary that ye
take good heed to all your business, and
order your people and your battles. ' ' Sir
Bertram,' quoth the king, 'be it in the
name of <}od. The puissance of the prince
I doubt nothing, for I have three thousand
barded horses, the which shall be two
wings to our battle, and I have also seven
thousand genetours, and well twenty
thousand men of arms of the best that can
be found in all Castile, Galice, Portugal,
Cordowan and Seville, and ten thousand
good cross-bows, and threescore thousand of
other men afoot with darts, spears, lances
and other habiliments for the war : and all
these have sworn not to fail me to die in
the pain. Therefore, sir Bertram, I trust
to have victory by the grace of God, on
whom is my trust, and my right that I have
in the quarrel. Therefore, lords, I desire
you all to be of good courage.'
1 Or, ' upon the heath- *
174
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
CHAPTER CCXXXVII
How the prince commanded his people to be
ready to fight, and how king Henry
ordained his battles ; and how they fought
fiercely together, and of the comfort that
king Henry did to his people.
Thus, as ye have heard, king Henry and
sir Bertram of Guesclin devised together of
divers matters and left talking of the prince's
letter : for it was king Henry's intention to
have battle, and so intended to order his
field and people. The earl don Tello and
his brother sir Sancho were greatly re-
nowned in their host for the journey that
they had made before, as ye have heard.
The prince the Friday the second day of
April dislodged from Logrono and ad-
vanced forward arranged in battle ready to
fight, for he knew well that king Henry
was not far thence. And so that day he
advanced two leagues, and at three of the
day he came before Navaret and there took
his lodging. Then the prince sent forth
his currours to aview his enemies and to
know where they were lodged, and then
they departed from the host and rode so
forward that they saw all their enemies'
host, who were lodged before Nazres.^ So
they brought report thereof to the prince,
and in the evening the prince caused secretly
to be shewed through all the host that at
the first sowning of the trumpets every man
to apparel himself, and at the second to be
armed, and at the third to leap a-horseback
and to follow the marshals' banners with
the pennon of Saint George, and that none
on pain of death advance before them with-
out he be commanded so to do.
In like manner as the prince had done
the same Friday in sending out his currours,
so did king Henry on his part, to know
where the prince was lodged. And when
he had true report thereof, then the king
called sir Bertram of Guesclin and took
counsel and advice how to persevere. Then
they caused their people to sup and after to
go to rest, to be the more fresher, and at
the hour of midnight to be ready apparelled
and to draw to the field and to ordain their
1 The translator says, 'who were also lodged
before Navaret,' but this is part of the same con-
fusion as was noted before.
battles, for he knew well the next day he
should have battle. So that night the
Spaniards took their ease and rest, for they
had well wherewith so to do, as plenty of
victuals and other things ; and the English-
men had great default, therefore they had
great desire to fight, other to win or to
lose all.
After midnight the trumpets sounded in
king Henry's host. Then every man made
him ready. At the second blast they drew
out of their lodgings and ordered three
battles. The first had sir Bertram of
Guesclin, lord Robert of Roquebertin and
the earl Dune of Aragon ; and there were
all the strangers, as well of France as of
other countries, and there were two barons
of Hainault, the lord d'Antoing and sir
Alard lord of Briffeuil : there was also the
Begue of Villaines, the Begue of Villiers,
sir John of Berguettes, sir Gawain of Bail-
leul, the Alemant of Saint-Venant, who
was there made knight, and divers other of
France, Aragon and Provence and of the
marches thereabout. There was well in
that battle four thousand knights and
squires well armed and dressed after the
usage of France. The second battle had
the earl don Tello and his brother the earl
Sancho, and in that battle with the gene-
tours there were fifteen thousand afoot and
a-horseback, and they drew them a little
aback on the left hand of the first, battle.
The third battle and the greatest of all
governed king Henry himself; and in his
company there were a seven thousand
horsemen and threescore thousand afoot,
with the cross-bows : so in all three battles
he was a fourscore and six thousand a-horse-
back and afoot. Then king Henry leapt
on a strong mule after the usage of the
country and rode from battle to battle,
right sweetly praying every man that day
to employ himself to defend and keep their
honour, and so he shewed himself so cheer-
fully that every man was joyful to behold
him. Then he went again to his own
battle, and by that time it was daylight,
and then about the sun -rising he ad-
vanced forth toward Navaret to find his
enemies, in good order of battle ready to
fight.
The prince of Wales at the breaking of
the day was ready in the field arranged in
battle, and advanced forward in good order,
I
I
I
BATTLE OF N AJAR A, 1367 {Aprils)
175
for he knew well he should encounter his
enemies. So there were none that went
before the marshals' battles but such
currours as were appointed : so thus the
lords of both hosts knew by the report of
their currours that they should shortly meet.
So they went forward an hosting pace each
toward other, and when the sun was rising
up, it was a great beauty to behold the
battles and the armours shining against the
sun. So thus they went forward till they
approached near together : then the prince
and his company went over a little hill, and
in the descending thereof they perceived
clearly their enemies coming toward them.
And when they were all descended down
this mountain, then every man drew to
their battles and kept them still and so
rested them, and every man dressed and
apparelled himself ready to fight. Then
sir John Chandos brought his banner rolled
up together to the prince, and said : * Sir,
behold here is my banner : I require you
display it abroad and give me leave this
day to raise it ; for, sir, I thank God and
you, I have land and heritage sufficient to
maintain it withal.' Then the prince and
king don Peter took the banner between
their hands and spread it abroad, the which
was of silver, a sharp pile gules, and de-
livered it to him and said : * Sir John,
behold here your banner. God send you
joy and honour thereof.' Then sir John
Chandos bare his banner to his own com-
pany and said : ' Sirs, behold here my
banner and yours : keep it as your own.'
And they took it and were right joyful
thereof, and said that by the pleasure of
God and Saint George they would keep
and defend it to the best of their powers ;
and so the banner abode in the hands of a
good English squire called William Alery,
who bare it that day and acquitted himself
right nobly. Then anon after, the English-
men and Gascons alighted off their horses
and every man drew under their own
banner and standard in array of battle
ready to fight. It was great joy to see and
consider the banners and pennons and the
noble armoury ^ that was there.
Then the battles began a little to
advance, and then the prince of Wales
opened his eyen and regarded toward
heaven, and joined his hands together and
1 i.e. Display of arms on banners and pennons.
said : ' Very God, Jesu Christ,^ who hath
formed and created me, consent by your
benign grace that I may have this day
victory of mine enemies, as that I do is in
a rightful quarrel, to sustain and to aid this
king chased out of his own heritage, the
which giveth me courage to advance my-
self to re-establish him again into his realm.'
And then he laid his right hand on king
don Peter, who was by him, and said :
' Sir king, ye shall know this day if ever
ye shall have any part of the realm of
Castile or not. Therefore advance banners,
in the name of God and Saint George.'
With those words the duke of Lancaster
and sir John Chandos approached, and the
duke said to sir William Beauchamp : ' Sir
William, behold yonder our enemies. This
day ye shall see me a good knight, or else
to die in the quarrel.' And therewith they
approached their enemies.
And first the duke of Lancaster and sir
John Chandos' battle assembled with the
battle of sir Bertram of Guesclin and of the
marshal sir Arnold d'Audrehem, who were
a four thousand men of arms. So at the
first brunt there was a sore encounter with
spears and shields, and they were a certain
space or any of them could get within
other. There was many a deed of arms
done and many a man reversed and cast to
the earth, that never after was relieved.
And when these two first battles were thus
assembled, the other battles would not
long tarry behind, but approached and
assembled together quickly. And so the
prince and his battle came on the earl
Sancho's battle, and with the prince was
king don Peter of Castile and sir Martin
de la Carra, who represented the king of
Navarre. And at the first meeting that
the prince met with the earl Sancho's
battle, the earl and his brother fled away
without order or good array, and wist not
why, and a two thousand spears with him.
So this second battle was opened and anon
discomfited, for the captal of Buch and the
lord Clisson and their company came on
them afoot and slew and hurt many of
them. Then the prince's battle with king
don Peter came and joined with the battle
of king Henry, whereas there were three-
score thousand men afoot and a-horseback.
1 'Vray dieu, pere Jesu Christ,' 'Very God,
father of Jesu Christ.'
L
176
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
There the battle began to be fierce and
cruel on all parts, for the Spaniards and
Castilians had slings, wherewith they cast
stones in such wise, that therewith they
clave and brake many a bassenet and helm
and hurt many a man and overthrew them
to the earth ; and the archers of England
shot fiercely and hurt [the] Spaniards
grievously and brought them to great mis-
chief. The one part cried, ' Castile for
king Henry ! ' and the other part, ' Saint
George, Guyenne ! ' And the first battle,
as the duke of Lancaster and sir John
Chandos and the two marshals sir Guichard
d'Angle and sir Stephen Cosington, fought
with sir Bertram of Guesclin and with the
other knights of France and of Aragon.
There was done many a deed of arms, so
it was hard for any of them to open other's
battle. Divers of them held their spears
in both their hands, foining and pressing
each at other, and some fought with short
swords and daggers. Thus at the begin-
ning the Frenchmen and they of Aragon
fought valiantly, so that the good knights
of England endured much pain. That day
sir John Chandos was a good knight and
did under his banner many a noble feat of
arms. He adventured himself so far, that
he was closed in among his enemies and so
sore overpressed that he was felled down
to the earth ; and on him there fell a great
and big man of Castile called Martin Fer-
rant, who was greatly renowned of hardi-
ness among the Spaniards, and he did his
intent to have slain sir John Chandos, who
lay under him in great danger. Then sir
John Chandos remembered of a knife that
he had in his bosom and drew it out and
strake this Martin so in the back and in
the sides that he wounded him to death,
as he lay on him. Then sir John Chandos
turned him over and rose quickly on his
feet, and his men were there about him,
who had with much pain broken the press
to come to him, whereas they saw him
felled.
The Saturday in the morning between
Nazres and Navaret was the battle right
fell and cruel, and many a man brought to
great mischief. There was done many a
noble deed of arms by the prince and by
the duke of Lancaster his brother and by
sirjohn Chandos, sir Guichard d'Angle, the
captal of Buch, the lord of Clisson, the
lord of Retz, sir Hugh Calverley, sir
Matthew Gournay, sir Louis Harcourt, the
lord of Pons, the lord of Partenay ; and of
Gascons fought valiantly the earl of Armag-
nac, the lord d'Albret, the lord of Pommiers
and his brethren, the lord of Mussidan, the
lord of Rauzan, the earl of Perigord, the
earl of Comminges, the earl of Caraman,
the lord of Condom, the lord Lesparre, the
lord of Caumont, sir Bertram of Terride,
the lord of Puy cornet, sir Bernard d'Albret,
the lord of Geronde, sir Aymery of Tastes,
the soudic of Latrau, sir Petiton of Curton,
and divers other knights and squires ac-
quitted themselves right nobly in arms to
their powers : and under the pennon of
Saint George and the banner of sir John
Chandos were all the companions, to the
number of twelve hundred pensels,^ and
they were right hardy and valiant knights,
as sir Robert Cheyne, sir Perducas d'Albret,
Robert Briquet, sir Garsis of the Castle, sir
Gaillard Vigier, sir John Creswey, Naudan
of Bageran, Aymenion d'Artigue, Perrot of
Savoy, the bourg Camus, the bourg Les-
parre, the bourg Breteuil, Espiote and
divers other. On the Prench party sir
Bertram of Guesclin, sir Arnold d'Audre-
hem, Sancho, sir Gomez Carillo and other
knights of France and of Aragon fought
right nobly to their powers. Howbeit
they had none advantage, for these com
panions were hardy and strong knights and
well used and expert in arms, and
there were great plenty of knights an
squires of England under the banner of tb
duke of Lancaster and of sir John Chandos.
There was the lord William Beauchamp,
son to the earl of Warwick, sir Ralph
Camoys, sir Walter Urswick, sir Thomas
Dammery, sir John Grandison, sir John
d'Ypres,^ sir Amery of Rochechouart, sir
Gaillard de la Motte, and more than two
hundred knights, the which I cannot name.
And to speak truly, the said sir Bertram
du Guesclin and the marshal d'Audrehem,
the Begue of Villaines, the lord d'Antoing,
the lord of Brififeuil, sir Gawain of Bailleul,
sir JohnofBerguettes, the Begue of Villiers,
the Alemant of Saint-Venant, and the good
knights and squires of France that were
1 Pennonchiaus.
2 The translator, following his text, says, 'sir John
Dyper, sir Johan du Pre,' but this is two attempts
at the same name, ' messire Jehans d'Yppre "
d
i
I
r
BATTLE OF N AJAR A, 1367
177
there acquitted themselves nobly : for of
truth, if the Spaniards had done their part
as well as the Frenchmen did, the English-
men and Gascons should have had much
more to do and have suffered more pain
than they did. The fault was not in king
Henry that they did no better, for he had
well admonished and desired them to have
done their devoir valiantly, and so they had
promised him to have done. The king bare
himself right valiantly, and did marvels in
arms, and with good courage comforted his
people, as, when they were flying and
opening, he came in among them and said :
' Lords, I am your king : ye have made
me king of Castile, and have sworn and
promised that to die ye will not fail me.
For God's sake keep your promise that ye
have sworn, and acquit you against me,
and I shall acquit me against you ; for I
shall not fly one foot as long as I may see
you do your devoir.' By these words and
such other full of comfort king Henry
brought his men together again three times
the same day, and with his own hands he
fought valiantly, so that he ought greatly
to be honoured and renowned.
This was a marvellous dangerous battle,
and many a man slain and sore hurt. The
commons of Spain according to the usage
of their country with their slings they did
cast stones with great violence and did
much hurt, the which at the beginning
troubled greatly the Englishmen : but
when their cast was past and that they felt
the sharp arrows hght among them, they
could no longer keep their array. With
king Henry in his battle were many noble
men of arms, as well of Spain as of Lisbon,
of Aragon and of Portugal, who acquitted
them right nobly and gave it not up so
lightly, for valiantly they fought with
spears, javelins, archegayes and swords ;
and on the wing of king Henry's battle
there were certain well mounted, who
always kept the battle in good order, for if
the battle opened or brake array in any
side, then they were ever ready to help to
bring them again into good order. So
these Englishmen and Gascons, or they
had the advantage, they bought it dearly,
and won it by noble chivalry and great
prowess of arms : and for to say truth,
the prince himself was the chief flower of
chivalry of all the world, and had with him
N
as then right noble and valiant knights
and squires : and a little beside the
prince's battle was the king of Mallorca
and his company, fighting and acquitting
themselves right valiantly, and also there
was the lord Martin de la Carra represent-
ing the king of Navarre, who did right
well his devoir. I cannot speak of all
them that did that day right nobly ; but
about the prince in his battle there were
divers good knights, as well of England as
of Gascoyne, as sir Richard Pontchardon,
sir Thomas Spenser, sir Thomas Holland,
sir Niel Loring, sir Hugh and sir Philip
Courtenay, sir John Trivet, sir Nicholas
Bond, sir Thomas Trivet, and divers other,
as the seneschal of Saintonge, sir Baldwin
of Freville, the seneschal of Bordeaux, of
Rochelle, of Poitou, of Angouleme, of
Rouergue, of Limousin and of Perigord,
and sir Louis Melval, sir Raimond Mareuil
and divers other. There was none that
fained to fight valiantly, and also they had
good cause why ; for there were of Spaniards
and of Castile more than a hundred thou-
sand men in harness, so that by reason of
their great number it was long or they could
be overcome. King don Peter was greatly
chafed, and much desired to meet with the
bastard his brother, and said : ' Where is
that whoreson that calleth himself king of
Castile?' And the same king Henry
fought right valiantly whereas he was, and
held his people together right marvellously,
and said : * Ah ! ye good people, ye have
crowned me king, therefore help and aid
me to keep the heritage that you have
given me.' So that by these words and
such other as he spake that day he caused
many to be right hardy and valiant, where-
by they abode on the field, so that because
of their honour they would not fly from the
place.
CHAPTER CCXXXVHI
How sir Bertram of Guesclin was discomfited,
he taken and king Henry saved himself,
and of the Spaniards that fled, and of the
number of the dead, and of the cities that
yielded them up to king don Peter, and of
the answer that he made to the prince.
The battle that was best fought and
longest held together was the company of
sir Bertram of Guesclin, for there were
178
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
many noble men of arms who fought and
held together to their powers, and there
was done many a noble feat of arms.
And on the English part specially there
was sir John Chandos, who that day did
like a noble knight and governed and
counselled that day the duke of Lancaster
in like manner as he did before the prince
at the battle of Poitiers, wherein he was
greatly renowned and praised, the which
was good reason ; for a valiant man and a
good knight, acquitting himself nobly among
lords and princes, ought greatly to be re-
commended : for that day he took no heed
for taking of any prisoner with his own
hands, but always fought and went forward ;
but there was taken by his company under
his banner divers good knights and squires
of Aragon and of France, and specially sir
Bertram of Guesclin, sir Arnold d'Audre-
hem, sir Begue of Villaines and more
than threescore prisoners. So thus finally
the battle of sir Bertram of Guesclin was
discomfited, and all that were therein taken
and slain, as well they of France as of
Aragon. There was slain the Begue of
Villiers, and taken the lord Antoing of
Hainault, the lord Briff'euil, sir Gawain of
Bailleul, sir John of Berguettes, sir Ale-
mant of Saint -Venant and divers other.
Then drew together these banners, the
banner of the duke of Lancaster, of sir
John Chandos and of the two marshals,
and the pennon of Saint George, and went
all together on the battle of king Henry
and cried with a high voice, * St. George,
Guyenne ! ' Then the Spaniards and their
company were sore put aback. The captal
of Buch and the lord Clisson fought vali-
antly, and also sir Eustace d'Aubrecicourt,
sir Hugh Calverley, sir soudic, sir John
Devereux and other acquitted themselves
that day right nobly. The prince shewed
himself like a noble knight and fought
valiantly with his enemies. On the other
side king Henry acquitted himself right
valiantly, and recovered and turned again
his people that day three times. For after
that the earl don Tello and a three thou-
sand horsemen with him were departed
from the field, the other began then greatly
to be discomfited and were ever ready to
fly after their company ; but then ever
king Henry was before them and said,
'Fair lords, what do you? Wherefore will
ye thus forsake and betray me? Sith ye
have made me king and set the crown on
my head and put the heritage of Castile
into my hands, return and help to keep
and defend me, and abide with me ; for by
the grace of God, or it be night, all shall
be ours ' : so that these words or such-like
encouraged his people in such wise, that it
made them to abide longer in the field, for
they durst not fly for shame when they saw
their king and their lord so valiantly fight
and speak so amiably : so that there died
more than a thousand and five hundred
persons, that might well have saved them-
selves and have taken the time to their
advantage, an the love that they had to
their lord and king had not been.
When the battle of the marshals were
passed through their enemies and had dis-
comfited the greatest number of them,^ so
that the Spaniards could not sustain nor
defend them any longer, but began to fly
away in great fear without any good array
or order toward the city of Nazres, and so
passed by the great river,^ so that for any
words that king Henry could say they
would not return, and when the king saw
the mischief and discomfiture of his people
and that he saw no recovery, then he
called for his horse and mounted thereon
and put himself among them that fled ; bm
he took not the way to Nazres, for fe
of enclosing, but then took another
eschewing all perils, for he knew well tba'
if he were taken, he should die without
mercy. Then the Englishmen and GaS'
cons leapt a-horseback and began to ch
the Spaniards, who fled away sore discom
fited to the great river. And at the entr
of the bridge of Nazres there was a hideous
shedding of blood, and many a man slain
and drowned ; for divers leapt into the
water, the which was deep and hideous ;
they thought they had as lief to be drowned
as slain. And in this chase among other
there were two valiant knights of Spain
bearing on them the habit of religion, the
1 The original is : 'When the battle of the mar-
shals was brought to extremity (oultr^e) and dis-
comfited, and all the great battles had been joined
together, the Spaniards could not,' etc. The pas-
sage is made obscure by omissions : according to
the full text it is : ' When the battle of the marshals
of France was brought to extremity, etc., and the
three great battles of the English had been joined
together, the Spaniards could not,' etc.
2 The ' grosse riviere ' in question is the Najarilla.,
BATTLE OF N AJAR A, 1367
179
one called the great prior of Saint James
and the other the great master of Cala-
trava ; they and their company to save
themselves entered into Nazres, and they
were so near chased at their back by Eng-
lishmen and Gascons, that they ^ won the
bridge, so that there was a great slaughter ;
and the Englishmen entered into the city
after their enemies, who were entered into
a strong house of stone. Howbeit, incon-
tinent it was won by force, and the knights
taken and many of their men slain and all
the city overrun and pilled, the which was
greatly to the Englishmen's profit. Also
they won king Henry's lodging, wherein
they found great riches of vessel and jewels
of gold and silver ; for the king was come
thither with great nobleness, so that when
they were discomfited, they had no leisure
for to return thither again to save that
they had left there. So this was a hideous
and a terrible discomfiture, and specially
on the river side there was many a man
slain ; and it was said, as I heard after re-
ported of some of them that were there
present, that one might have seen the
water that ran by Nazres to be of the
colour of red with the blood of men and
horse that were there slain. This battle
was between Nazres and Navaret in Spain
the year of the incarnation of our Lord
Jesu Christ a thousand three hundred
threescore and six, the third day of April,
the which was on a Saturday.
After the discomfiture of the battle of
Nazres, which was done by noon, the
prince caused his banner to be raised up a-
high upon a bush on a little hill, to the
intent to draw his people thither. And so
thither drew all those that came from the
chase ; thither came the duke of Lan-
caster, sir John Chandos, the lord Clisson,
the captal of Buch, the earl of Armagnac,
the lord d'Albret and divers other barons,
and had raised up on high their banners to
draw their people thither ; and ever as
they came, they ranged them in the field.
Also there was James king of Mallorca,
his banner before him, whereunto his com-
pany drew ; and a little there beside was
sir Martin de la Carra with the banner of
his lord the king of Navarre, with divers
other earls and barons ; the which was a
goodly thing to regard and behold. Then
1 That is, the Englishmen and Gascons.
came thither king don Peter right sore
chafed, coming from the chase on a great
black courser, his banner beaten with the
arms of Castile before him ; and as soon as
he saw the prince's banner, he alighted and
went thither, and when the prince saw him
coming, he went and met him and did
him great honour. There the king don
Peter would have kneeled down to have
thanked the prince, but the prince made
great haste to take him by the hand, and
would not suffer him to kneel. Then the
king said : * Dear and fair cousin, I ought
to give you many thanks and praises for
this fair journey that I have attained this
day by your means.' Then the prince
said : * Sir, yield thanks to God and give
him all the praise, for the victory hath
come by him all only and not by me.*
Then the lords of the prince's council drew
together and communed of divers matters,
and so long the prince was still there, till
all his people were returned from the
chase. Then he ordained four knights and
four heralds to go search the fields to know
what people were taken and the number
of them that were slain, and also to know
the truth of king Henry, whom they called
bastard, whether he were alive or dead.
And then the prince and his lords went to
the lodging of king Henry and of the
Spaniards, where they were well and
easily lodged, for it was great and large
and well replenished of all things neces-
sary. So then they supped that night
in great joy, and after supper the knights
and heralds that went to visit the field re-
turned, and there they reported that there
were slain of their enemies, of men of arms
a five hundred and threescore, and of com-
mons about a seven thousand and five
hundred, beside them that were drowned,
whereof the number was unknown ; and of
their own company there was no more
slain but four knights, whereof two were
Gascons, the third an Almain and the
fourth an Englishman, and of other com-
mons not past a forty : but they shewed how
they could not find king Henry, whereof king
don Peter was right sorry. So this Satur-
day at night they rested themselves and made
good cheer, for they had well wherewith ;
for there they found plenty of wine and
other victuals, and so refreshed them there
all the Sunday, the which was Palm Sunday.
[8o
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
The Sunday in the morning, when the
prince was up and ready apparelled, then
he issued out of his pavilion and then came
to him the duke of Lancaster his brother,
the earl of Armagnac, the lord d'Albret, sir
John Chandos, the captal of Buch, the lord
of Pommiers, sir Guichard d'Angle, the
king of Mallorca and a great number of other
knights and squires ; and then anon after
came to the prince the king don Peter, to
whom the prince made great honour and
reverence. Then the king don Peter said :
' Dear and fair cousin, I pray and require
you that ye will deliver to me the false
traitors of this country, as my bastard brother
Sancho and such other, and I shall cause
them to lose their heads, for they have well
deserved it.'
Then the prince advised him well and
said : * Sir king, I require you in the name
of love and lineage that ye will grant me a
gift and a request.' The king, who in no
wise would deny his request, said : ' Good
cousin, all that I have is yours : therefore
I am content, whatsoever ye desire, to
grant it.' Then the prince said: 'Sir, I
require you to give pardon to all your
people in your realm, such as hath rebelled
against you, by the which courtesy ye shall
abide in the better rest and peace in your
realm, except Gomez Carillo, for of him I
am content ye take your pleasure.' The
king don Peter accorded to his desire,
though it were against his will ; but he
durst not deny the prince, he was so much
bounden to him, and said : ' Fair cousin, I
grant your request with a good heart.'
Then the prisoners were sent for and the
prince accorded them with the king their
lord and caused him to forgive all his evil
will to his brother the earl Sancho and to
all other, so that they should make covenant
and swear fealty, homage and service, to
hold of him truly for ever and to become
his men and to knowledge him for their
lord and king for ever. This courtesy with
divers other did the prince to the king, the
which after was but smally rewarded, as ye
shall hear after in this history. And also
the prince shewed great courtesy to the
barons of Spain, suchas were prisoners ; for
if king don Peter had "taken them in his dis-
pleasure, they had all died without mercy.
And then sir Gomez Carillo was delivered to
the king, whom he hated so sore, that he
would take no ransom for him but made his
head to be stricken off before his lodging.
Then king don Peter mounted on his
horse, and the earl Sancho his brother
and all those that were become his men,
and his marshals sir Guichard d'Angle
and sir Stephen Cosington ■ and a five
hundred men of arms, and they departed
from the prince's host and rode to Burgos
and so came thither the Monday in
the morning. And they of Burgos, who
were well informed how the journey of
Nazres was achieved and how that king
Henry was discomfited, they thought not
to keep the town against don Peter, but
divers of the richest of the town and of the
most notablest issued out of the town and
presented the keys of the city to him and
received him to their lord, and so brought
him and all his men into the city of Burgos
with great joy and solemnity. And all the
Sunday the prince abode still in the lodgings
that they had won, and on the Monday
after evensong he dislodged and went and
lodged at Barbesque,^ and there tarried till
it was Wednesday, and then they went all
to the city of Burgos. And there the prince
entered into the town with great reverence^
and with him the duke of Lancaster, the
earl of Armagnac and divers other great
lords, and their people made their lodgings
without the town, for they could not all
have been lodged within at their ease.
And when the prince was at his lodging
there, he gave and rendered judgments of
arms and of all things thereto appertaining,
and there kept field and wage of battle \
wherefore it might well be said that al*
Spain was come that day in his hands an(
under his obeisance.
The prince of Wales and king don Pet
held their Easter in the town of Burgos an
there tarried a three weeks and more : and
on Easter-day they of Asturge, of Toledo,
of Lisbon, of Cordowan, of Galice, of
Seville and of all the other marches and
limitations of the realm of Castile came
thither and made homage to king don Peter,
and were glad to see the prince and don
Ferrant of Castro, and so there was great
cheer made between them. And when
king don Peter had tarried there the term
that I have shewed you and more, and
saw that there were no more that rebelled
1 Bribiesca.
&»
e : '
J
AFTER THE BATTLE OF N AJAR A
i8i
against him, but every man to him obeisant,
then the prince said to him : ' Sir king, ye
are now, thanked be God, peaceably king of
this your own realm without any rebellion
or let : and, sir, I and my company tarry
here at a great charge and expense. There-
fore we require you to provide for money to
pay the wages to them that hath holpen to
bring you again into your realm and in ful-
filling of your promise, whereunto ye have
sworn and sealed. And, sir, the shortlier
that ye do it, the greater thank we shall
give you and the more shall be your profit ;
for ye know well men of war must be paid
to live withal, or else they will take it
whereas they may get it. ' Then the king
answered and said : * Cousin, we will hold,
keep and accomplish to our power that we
have sworn and sealed unto. But, sir, as
for this present time we have no money ;
wherefore we will draw us to the marches
of Seville, and there we will so procure for
money that we will satisfy every party.
And, sir, ye shall abide still here in the
Vale of Olives,^ the which is a plentiful
country ; and, sir, we shall return again to
you in as short time as we conveniently can
or may, and at the farthest by Whitsuntide.'
This answer was right pleasant to the
prince and to his council ; and shortly after
the king don Peter departed from the prince
and rode toward Seville to the intent to
get money to pay his men of war, as he had
promised. And the prince went and lodged
in the Vale of Olives, and all his lords and
people spread abroad in the country, to get
victuals more plentiful for them and for their
horses. There thus they sojourned to a small
profit to the country, for the companions
could not abstain themselves from robbing
and pilling of the country.
CHAPTER CCXXXIX
Of the honour that was given to the prince
for the victory of Spain, and how king
Henry came into France to make war on
the prince's land, and of the answer that
king don Peter sent to the prince, and how
the prince departed out of Spain and came
into France.
Tidings spread abroad through France,
England, Almaine and other countries how
c 1 Valladolid, which Froissart calls Val-d'Olif.
the prince of Wales and his puissance had
in battle discomfited king Henry, and taken,
slain and drowned of his men the day of the
battle more than a hundred thousand men,
whereby the prince was greatly renowned
and his chivalry and high enterprise much
praised in all places that heard thereof, and
specially in the Empire of Almaine and in
the realm of England ; for the Almains,
Flemings and Englishmen said that the
prince of Wales- was chief flower of all
chivalry, and how that such a prince was
well worthy to govern all the world, sith by
his prowess he had achieved such three high
enterprises as he had done ; first, the battle
of Crecy in Ponthieu, the second ten year
after at Poitiers, and the third now in Spain
before Nazres : so in England in the city of
London the burgesses there made great
solemnity and triumph for that victory, as
they anciently were wont to do for kings,
when they had overcome their enemies.
And in the realm of France there were
made lamentable sorrows for the loss of the
good knights of the realm of France, the
which were slain at that journey, and specially
there was made sorrow for sir Bertram of
Guesclin and for sir Arnold d'Audrehem,
who were taken prisoners, and divers other,
who were kept right courteously, and some
of them put to finance and ransom, but not
sir Bertram of Guesclin so soon ; for sir
John Chandos, who had the rule of him,
would not deliver him, and also sir Bertram
made no great suit therefor.
Now let us somewhat speak of king
Henry, what he did when he departed from
the battle ; and then let us return again
to the prince and to king don Peter of
Castile.
King Henry, as it is said hereafter, saved
himself as well as he might and withdrew
from his enemies, and led his wife and his
children as soon as he might into the city
of Valence in Aragon, whereas the king of
Aragon was, who was his godfather and
friend, and to him recounted all his adven-
ture. And anon after, the said king Henry
was counselled to pass further and to go to
the duke of Anjou, who as then was at
Montpellier, and to shew unto him all his
adventure. This advice was pleasant to
the king of Aragon, and consented well
that he should go thither, because he was
enemy to the prince, who was his near
[82
THE CHRONICLES OF FRO IS S ART
ould ^1
neighbour. So thus king Henry departed
from the king of Aragon, and left in the
city of Valence his wife and his children,
and rode so long that he passed Narbonne,
the which was the first city of the realm of
France on that side, and after that Beziers
and all that country, and so came to Mont-
pellier and there found the duke of Anjou,
who loved him entirely and greatly hated
the Englishmen, though he made them as
then no war. And the duke, when he was
well informed of king Henry's business,
received him right joyously and recomforted
him as well as he might. And so the king
tarried there with him a certain space, and
then went to Avignon to see pope Urban,
who was as then departing to go to Rome.
And then king Henry returned again to
Montpellier to the duke of Anjou, and had
long treaty together. And it was shewed
me by them that thought themselves to
know many things, and after it was right
well seen apparent, how that this king
Henry did get of the duke of Anjou a castle
near to Toulouse on the marches of the
principality, called Roquemaure, and there
he assembled together companions and men
of war, as Bretons and such other as were
not passed over into Spain with the prince,
so that in the beginning there was a three
hundred men of war. These tidings were
anon brought to my lady princess, who as
then was at Bordeaux, how that king Henry
purchased him aid and succour on all sides
to the intent to make war to the principality
and to the duchy of Guyenne, wherewith she
was greatly abashed. And because that he
held himself in the realm of France, she
wrote letters and sent messengers to the
French king desiring him not to consent
that the bastard of Spain should make her
any manner of war, saying that her resort
was to the court of France, certifying him
that much evil might ensue and many
inconvenients fall thereby. Then the king
condescended lightly to the princess' request
and hastily sent messengers to the bastard
Henry, who was in the castle of Roque-
maure on the frontiers of Montauban and
was beginning to make war to the country
of Acquitaine and to the prince's land,
commanding him incontinent to avoid out
of his realm and to make no war in the
land of his dear nephew the prince of Wales
and of Acquitaine ; and by cause to give
ensample to his subjects that they should
not be so hardy to take any part with the
bastard Henry, he caused the young earl of
Auxerre to be put in prison in the castle of
Louvre in Paris, because he was too great
and conversant with this king Henry the
bastard, and, as it was said, he had pro-
mised him to aid him with a great number
of men of arms : but thus the French king
caused him to break his voyage and purpose.
So thus at the commandment of the French
king king Henry obeyed, the which was
good reason, but for all that yet he left not his
enterprise, but so he departed from Roque-
maure with a four hundred Bretons. And
to him was allied such Breton knights and
squires as folio weth : first, sir Arnold of
Limousin, sir Geoffrey Richon, sir Yon of
Laconet, Silvester Bude, Alyot de Tallay,
Alain de Saint- Pol : and these men of arms
and Bretons rode over the mountains and
entered into Bigorre in the principality
and there took by scaling a town called
Bagneres, and then they fortified and re-
paired it well and strongly, and then over-
rode the prince's land and did great hurt
and damage therein. Then the princess
did send for sir James Audley, who was
abiding behind the prince in Acquitaine
as chief sovereign governour to keep the
country. Howbeit, this said king Henry
the bastard and the Bretons did great hurt
and damage in the country, for daily their
power increased more and more.
Now let us return to the prince of Wales
and to his company who was in the Vale of
Olives thereabout abiding the coming of
king don Peter of Castile.
Thus when the prince had sojourned in the
Vale of the Olives until the feast of Saint
John the Baptist in summer, abiding for
the coming of king don Peter, who came
not, nor could not hear no certain tidings
of him, wherewith the prince was right
sore troubled and called all his council
together to know what was best to do in
that behalf ; then the prince was counselled
to send two or three knights to the king,
to demand of him why he kept not his
day, as he had assigned. And on this
message was sent sir Niel Loring, sir
Richard of Pontchardon and sir Thomas
Banaster ; and they rode so long by their
journeys that they came to the city of
Seville, whereas they found king don Peter,
I
RETURN OF THE PRINCE FROM SPAIN, 1367
183
and by semblant he right joyously received
them. These knights did their message as
they had in charge by their lord the prince.
Then the king answered them in excusing
of himself and said : ' Sirs, certainly it
greatly displeaseth us that we cannot keep
the promise that we have made with our
cousin the prince, the which we have often-
times shewed unto our people here in these
parts ; but our people excuseth themselves
and saith how they can make no sum of
money as long as the companions be in the
country, for they have three or four times
robbed our treasurers, who were coming to
our cousin the prince with our money.
Therefore we require you to shew our cousin
from us, that we require him that he will
withdraw and put out of this our realm
these evil people of the companions, and
that he do leave there some of his own
knights, to whom in the name of him we
will pay and deliver such sums of money
as he desireth of us and as we are bound
to pay him.'
This was all the answer that these knights
could have of him at that time, and so they
departed and went again to the prince their
lord, and then recounted to him and to his
council all that they had heard and seen ;
with the which answer the prince was
much more displeased than he was before,
for he saw well how that king don Peter
failed of his promise and varied from reason.
The same season that the prince thus
abode in the Vale of Olives, whereas he
had been more than the space of four
months, nigh all the summer, the king of
Mallorca fell sick sore diseased and lay sick
in his bed. Then there was put to ransom
sir Arnold d'Audrehem, the Begue of
Villaines, and divers other knights and
squires of France and of Bretayne, who
were taken at Nazres and exchanged for
sir Thomas Felton and for sir Richard
Tanton and for sir Hugh Hastings and
divers other. But sir Bertram of Guesclin
abode still as prisoner with the prince, for
the Englishmen counselled the prince and
said that if he delivered sir Bertram of
Guesclin, he would make him greater war
than ever he had done before with the
helping of the bastard Henry, who as
then was in Bigorre and had taken the
town of Bagneres, and made great war
in that quarter. Therefore sir Bertram
of Guesclin was not delivered at that
time.
When that the prince of Wales heard
the excusations of king don Peter, then he
was much more displeased than he was
before, and demanded counsel in that behalf
of his people, who desired to return home,
for they bare with full great trouble the
heat and the infective air of the country of
Spain, and also the prince himself was not
very well at ease, and therefore his people
counselled him to return again, saying how
king don Peter had greatly failed him to
his blame and great dishonour. Then it
was shewed openly that every man should
return. And when the prince should re-
move, he sent to the king of Mallorca sir
Hugh Courtenay and sir John Chandos,
shewing him how the prince would depart
out of Spain, desiring him to take advice
if he would depart or not, for the prince
would be loath to leave him behind. Then
the king of Mallorca said : * Sirs, I thank
greatly the prince, but at this present time
I cannot ride nor remove till it please God.'
Then the knights said : ' Sir, will you that
my lord the prince shall leave with you a
certain number of men, to wait and con-
duct you when ye be able to ride ? ' ' Nay
surely, sir,' quoth the king, 'it shall not
need, for I know not how long it will be
or I be able to ride. ' And so they departed
and returned to the prince, shewing him
what they had done. *Well,' said the
prince, * as it please God and him, so be it.'
Then the prince departed and all his
company, and went to a city called Madri-
gal, and there he rested in the vale called
Soria between Aragon and Spain. And
there he tarried a month, for there were
certain passages closed against him in the
marches of Aragon. And it was said in
the host that the king of Navarre, who was
newly returned out of prison, was agreed
with the bastard of Spain and with the
king of Aragon to let the prince's passage ;
but yet he did nothing, as it appeared
after. Howbeit the prince was in doubt
of him, because he was in his own country
and came not to him. In this mean season
there were sent to a certain place between
Aragon and Spain certain persons of both
parties and so had great communing to-
gether divers days. Finally they so agreed ^
that the king of Aragon should open his
1 84
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
country and suffer the prince's people to
return and pass peaceably without any let
of any of the country, paying courteously
for that they took.
Then came to the prince the king of
Navarre and sir Martin de la Carra, when
they saw the matter go in such wise be-
tween the king of Aragon and the prince ;
and they made to the prince all the honour
that they could devise and offered passage
for him and for his dear brother the duke
of Lancaster and for divers other knights
of England and of Gascoyne ; but in any
wise he would that the companions should
take their way by some other passage and
not through Navarre. Then the prince
and his lords, when they saw that the way
through Navarre was more meet and neces-
sary for them than through Aragon, thought
not to refuse the king of Navarre's offer,
but so thanked him greatly. Thus the
prince passed through the realm of Navarre,
and the king and sir Martin de la Carra
conveyed him till they came to the passage
of Roncesvaulx, and so from thence they
passed by their journeys till they came to
the city of Bayonne, where he was received
with great joy. And there the prince
refreshed him four days, and then departed
and rode to Bordeaux, where he was also
received with great solemnity ; and my
lady the princess met him with her young
son Edward, who as then was of the age of
three years. Then departed the lords and
men of war one from another, and the lords
of Gascoyne went home to their own houses,
and the companions came also into the
principality, abiding for their wages. The
prince was much bound to them and pro-
mised to pay them to his power, as soon as
he had money : though king don Peter
kept not his promise with him, yet he said
tliey should not bear the loss thereof, sith
they had so well served him. And king
Henry the bastard, who was in the garrison
of Bagneres in Bigorre, then he departed
thence with such men of war as he had and
went into Aragon to the king there, who
loved him entirely and joyously received
Kim, and there tarried all the winter and
there made a new alliance between him
and the king of Aragon and promised to
iliake war against king don Peter. And
the Bretons that were in their company, as
sir Arnold Limousin, sir Geoffrey Richon
and sir Yon de Laconet, rode to the passages
of Spain and made war for king Henry.
Now let us speak of the deliverance of
sir Bertram of Guesclin.
After that the prince of Wales was re-
turned into Acquitaine and his brother the
duke of Lancaster into England and every
lord into his own, sir Bertram of Guesclin
was still prisoner with the prince and with
sir John Chandos and could not come to
his ransom nor finance, the which was sore
displeasant to king Henry, if he might
have mended it : and so it fortuned after,
as I was informed, that on a day the prince
called to him sir Bertram of Guesclin and
demanded of him how he did. He answered
and said : ' Sir, it was never better with me.
It is reason that it should so be, for I am
in prison with the most renowned knight
of the world. ' ' With whom is that ? ' said
the prince. ' Sir,' quoth he, 'that is with
sir John Chandos ; and, sir, it is said in
the realm of France and in other places
that ye fear me so much, that ye dare not
let me out of prison ; the which to me is
full great honour. ' The prince, who under-
stood well the words of sir Bertram of
Guesclin and perceived well how his own
council would in no wise that he should
deliver him unto the time that king don
Peter had paid him all such sums as he
was bound to do, then he said to sir
Bertram : ' Sir, then ye think that we keep
you for fear of your chivalry. Nay, think
it not, for I swear by Saint George it is
not so. Therefore pay for your ransom a .
hundred thousand franks and ye shall be
delivered.' Sir Bertram, who desired
greatly to be delivered and heard on what
point he might depart, took the prince
with that word and said : ' Sir, in the
name of God so be it : I will pay no less.'
And when the prince heard him say so, he
would then gladly have repented himself,
and also some of his council came to him
and said, ' Sir, ye have not done well, so
lightly to put him to his ransom ' : and so
they would gladly have caused the prince
to have revoked that covenant. But the
prince, who was a true and a noble knight,
said : ' Sith that we have agreed thereto,
we will not break our promise. It should
be to us a great rebuke, shame and re-
proach, if we should not put him to ransom,
seeing that he is content to pay such a great
\
DISCONTENT IN GASCON Y, 1368
185'
sum as a hundred thousand franks.' So
after this accord sir Bertram of Guesclm
was right busy, and studied daily how to
get this sum for his ransom ; and did so
much with the aid of the French king and
of his friends and of the duke of Anjou,
who loved him entirely, that he paid in
less than a month a hundred thousand
franks. And so he departed and went to
serve the duke of Anjou with two thousand
fighting men in Provence, whereas the duke
lay at siege before the town of Tarascon,
the which held of the king of Naples.
In the same season there was a marriage
concluded between the lord Lyon duke of
Clarence and earl of Ulster, son to the
king of England, and the daughter to the
lord Galeas lord of Milan, the which young
lady was niece to the earl of Savoy and
daughter to the lady Blanche his sister.
And thus the duke of Clarence accompanied
with noble knights and squires of England
came into France, whereas the king, the
duke of Burgoyne, the duke of Bourbon
and the lord of Coucy received him with
great joy in Paris. And so he passed
through the realm of France and came
into Savoy, whereas the gentle earl received
him right honourably at Chambery, and
there he was three days, greatly feasted
with ladies and damosels : and then he
departed, and the earl of Savoy brought
him to Milan. And there the duke wedded
his niece, daughter to the lord of Milan,
the Monday next after the feast of the Holy
Trinity, the year of our Lord a thousand
CCCLXVIII.
CHAPTER CCXL
Now let us return to the business of France.
SUMMARY. — The companies being dis-
missed from Acquitaine went into France,
and did much evil. A marriage was made
between the lady Isabel of Bourbon and the
lord dAlbret, which greatly displeased the
prince of Wales.
CHAPTER CCXLI
How the barons of Gascoyne complained to
the French king of the prince of Wales ;
and how king Henry returned into Spain,
and of the alliances that king don Peter
made, and of the counsel that sir Bertram
of Guesclin gave to king Henry, and how
king don Peter was discomfited.
In the same season that these companions
tormented thus the realm of France, the
prince was counselled by some of his
council to raise a fouage throughout all
Acquitaine, and specially the bishop of
Bade ; for the- state of the prince and
princess was so great, that in all Christen-
dom was none like. So to this council
for raising of this fouage were called all
the noble barons of Gascoyne, of Poitou,
of Saintonge and of divers other cities and
good towns in Acquitaine ; and at Niort,
where this parliament was holden, there it
was shewed specially and generally by the
bishop of Bade, chancellor of Acquitaine,
in the presence of the prince, how and in
what manner this fouage should be raised,
declaring how the prince was not in mind
that it should endure any longer than five
years, to run throughout his country, and
that the raising thereof was for the intent
to pay such money as he ought by reason
of his journey into Spain. To the which
ordinance were well agreed the Poitous and
they of Saintonge, Limousin, Rouergue and
of Rochelle, on the condition that the
prince would keep the course of his coin
stable seven year ; but divers of other '
marches of Gascoyne refused this purpose,
as the earl of Armagnac, the lord d'Albret
his nephew, the earl of Comminges, the
viscount of Caraman, the lord de la Barthe,
the lord of Terride, the lord of Puycornet
and divers other great barons, saying how
that in time past, when they obeyed to the
French king, they were not then grieved
nor oppressed with any subsidies or im-
positions, and no more they said they
would as then, as long as they could
defend it, saying how their lands and
seignories were free and except from all
debts, and that the prince had sworn so to
keep and maintain them. Howbeit, to
depart peaceably from this parliament, they
answered that they would take better advice
and so return again, both prelates, bishops,
abbots, barons and knights : and the prince
nor his council could have as then none
other answer. Thus they departed from
the town of Niort, but it was commanded
i86
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
them by the prince that they should return
again thither at a day assigned.
Thus the barons and lords of Gascoyne
returned into their countries and agreed
firmly together that they would not return
again to the prince, nor suffer the fouage
to run in the lands : then they made war
against the prince therefor. Thus the
country began to rebel against the prince,
and the lord of Armagnac, the lord d' Albret,
the lord of Comminges, the earl of Puy-
cornet, and divers other prelates, barons,
knights and squires of Gascoyne went into
France and made great complaints in the
French king's chamber, the king and his
peers being present, of the griefs that the
prince of Wales would do to them, saying
how their resort ought to be to the French
king and to draw to him as to their sove-
reign lord. And the king, who would not
break the peace between him and the king
of England, began to dissemble and said :
' Sirs, surely the jurisdiction of our heritage
and of the crown of France we will always
keep and augment ; but we have sworn to
divers articles in the peace, of the which I
remember not all. Therefore we shall
visit and behold the tenour of the letters,
and inasmuch as we may do we shall aid
you, and shall be glad to agree you with
the prince our dear nephew : for perad-
venture he is not well counselled to put you
or your subjects from their freedoms and
franchises.' So with the answer that the
king made them at that time they were
content, and so abode still at Paris with
the king, in purpose not to return again
into their own countries, with the which
the prince was nothing well content, but
always he still persevered in the purpose of
raising of this fouage. Sir John Chandos,
who was one of the greatest of his council,
was contrary to this opinion and would
gladly that the prince would have left it :
but when he saw that the prince would not
leave his purpose, to the intent that he
would bear no blame nor reproach in the
matter, he took his leave of the prince and
made his excuse to go into Normandy to
visit the land of Saint-Saviour the Viscount,
whereof he was lord, for he had not been
there in three years before. The prince
gave him leave, and so he departed out of
Poitou and went to Cotentin, and tarried in
the town of Saint - Saviour more than half
a year. And always the prince proceeded
on the raising of this fouage, the which if
he had brought about should have been well
worth every year a twelve hundred thou-
sand franks, every fire to have paid yearly a
frank, the rich to have borne out the poor.
Now let us return to king Henry, who
was all this season in the realm of Aragon,
and let us shew how he persevered after.
The most part of the state of the prince
and of his business was well known with
the kings thereabout, as with king Peter of
Aragon and with king Henry, for they laid
great wait to know it. They understood well
how the barons of Gascoyne were gone to
Paris to the French king and in a manner
began to rebel against the prince, with the
which they were nothing displeased, and
specially king Henry, for then he thought
to attain again to conquer the realm of
Castile, the which he had lost by the means
of the prince. And so then king Henry
took leave of the king of Aragon and de-
parted from the town of Valence the great ;
and out of Aragon with him there went the
viscount of Roquebertin and the viscount of
Roda, and they were three thousand horse-
men and six thousand afoot, with a certain
Genoways that they had in wages. And
so they rode toward Spain till they came
to the city of Burgos, the which incontinent
was opened and rendered up to king
Henry, and they received him as their
lord ; and from thence he went to the Valej
Olive, for king Henry understood that the
king of Mallorca was still there. Anc
when they of the town of Vale Olive under-
stood that they of Burgos had yielded uj
their town to king Henry, then thej
thought not to keep their town againstl
him, and so yielded them to him and re-
ceived him as their lord. As soon as the
king was entered into the town, he de-
manded where the king of Mallorca was,
the which was shewed him. Then theai
king entered into the chamber where hejl
lay, not fully whole of his disease. Then"
the king went to him and said : * Sir king
of Mallorca, ye have been our enemy, and
with a great army ye have invaded this our
realm of Castile. Wherefore we set our
hands on you ; therefore yield yourself as
our prisoner, or else ye are but dead.'
And when the king of Mallorca saw him-
self in that case and that no defence
r
H^AR RENEWED IN SPAIN
187
would help him, he said : * Sir king,
truly I am but dead, if that it please you ;
and, sir, gladly I yield me unto you, but to
none other. Therefore, sir, if your mind
be to put me into any other man's hands,
shew it me ; for I had rather die than to
be put into the hands of my bitter enemy
the king of Aragon.' * Sir,' said the king,
' fear you not I will do you but right. If
I did otherwise, I were to blame. Ye
shall be my prisoner, other to acquit you
or to ransom you at my pleasure.' Thus
was the king of Mallorca taken by king
Henry, and caused him to be well kept
there ; and then he rode further to the city
of Leon in Spain, the which incontinent
was opened against him.
When the town and city of Leon in
Spain was thus rendered to king Henry, all
the country and marches of Galice turned
and yielded them to king Henry, and to him
came many great lords and barons, who
before had done homage to king don Peter ;
for whatsoever semblant they had made to
him before the prince, yet they loved him
not, because of old time he had been to
them so cruel and they were ever in fear
that he would turn to his cruelty again, and
king Henry was ever amiable and meek to
them, promising to do much for them,
therefore they all drew to him. Sir
Bertram of Guesclin was not as then in his
company, but he was coming with a two
thousand fighting men, and was departed
from the duke of Anjou, who had achieved
his war in Provence and broken up his
siege before Tarascon by composition, I
cannot shew how. And with sir Bertram
of Guesclin there were divers knights and
squires of France, desiring to exercise the
feat of arms ; and so they came towards
king Henry, who as then had laid siege
before Toledo.
Tidings came to king don Peter how the
country turned to his bastard brother,
thereas he lay in the marches of Seville
and Portugal, where he was but smally
beloved. And when he heard thereof, he
was sore displeased against his brother and
against them of Castile, because they for-
sook him, and sware a great oath that he
would take on them so cruel a vengeance,
that it should be ensample to all other.
Then he sent out his commandment to such
as he trusted would aid and serve him, but
he sent to some such as came not to him,
but turned to king Henry and sent their
homages to him. And when this king don
Peter saw that his men began to fail him,
then he began to doubt, and took counsel
of don Ferrant of Castro, who never failed
him ; and he gave him counsel that he
should get as much people together as he
might, as well out of Granade as out of
other places, and so in all haste to ride
against his brother the bastard, or he did
conquer any further in the countr}'. Then
king don Peter sent incontinent to the king
of Portugal, who was his cousin-german :
also he sent to the king of Granade and of
Bellemarine and to the king of Tremesen
and made alliances with them three, and
they sent him more than twenty thousand
Saracens to help him in his war. So thus
king don Peter did so much that, what of
christen men and of Saracens, he had to
the number of forty thousand men in the
marches of Seville. And in the mean
season, while that king Henry lay at siege,
sir Bertram of Guesclin came to him with
two thousand fighting men and he was
received with great joy, for all the host was
greatly rejoiced of his coming.
King don Peter, who had made his
assembly in the marches of Seville and
thereabout, desiring greatly to fight with the
bastard his brother, departed from Seville
and took his journey towards Toledo to
raise the siege there, the which was from
him a seven days' journey. Tidings came
to king Henry how that his brother don
Peter approached, and in his company
more than forty thousand men of one and
other. - And thereupon he took counsel, to
the which council was called the knights of
France and of Aragon, and specially sir
Bertram of Guesclin, by whopi the king
was most ruled ; and his counsel was that
king Henry should advance forth to en-
counter his brother don Peter, and in what
condition soever that he found him in, in-
continent to set on and fight with him,
saying to the king : * Sir, I hear say he
Cometh with a great puissance, and, sir, if
he have great leisure in his coming, it may
turn you and us all to great displeasure ;
and therefore, sir, if we go hastily on him,
or he be ware, peradventure we shall find
him and his company in that case and so
dispurveyed, that we shall have him at
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
advantage, and so we shall discomfit him,
I doubt not.' The counsel of sir Bertram
of Guesclin was well heard and taken, and
so king Henry in an evening departed from
the host with a certain of the best knights
and fighting men that he could choose out
in all his host, and left the residue of his
company in the keeping and governing of
his brother the earl don Tello, and so rode
forth. And he had seven spies ever coming
and going, who ever brought him word
what his brother don Peter did and all his
host. And king don Peter knew nothing
how his brother came so hastily toward him,
wherefore he and his company rode the
more at large without any good order ; and
so in a morning king Henry and his people
met and encountered his brother king don
Peter, who had lien that night in a castle
thereby called Montiel, and was there well
received and had good cheer, and was
departed thence the same morning, weening
full little to have been fought withal as that
day. And so suddenly on him with banners
displayed there came his brother king Henry
and his brother Sancho and sir Bertram of
Guesclin, by whom the king and all his
host was greatly ruled. And also with
them there was the Begue of Villaines, the
lord of Roquebertin, the viscount of Roda
and their companies. They were a six
thousand fighting men and they rode all
close together and so ran and encountered
their enemies crying, ' Castile for king
Henry ! ' and ' Our Lady of Guesclin ! ' and
so they discomfited and put aback the first
brunt. There were many slain and cast to
the earth, there were none taken to ransom,
the which was appointed so to be by sir
Bertram of Guesclin because of the great
number of Saracens that was there. And
when king don Peter, who was in the midst
of the press among his own people, heard
how his men were assailed and put aback
by his brother the bastard Henry and by
the Frenchmen, he had great marvel there-
of and saw well how he was betrayed and
deceived, and in adventure to lose all, for
his men were sore sparkled abroad. How-
beit, like a good hardy knight and of good
comfort, rested on the field and caused his
banner to be unrolled to draw together his
people, and sent word to them that were
behind to haste them forward, because he
was fighting with his enemies ; whereby
every man advanced forward to the banner.
So there was a marvellous great and a fierce
battle, and many a man slain of king don
Peter's part ; for king Henry and sir
Bertram of Guesclin sought their enemies
with so courageous and fierce will, that
none could endure against them. Howbeit,
that was not lightly done, for king don
Peter and his company were six against
one, but they Were taken so suddenly, that
they were discomfited in such wise that it
was marvel to behold.
This battle of the Spaniards one against
another, and of these two kings a,nd their
allies, was near to Montiel, the which was that
day right fierce and cruel. There were many
good knights of king Henry's part, as sir
Bertram of Guesclin, sir Geoffrey Richon,
sir Arnold Limousin, sir Gawain of Bailleul,
the Begue of Villaines, Alain of Saint-Pol,
Alyot of Tallay and divers other ; and
also of the realm of Aragon there was the
viscount of Roquebertin, the viscount of
Roda, and divers other good knights and
squires, whom I cannot all name. And
there they did many noble deeds of arms,
the which was needful to them so to do,
for they found fierce and strong people
against them, as Saracens, Jews and
Portugals. The Jews fled and turned their
backs and fought no stroke, but they of
Granade and of Bellemarine fought fiercely
with their bows and archegays and did that
day many a noble deed of arms. And king
don Peter was a hardy knight and fought
valiantly with a great axe and gave there-
with many a great stroke, so that none
durst approach near to him ; and the
banner of king Henry his brother met and
rencountered against his, each of them crying
their cries. Then the battle of king don
Peter began to open : then don Ferrant of
Castro, who was chief counsellor about
king don Peter, saw and perceived well
how his people began to lose and to be
discomfited, said to the king : ' Sir, save
yourself and withdraw you into the castle of
Montiel. Sir, if ye be there, ye be in safe-
guard ; for if ye be taken with your
enemies, ye are but dead without mercy.'
The king don Peter believed his counsel
and departed as soon as he might and went
toward Montiel, and so came thither in
such time that he found the gates open, and
so he entered all only with twelve persons ;
CAPTURE OF DON PETER, 1369
and in the mean season the other of his
company fought still in the fields, as they
were sparkled abroad here and there. The
Saracens defended themselves as well as
they might, for they knew not the country,
therefore to fly they thought was for them
none avail. Then tidings came to king
Henry and to sir Bertram of Guesclin how
that king don Peter was fled and withdrawn
into the castle of Montiel, and how that
the Begue of Villaines had pursued him
thither ; and into this castle there was but
one passage, before which passage the
Begue of Villaines had pight his standard.
Of the which tidings king Henry and sir
Bertram of Guesclin was right joyous, and
so drew to that part in slaying and beating
down their enemies like beasts, so that they
were weary of killing. This chase endured
more than three hours, so that day there
was more than fourteen thousand slain and
sore hurt : there were but few that were
saved, except such as knew the passages of
the country. This battle was beside
Montiel in Spain the thirteenth day of the
month of August the year of our Lord God
a thousand three hundred threescore and
eight.
CHAPTER CCXLH
How king don Peter was taken and put to
death, and so king Henry was again king
of Castile : and of the tenour of certain
letters touching the French king and the
king of England, and of the counsel that
was given to king Charles of France to
make war to the king of England.
After this discomfiture and that king
Henry had obtained the victory, then they
laid siege round about the castle of Montiel,
wherein was king don Peter. Then king
Henry sent for the residue of his company
to Toledo, whereas they lay at siege, of the
which tidings the earl don Tello and the
earl Sancho were right joyful. This castle
of Montiel was right strong and able to
have held against them all a long space, if
it had been purveyed of victual and other
things necessary ; but there was not in the
castle scant to serve four days, whereof
king don Peter and his company were sore
abashed, for they were so straitly watched
day and night, that a bird could not come
out of the castle without spying. Then
king don Peter, seeing himself thus beset
round about with his enemies, and knew
no way of peace or concord, was in great
imagination. So all perils considered and
for default of victual, he was counselled to
depart privily at the hour of midnight and
twelve persons with him, and so to ad-
venture on the grace of God, and guides
were appointed to bring him in safe-guard.
And so about the time of midnight next
after the king don Peter and don Ferrant of
Castro and twelve other persons with them
departed out of the castle. The night was
very dark and the Begue of Villaines kept
watch without the same night, and a three
hundred with him. And as king don Peter
and his company issued out of the castle,
and went down a high way as privily as they
could devise, the Begue of Villaines, who
was ever in doubt lest they should scape, the
which caused him to make the surer watch,
he thought he heard men pass down the
high way, and said to them that were about
him : ' Sirs, keep you still all privy, for
methink I hear folks come in the way. We
will go know what they be, and what they
seek here at this time of night : peradventure
there be some that are coming to revictual
the castle.' Then the Begue stept forth
with his dagger in his hand and came to a
man that was near to king don Peter and
said, 'What art thou ?' and he rushed forth
with his horse from him and passed by
them. The Begue stept to king don Peter,
who was next, and said, * What art thou ?
Shew me thy name, or thou art but dead ' ;
and took him by the bridle, for he thought
he should not pass from him as the other
did. And when king don Peter saw such
a rout of men of war before him and that
he could not scape, said : ' Sir Begue of
Villaines, I am king don Peter of Castile.
I yield me to you as a prisoner and put me
and my company, the which are but twelve
persons, into your hands and pleasure :
and, sir, I require you by the way of
gentleness to bring me into some safe-guard,
and I shall pay to you such ransom as ye
will desire, for I thank God I have enough
wherewith, so that I may scape from the
hands of the bastard my brother.' Then
the Begue, as I was informed, answered
and said : ' Sir, I shall bring you and your
company into safe-guard, and your brother
I90
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
shall know nothing of you by me. ' So thus
king don Peter was brought to the Begue's
lodging, into the proper lodging of sir Yon
of Laconet ; and he had not been there
the space of an hour, when that king Henry
and the earl of Roquebertin and a certain
with them came to the same lodging. And
as soon as king Henry was entered into the
chamber, he said : ' Where is that whoreson
and Jew that calleth himself king of Castile?'
Then king don Peter, who was a right
hardy and a cruel knight, advanced himself
and said : * Nay, thou art a whoreson and
I am son to king Alphonso.' And there-
with he took king Henry his brother in his
arms and wrestled so with him that he
overthrew him on a bench, and set his
hand on his knife and had slain him with-
out remedy, an the viscount of Roquebertin
had not been. He took king don Peter by
the leg and turned him up-se-down, so that
king Henry was then above, who drew out
a long knife and strake king don Peter into
the body. Therewith his men came in to
help him, and there was slain also by him a
knight of England called sir Ralph Helme,
who was sometime called the green squire,
and another squire called James Rolland,
because they made defence ; but as for don
Ferrant of Castro and the other, had none
evil, but remained prisoners to the Begue
of Villaines and to sir Yon of Laconet.
Thus ended king don Peter of Castile,
who sometime reigned in great prosperity.
And after he was slain, he was left three
days above the earth,^ the which methink
was great pity. Then the next day the
lord of Montiel yielded him to king Henry,
and he took him to mercy and all those that
would turn to him. Then tidings ran over
all Castile how king don Peter was slain,
whereof his friends were sorry and his
enemies joyful. But when the king of
Portugal heard how his cousin king don
Peter was dead, he was right sorrowful,
and sware and said that his death should
be revenged. And so he sent incontinent
his defiance to king Henry and made him
war and kept the marches of Seville against
him a certain season ; but for all that king
Henry left not his purpose in pursuing of
his enterprise, but returned to Toledo, the
which yielded up straight to him and all
the country thereabout. And at last the
1 That is, ' on the ground ' where he was slain.
king of Portugal thought not to keep any
longer war against king Henry, so there
was a peace made between them by the
means of the prelates and lords of Spain.
Thus king Henry abode in peace king of
Castile, and with him sir Bertram of
Guesclin, sir Oliver of Mauny and other
knights and squires of France and of
Bretayne. And king Henry did much for
them, as he was bound to do, for without
their help he had not obtained his purpose :
and so he made sir Bertram constable of
Spain and gave him the land of Soria, the
which was yearly worth twenty thousand
franks, and to sir Oliver his nephew he
gave the land of Ecrette,^ the which was
yearly worth ten thousand franks, and also
he gave fair lands to divers other knights
and squires. Then the king went and lay
at Burgos with his wife and children. Of
his prosperity and good adventure greatly
rejoiced the French king, the duke of Jl
Anjou, and also the king of Aragon. f |
About the same time died sir Lyon of
England duke of Clarence, who had passed
the sea, as ye have heard before, and had
married the daughter of Galeas lord of
Milan. But because he died strangely, the
lord Edward Spenser his companion kept
war against him a certain space, but finally
he was informed of the truth. Now let us
return to the adventures of the duchy of
Acquitaine.
SUMMARY.— The lords of Gascony per-
severed in their appeal to the French king,
although it was shewn them that they had
no right of appeal but to the king of Eng-
land. The French king was unwilling to
make war tvith the English, but on examina-
tion of the treaty of Bretigny he was
counselled that he had just cause.
CHAPTER CCXLHI
How the French king sent to summon the
prince of Wales by appeal to appear
personally in the chamber of the peers of
France at Paris, to answer there against
the barons of Gascoyne.
So much the French king was exhorted by
them of his council, and so oft required by
them of Gascoyne, that there was appeal
1 Agreda.
I
I
I
THE PRINCE OF WALES SUMMONED TO PARIS
191
made and formed to be sent into Acquitaine
to appeal the prince of Wales to the parlia-
ment of Paris, and it was devised by the
earl of Armagnac, the lord d'Albret, the
earl of Perigord, the earl of Comminges,
the viscount of Caraman, the lord de la
Barthe, the lord of Puycornet and divers
other, who were chief causers of this matter.
And this appeal contained how for the great
griefs that these Gascons complained that
the prince of Wales and Acquitaine would
do to them and to their people, therefore
they made their resort to the French king,
requiring that the prince might be appealed
sith they had made the French king their
judge. And when this appeal was made
and duly corrected by all the wise council
of France, then it was concluded by the
said council that it should be signified to
the prince and that he should be appealed,
to appear in proper person at Paris in the
chamber of the peers of France, to answer
to the complaints made there against him.
And to bear this appeal was commanded a
clerk well languaged to do such a business,
and a knight with him called Chaponnet of
Chaponval ; and so they and their company
departed from Paris and took their way
toward Poitou, nnd so passed through
Berry, Touraine, Poitou and Saintonge and
came to Blaye, and there passed the river
and so came to Bordeaux, whereas the
prince and princess was : and always in
every place they said how they were mes-
sengers from the French king, wherefore
they were the better welcome into every
place. Then they took up their lodging
and tarried there all that night, and in the
next morning at a convenient hour they
went to the abbey of Saint Andrew's where
the prince was lodged, and there they were
well received. And when the prince knew
of their coming, he caused them to come
before him ; and when they came into his
presence, they kneeled down and made
their reverence and delivered the prince
letters of credence. The prince took and
read them and said : * Sirs, ye be welcome :
declare your message that ye have in
charge to shew us.' Then the clerk said :
' Right dear sir, here is a letter that was
delivered to us at Paris by our lord the
French king, the which letter we promised
by our faiths to publish openly in your
presence ; for, sir, they touch you. ' The
prince then began to change colour and
had great marvel what it might be, and so
had other knights that were about him ;
howbeit, he refrained himself and said :
' Say on, sirs, what ye will : good tidings
we will be glad to hear.' Then the clerk
took the writing and read it word by
word, the tenour of the which hereafter
followeth : —
' Charles, by the grace of God French
king, to our nephew the prince of Wales
and Acquitaine send greeting. So it is
that divers prelates, barons, knights, uni-
versities, commonalties and colleges of the
marches and limitations of the country of
Gascoyne, and the dwellers and habitants
in the bounds of our realm, ^ beside divers
other of the duchy of Acquitaine, are
drawn and are come to our court to have
right of certain griefs and troubles un-
lawful, that you by feeble counsel and
simple information have been in purpose
to do to them, of the which we have
marvel. Therefore to withstand and to
remedy the same matters we are so con-
joined to them, that by our royal majesty
and seignory we command you to come
into our city of Paris in proper person,
and there you to shew and present [your-
self] before us in our chamber of our peers
and there to do right on the foresaid com-
plaints and griefs, moved by you to do on
your people, who claimeth to have their
resort into our court, and that this be not
failed in as hasty wise as ye can after the
sight or hearing of these letters. In
witness whereof to these presents we have
set our seal. Given at Paris the twenty-
fifth ^ day of January. '
When the prince of Wales had read this
letter, he had great marvel and shook his
head and beheld fiercely the Frenchmen.
And when he had a little studied, he
answered in this manner : ' Sirs, we will
gladly go to Paris to our uncle, sith he hath
sent thus for us : but I assure you that
shall be with bassenet on our head and
sixty thousand men in our company.'
Then the two Frenchmen kneeled down
and said : * Dear sir, for God's sake take
patience, and take not this appeal in so
great despite nor be not displeased with us.
1 ' Dwelling and inhabiting within the bounds of
our realm.'
2 The better reading is xv.
192
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
%
Sir, we be messengers sent by our lord the
French king, to whom we must needs
obey, as your subjects ought to obey you :
wherefore, sir, it behoveth us to do his
commandment ; and, sir, whatsoever ye
will give us in charge to say, we shall shew
it to the king our prince and lord.' * Nay,'
quoth the prince, ' sirs, I am not displeased
with you, but with them that sent you
hither ; and the king your master is not
well counselled to compoin himself with
our subjects, or to make himself judge
where he hath nothing to do nor no manner
of right. For it shall be well shewed that
at the rendering and putting in possession
of the king my father into the duchy of
Acquitaine, he quitted all manner of resorts :
for all they that hath caused this appeal to
be had against me hath none other resort of
right but into the court of England, before
the king my dear father ; and or it shall
be otherwise, I ensure you it shall cost a
hundred thousand men's lives.'
And therewith the prince departed and
went to another chamber and left them
still there. Then knights of England came
to them and said : ' Sirs, ye may depart
when ye list to your lodging ; ye have right
well accomplished your message, but look
for none other answer than ye have had.'
Then the knight and the clerk departed
and went to their lodging and so dined ;
and after dinner they trussed and mounted
a-horseback and departed from Bordeaux
and took the way to Toulouse-ward, to the
intent to shew the duke of Anjou how they
had sped. The prince was sore displeased
with this appeal and so were all the knights
about him, and they counselled the prince
that the two French messengers should have
been slain for their labour ; but the prince
charged them the contrary : howbeit, he had
against them many a sore imagination, and
when it was shewed him how they were de-
parted without any other licence and that
they were ridden toward Toulouse, then he
called to him sir Thomas Felton and the
seneschal of Rouergue, sir Richard of
Pontchardon, sir Thomas Percy and his
chancellor the bishop of Bade : then the
prince demanded of them if the French
messengers had any safe-conduct of him or
not, and they answered they knew of none
that they had. ' No,' said the prince and
shook his head and said, 'It is not con-
venient that they should thus lightly depart
out of our country and to make their
j anglings to the duke of Anjou, who loveth
us but a little. He will be glad that they
have thus summoned us in our own house.
I trow, all things considered, they be rather
messengers of mine own subjects, as the
earl of Armagnac, the lord d'Albret, the
earl of Perigord and the earls of Comminges
and Caraman, than of the French king's.
Therefore because of the great despite that
they have done to us, we would they were
overtaken and put in prison. ' Of the which
all the prince's council was right joyous and
said : ' Sir, we fear ye have tarried too
long from this purpose.' Incontinent the
seneschal of Agenois was commanded to
take with him sir William the monk,^ a
right good knight of England, and that they
should ride after to stop the messengers.
And so they departed, and followed so long
after them, that at last they overtook them in
the land of Agenois, and they arrested them
and made another occasion than the prince's
commandment ; for in their arresting they
spake no word of the prince, but said how
their host, whereas they lay last, complained
on them for a horse that he said they had
changed. The knight and the clerk had
great marvel of that tidings and excused
themselves, but their excuse could not avail,
but so they were brought into the city of
Agen and put in prison. And they let some^
of their pages depart, and they went by th(
city of Toulouse and recorded to the dukej
of Anjou all the whole matter, whereof h<
was nothing displeased, for he thought well|
that thereby should begin war and hatred,
and so he prepared covertly therefor. These
tidings came to the French king, for the^
pages went and recounted all the whole
matter to him, as they had heard and seen :
of the which the king was sore displeased
and took it in great despite and took counsel
and advice thereon, and specially of the«|
words it was shewed him that the prince ■I
should say, when he said that he would come ™
personally to his uncle to answer to the
appeal made against him, with his bassenet
on his head and sixty thousand men of war
in his company. Against the which the
French king made provision right subtly
and wisely ; for he thought well it was a
1 ' The seneschal of Agenois, who was named sir
William le Moine, was charged with the business.'
of
i
.111
i
RENEWAL OF WAR, 1369
193
weighty matter to make war against the
king of England and his puissance, seeing
how they had put his predecessors in time
past to so much labour and travail : where-
fore he thought it a hard matter to begin
war, but he was so sore required of the great
lords of Gascoyne and Guyenne, and also it
was shewed him what great extortions and
damages the Englishmen did daily and
were likely to do in time to come : he
granted to the war with an evil will, con-
sidering the destruction of the poor people
that he thought should ensue thereby.
CHAPTERS CCXLIV-CCXLVII
SUMMARY.— Several of the French host-
ages in England procured their liberation,
and among others the duke of Berry a?td the
duke of Bourbon. This last ^obtained his
acquittance by procuring the bishopric of
Winchester for William of Wick ham, the
kijtg's chaplain.
The prince of Wales had taken a sickness
in Spain, of which daily he grew xvorse.
The earl of Perigord and others attacked
and routed Thomas Walkefare, seneschal of
Rouergue, in revenge for the capture of
the envoys. The prince of Wales sent for
sir John Chandos.
The Fi-ench king sent envoys to England,
and meanwhile made secret preparations for
seizing Abbeville and the county of Potithieu.
When all was ready, the envoys returned,
and letters of defiance were sent to the king
of England by a Breton varlet. The king
was ifulignant at receiving them from stick
a person, and at once prepared to defend
PontJiieu ; but before his force could arrive,
it ivas lost.
Sir Guichard d"* Angle, returning from
Rome, passed through France and joined
the prince of Wales.
CHAPTERS CCXLVHI-CCLHI
SUMMARY.— The king of England sent
men of war to the frontiers of Scotland, and
also prepared to defend the coast of England.
The dukes of Anjou and Berry made their
summons to go against the prince of Wales.
The king of England sent the ea*-ls of
Cambridge and Pembroke to the prince of
o
Wales, and they passed by Brittany to An-
gotdime, where the prince was.
War was carried on with various success
in Perigord, Quercy and Languedoc.
Several towns, including Cahors, turned
French.
The dukes of Gueldres and Juliers sent
defiance to the French king.
The duke of Burgundy was married to
the datighter of the earl of Flanders.
CHAPTERS CCLIV-CCLXV
SUMMARY. — War continued in Quercy,
Poitou and elsewhere, and sir Robert
Knolles, who came from Brittany, was
sent into the Agenois and then laid siege
to Duravel, whither also came sir John
Chandos, the captal de Buch and others, but
they could not take either that town or
Domme. They took Grafnat, Rocamadour
arui Villefranche and so returned.
Meanwhile the earls of Cambridge and
Pembroke took Bourdeilles in Perigord. An
English company took Belleperche in Bour-
bonnais, and in it the mother of the duke of
Bourbon and of the queen of France.
The English captured la Roche-sur- Yon;
and sir John Chandos laid 7vaste the lands
of Anjou, ami then returned to Poitiers.
At this time the duke of Lancaster had
been sent to Calais, and the duke of Bur-
gundy lay opposite to him at Tornehem.
The earl of Pembroke, who had disdained
to go with sir John Chandos, rode into
Anjou. When returning he was surprised
at the village of Purnon by sir Louis de
Sancerre, and being besieged there in a
building belonging to the Templars, he sent
for help to sir John Chandos.
CHAPTER CCLXVI
How sir John Chandos came to the succour
of the earl of Pembroke.
Between the morning and nine of the day,
when the assault was most fiercest and that
the Frenchmen were sore displeased that
the Englishmen endured so long, wherefore
they sent to he villages thereabout for
pikes and mattocks to break down and
undermine the wall, which thing the
194
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
Englishmen doubted most, then the earl of
Pembroke called a squire to him and said :
* Friend, take my courser and issue out at
the back postern and we shall make you way,
and ride straight to Poitiers and shew sir
John Ghandos the state and danger that we
be in, and recommend me to him by this
token,' and took a ring from his finger and
delivered to him and said, ' Take sir John
Chandos this ring ; he knoweth it right well.'
The squire who took that enterprise thought
it should be a great honour to him, if he
might achieve to scape and speak with him ;
took the ring, and mounted incontinent on
his courser and departed by a privy way,
while the assault endured, and took the
way to Poitiers. In the mean season the
assault was terrible and fierce by the French-
men, and the Englishmen defended them-
selves right valiantly with good courage, as
it stood them well in hand so to do.
Now let us speak of the first squire, that
departed from Puirenon at the hour of
midnight and all the night he rode out of
his way, and when it was morning and fair
day, then he knew his way and so rode
toward Poitiers, and by that time his horse
was weary. Howbeit, he came thither by
nine of the clock and there alighted before
sir John Chandos' lodging and entered and
found him at mass, and so came and kneeled
down before him and did his message as he
was commanded. And^sir John Chandos,
who was not content for the other day
before, in that the earl of Pembroke would
not ride with him, as ye have heard before,
wherefore he was not lightly inclined to
make any great haste, but said : * It will be
hard for us to come thither time enough and
to hear out this mass.' And anon after
mass the tables were covered ready to
dinner, and the servants demanded of him if
he would go to dinner, and he said, ' Yes,
sith it is ready.' Then he went into his
hall, and knights and squires brought him
water, and as he was a washing, there came
into the hall the second squire from the
earl of Pembroke and kneeled down and
took the ring out of his purse and said :
* Right dear sir, the earl of Pembroke re-
commendeth him to you by this token and
desireth you heartily to come and comfort
him and bring him out of the danger that
he and his be in at Puirenon.' Then sir
John Chandos took the ring and knew it
well and said : ' To come thither betimes
it were hard, if they be in that case as ye
shew me. Let us go to dinner ' : and so
sat down, and all his company, and ate the
first course. And as he was served of the
second course and was eating thereof,
suddenly sir John Chandos, who greatly had
imagined of that matter, and at last cast up
his head and said to his company : ' Sirs,
the earl of Pembroke is a noble man and of
great lineage : he is son to my natural lord
the king of England, for he hath wedded his
daughter, and in everything he is companion
to the earl of Cambridge. He hath required
me to come to him in his business, and I
ought to consent to his desire and to succour
and comfort him, if we may come betimes.'
Therewith he put the table from him and
said : ' Sirs, I will ride toward Puirenon ' :
whereof his people had great joy and in-
continent apparelled, and the trumpets
sowned and every man mounted on their
horses they that best might, as soon as they
heard that sir John Chandos would ride to
Puirenon to comfort the earl of Pembroke
and his company, who were besieged there.
Then every knight, squire and man of arms
went out into the field, so they were more
than two hundred spears and alway they in-
creased. Thus as they rode forth together,
tidings came to the Frenchmen, who had
continually assaulted the fortress from the
morning till it was high noon, by their
spies, who said to them : * Sirs, advise you
well, for sir John Chandos is departed from_^
Poitiers with more than two hundred speai
and is coming hitherward in great haste, an<i
hath great desire to find you here.' And
when sir Louis of Sancerre and sir John
Vienne, sir John of Bueil and the other
captains heard those tidings, the wisest
among them said : ' Sirs, our people are
sore weary and travailed with assaulting of
the Englishmen both yesterday and this
day : therefore I think it were better thatJJj
fair and easily we returned in safeguard withll
such winnings and prisoners as we have got,"'
rather than to abide the adventure of the
coming of sir John Chandos and his com-
pany, who are all fresh and lusty, for I
fear we may lose more than we shall win.'
The which counsel was well believed, for
it behoved not them long to tarry. Then
their trumpets sowned the retreat : then all
their company drew from the assault and
i
SIR JOHN CHANDOS AND THE EARL OF PEMBROKE 195
assembled together and trussed up their har-
ness and carriage, and so returned and took
the way to Posay.^ The earl of Pembroke
and his company knew anon thereby how
the Frenchmen had knowledge of the
coming of sir John Chandos. Then the
earl said : ' Sirs, let us all issue out and ride
toward Poitiers to meet with my dear friend
sir John Chandos. ' Then they leapt a-horse-
back, such as had any horses, and some
afoot and two and two on a horse, and so
they issued out of the castle and rode
toward Poitiers. And they had not ridden
a league, but that they encountered sir John
Chandos and his company, arid there was
a joyful meeting ; and sir John Chandos
said that he was sore displeased that he
came not or the Frenchmen were departed :
and so they rode together talking the space
of three leagues, and then they took leave
each of other. Sir John Chandos returned
to Poitiers and the earl of Pembroke to
Mortagne, from whence he first departed.
And the marshals of France and their com-
pany returned to Posay and there departed
their booty ; and then every man went to
their own garrison and led with them their
prisoners, and ransomed them courteously
in like manner as was accustomed between
the Englishmen and Frenchmen.
Now let us return to the assembly before
Tornehem, and speak of the death of the
most gentle queen, most liberal and most
courteous that ever was queen in her days,
the which was the fair lady Philippa of
Hainault, queen of England and Ireland.
CHAPTERS CCLXVII-CCLXIX
SUMMAR Y.— Queen Philippa of England
died, 14M August 1369.
The duke of Bitr gundy departed from the
duke of Lancaster ivithout battle, and the
duke of Lancaster returned to Calais.
The earl of Pembroke rode again into
Anjou. The abbey of Saint- Savin in
Poitou was delivered up to the French,
who put a garrison there.
The duke of Lancaster rode through
Picardy and Normandy as far as Harfleur
and then returned. Sir Hugh de Chatillon,
captain of Abbeville, was taken prisoner by
the English.
1 La Roche- Posay.
CHAPTER CCLXX
How sir John Chandos was slain in a battle,
and how finally the Frenchmen were dis-
comfited and taken in the same battle.
Greatly it grieved sir John Chandos the
taking of Saint - Salvin, because it was
under his rule, for he was seneschal of
Poitou. He set all his mind how he might
recover it again, other by force or by
stealth he cared not, so he might have it,
and for that intent divers nights he made
sundry bushments, but it availed not ; for
sir Louis, who kept it, took ever so good
heed thereto, that he defended it from all
dangers, for he knew well the taking thereof
grieved sore sir John Chandos at the heart.
So it fell that the night before the first day
of January sir John Chandos being in
Poitiers sent to assemble together divers
barons, knights and squires of Poitou,
desiring them to come to him as privily as
they could, for he certained them how he
would ride forth : and they refused not his
desire, for they loved him entirely, but
shortly assembled together in the city of
Poitiers.
Thither came sir Guichard d'Angle, sir
Louis Harcourt, the lord of Pons, the lord
of Partenay, the lord of Poyanne, the lord
Tannay-Bouton, sir Geoffrey d'Argenton,
sir Mauburny of Linieres, sir Thomas Percy,
sir Baudwin of Freville, sir Richard of
Pontchardon and divers other. And when
they were all together assembled, they were
three hundred spears, and departed by
night from Poitiers. None knew whither
they should go except certain of the lords,
and they had ready with them scaling
ladders and so came to Saint -Salvin and
there alighted and delivered their horses to
their varlets, which was about midnight,
and so entered into the dike. Yet they
had not their intent so shortly ; for suddenly
they heard the watch-horn blow : I shall
tell you wherefore it blew. The same
night Charuel ^ was departed from the
Roche of Posay with a forty spears with
him and was come the same time to Saint-
Salvin to speak with the captain, sir Louis
of Saint-Julian, to the intent to have ridden
1 Jean Charuel, a Breton captain in garrison at
la Roche-Posay,
196
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
together to Poitou, to see if they could get
any prey : and so he called up the watch-
man, the which made him to sound his
horn. And so the Englishmen, who were
on the other side of the fortress, hearing
the watch blow and great noise in the
place, feared lest they had been spied by
some spies, for they knew nothing that the
said Frenchmen were on the other side to
have entered into the place. Therefore
they withdrew back again out of the dikes
and said : ' Let us go hence for this night,
for we have failed of our purpose.' And
so they remounted on their horses and
returned whole together to Chauvigny on
the river of Creuse, a two leagues thence.
Then the Poitevins demanded of sir John
Chandos if he would command them any
further service. He answered and said :
' Sirs, return home again when it please
you in the name of God, and as for this
day I will abide still here in this town.'
So there departed the knights of Poitou
and some of England to the number of two
hundred spears.
Then sir John Chandos went into a
house and caused to be made a good fire :
and there was still with him sir Thomas
Percy and his company, seneschal of
Rochelle, who said to sir John Chandos :
' Sir, is it your intent to tarry here all this
day?' 'Yea truly, sir,' quoth he; 'why
demand you ? ' ' Sir, the cause I desire you
is, sith ye will not stir this day, to give me
leave and I will ride some way with my
company, to see if I can find any adventure.'
'Go your way, sir, in the name of God,'
quoth sir John Chandos. And so departed
sir Thomas Percy with a thirty spears in
his company, and so passed the bridge at
Chauvigny and took the long way that
led to Poitiers : and sir John Chandos
abode still behind, full of displeasure in
that he had failed of his purpose ; and so
stood in a kitchen warming him by the fire,
and his servants jangled with him to the
intent to bring him out of his melancholy.
His servants had prepared for him a place to
rest him : then he demanded if it were near
day, and therewith there came a man into
the house and came before him and said :
' Sir, I have brought you tidings. ' ' What
be they ? tell me.' ' Sir, surely thfe French-
men be riding abroad. ' * How knowest
thou that ? ' ' Sir, ' said he, * I departed
from Saint -Salvin with them.' 'What
way be they ridden ? ' ' Sir, I cannot tell
you the certainty, but surely they took the
highway to Poitiers.' 'What Frenchmen
be they, canst thou tell me ? ' ' Sir, it is
sir Louis of Saint-Julian and Charuel the
Breton.' 'Well,' quoth sir John Chandos,
' I care not. I have no list this night to
ride forth. They may hap to be encoun-
tered, though I be not there. ' And so he
tarried there still a certain space in a great
study ; and at last, when he had well
advised himself, he said : ' Whatsoever I
have said hereliefore, I trow it be good
that I ride forth. I must return to Poitiers,
and anon it will be day,' 'That is true,
sir,' quoth the knights about him. Then
he said : ' Make ready, for I will ride
forth ' : and so they did, and mounted on
their horses and departed and took the
right way to Poitiers coasting the river,
and the Frenchmen the same time were
not past a league before him in the same
way, thinking to pass the river at the
bridge of Lussac. There the Englishmen
had knowledge how they were in the track
of the Frenchmen, for the Frenchmen's
horses cried and brayed because of the
English horses that were before them with
sir Thomas Percy. ^ And anon it was fair
light day, for in the beginning of January hi
the mornings be soon light, and when the fl
Frenchmen and Bretons were within a ■'
league of the bridge, they perceived on the
other side of the bridge sir Thomas Percy
and his company, and he likewise per-
ceived the Frenchmen and rode as fast as
he might to get the advantage of the bridge,
and said : * Behold yonder Frenchmen be
a great number against us : therefore let us
take the advantage of the bridge.' And
when sir Louis and Charuel saw the Eng-
lishmen make such haste to get the bridge,
they did in like wise ; howbeit, the Eng-
1 This is quite wrong, but the French text is
largely responsible for the errors. According to
the true reading it should be : 'And the English-
men had knowledge of it by their horses, which
followed the course of the Frenchmen's horses and
entered into the track of the Frenchmen's horses :
so they said: "Either sir Thomas Percy or the
Frenchmen are riding before us."' The trans-
lator's text had ' fray ' for * froais ' (track), which he
did not understand, and was quite corrupt in the
latter part, omitting 'si disent ' and giving, 'ou
messire Thomas de Persy chevauchoit devant eulx
He found it unintelligible and altered it to make
some sense.
I
DEATH OF SIR JOHN CHAN DOS, 1369
197
lishmen gat it first, and lighted all afoot
and so ranged themselves in good order to
defend the bridge. The Frenchmen like-
wise lighted afoot and delivered their horses
to their pages, commanding them to draw
aback, and so did put themselves in good
order to go and assail the Englishmen,
who kept themselves close together and
were nothing affrayed, though they were but
a handful of men as to the regard of the
Frenchmen. And thus, as the Frenchmen
and Bretons studied and imagined how and
by what means to their advantage they
might assail the Englishmen, therewith
there came behind them sir John Chandos,
his banner displayed, bearing therein silver,
a sharp pile gules, and Jakes of Alery, a
valiant man of arms, did bear it, and he
had with him a forty spears. He approached
fiercely the Frenchmen, and when he was
a three furlongs from the bridge, the French
pages who saw them coming were affrayed,
and' so ran away with the horses and left
their masters there afoot. And when sir
John Chandos was come near to them, he
said : ' Hark ye, Frenchmen, ye are but
evil men of war : ye ride at your pleasure
and ease day and night : ye take and win
towns and fortresses in Poitou, whereof I
am seneschal : ye ransom poor folk without
my leave : ye ride all about clean armed.
It should seem the country is all yours, but
I ensure you it is not so. Ye, sir Louis
and Charuel, ye are too great masters. It
is more than a year and a half that I have
set all mine intent to find or encounter
with you, and now, I thank God, I see
you and speak to you. Now shall it be
seen who is stronger, other you or I.
It hath been shewed me oftentimes that ye
have greatly desired to find me : now ye
may see me here : I am John Chandos,
advise me well. Your great feats of arms
wherewith ye be renowned, by God's leave
now shall we prove it.' While such lan-
guage was spoken, sir John Chandos' com-
pany drew together, and sir Louis and
Charuel kept themselves close together,
making semblant to be glad to be fought
withal ; and of all this matter sir Thomas
Percy, who was on the other side of the
bridge, knew nothing, for the bridge was
high in the midst, so that none could see
other.
While sir John Chandos reasoned thus
with the Frenchmen, there was a Breton
look his glaive and could forbear no longer,
but came to an English squire called Sim-
kin Dodale, and strake him so in the breast,
that he cast him down from his horse. Sir
John Chandos, when he heard that noise
beside him, he turned that way and saw
his squire lie on the earth and the French-
men laying on him.^ Then he was more
chafed than he was before, and said to his
company : ' Sirs, how suffer you this squire
thus to be slain ? Afoot, afoot ! ' and so
he leapt afoot and all his company, and so
Simkin was rescued and the battle begun.
Sir John Chandos, who was a right hardy
and a courageous knight, with his banner
before him and his company about him,
with his coat of arms on him great and
large, beaten with his arms of white sarcenet
with two piles gules one before and another
behind, so that he seemed to be a sufficient
knight to do a great feat of arms, and as
one of the foremost with his glaive in his
hand marched to his enemies. The same
morning there had fallen a great dew, so
that the ground was somewhat moist, and
so in his going forward he slode and fell
down at the joining with his enemies ; and
as he was arising there lit a stroke on him
given by a squire called Jaques of Saint-
Martin with his glaive, the which stroke
entered into the flesh under his eye between
the nose and the forehead. Sir John
Chandos saw not the stroke coming on
that side, for he was blind on the one eye.
He lost the sight thereof a five year before,
as he hunted after an hart in the launds of
Bordeaux, and also he had on no visor.
The stroke was rude and entered into
his brain, the which stroke grieved him so
sore, that he overthrew to the earth and
turned for pain two times up-se-down, as
he that was wounded to death ; for after
the stroke he never spake word. And
when his men saw that misfortune, they
were right dolorous : then his uncle Edward
Clifford stept and bestrode him, for the
Frenchmen would fain have had him, and
defended him so valiantly and gave round
about him such strokes, that none durst
approach near to him : also sir John Clan-
vowe and sir Bertram of Casselis seemed
like men out of their minds, when they saw
their master lie on the earth. The Bretons
1 i.e. * striking him. '
t98
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
and Frenchmen were greatly comforted,
when they saw the captain of their enemies
on the earth, thinking verily that he had
his death's wound. Then they advanced
themselves and said : * Ye Englishmen,
yield you, for ye are all ours, ye cannot
scape us.' There the Englishmen did
marvels in arms, as well to defend them-
selves as to revenge their master sir John
Chandos, whom they saw lie in a hard case.
And a squire of sir John Chandos spied
Jaques of Saint-Martin, who had given his
master his mortal stroke, and ran to him
fiercely and struck him with such violence,
that his glaive pierced through both his
thighs. Howbeit, for all that stroke, he
left not still to fight.
If sir Thomas Percy and his company
had known of this adventure, who were on
the other side of the bridge, they should
well have succoured him ; but because they
knew nothing thereof, nor heard no more
of the Frenchmen, weening to them they
had been gone back, therefore he and his
company departed and took the way to
Poitiers, as they that knew nothing of that
business. Thus the Englishmen fought still
before the bridge of Lussac, and there was
done many a feat of arms. Briefly, the
Englishmen could endure no longer against
the Frenchmen, so that the most part of
them were discomfited and taken, but
always Edward Clifford would not depart
from his nephew, thereas he lay. So thus,
if the Frenchmen had been so happy as to
have had their horses there ready, as they
had not, for their pages were run away from
them before, or else they might have de-
parted with much honour and profit with
many a good prisoner, and for lack of them
they lost all : wherefore they were sore dis-
pleased and said among themselves : ' Ah,
this is an evil order ; for the journey is ours,
and yet through fault of our pages we can-
not depart, seeing we be heavy armed and
sore travailed, so that we cannot go afoot
through this country, the which is full of
our enemies and contrary to us, and we are
a six leagues from the next fortress that we
have, and also divers of our company be
sore hurt and we may not leave them be-
hind us.' Thus as they were in this case
and wist not what to do, and had sent two
Bretons unarmed into the fields to see if
they might find any of their pages with their
horses, there came on them sir Guichard
d'Angle, sir Louis Harcourt, the lord
Partenay, the lord Tannay-Bouton, the
lord d'Argenton, the lord of Poyanne, sir
Jaques of vSurgeres, and divers other
Englishmen to the number of two hundred
spears, who rode about to seek for the
Frenchmen, for it was shewed them how
they were abroad : and so they fell in the
track of the horses and came in great haste
with banners and pennons waving in the
wind. And as soon as the Bretons and
Frenchmen saw them coming, they knew
well they were their enemies : then they
said to the Englishmen whom they had
taken as prisoners before : ' Sirs, behold
yonder cometh a band of your company
to succour you, and we perceive well that
we cannot endure against them, and ye be
our prisoners. We will quit you, so that
ye will keep us, and will become your
prisoners ; for we had rather yield us to
you than to them that cometh yonder.'
And they answered : ' As ye will, so are
we content.' Thus the Englishmen were
loosed out of their prisons. Then the
Poitevins, Gascons and Englishmen came
on them, their spears in their rests, crying
their cries. Then the Frenchmen and
Bretons drew aside and said to them : ' Sirs,
leave : do us no hurt : we be all prisoners hi
already.'^ The Englishmen affirmed theBj
same and said : ' They be our prisoners. ' ■ >
Charuel was prisoner with sir Bertram of
Cassehs and sir Louis of Saint-Julian with
sir John Clanvowe, so that there was none
but that he had a master.
The barons and knights of Poitou were
sore discomforted, when they saw their
seneschal sir John Chandos lie on the earth
and could not speak. Then they lament-
ably complained and said, * Ah, sir John
Chandos, the flower of all chivalry, un- Jj
happily was that glaive forged that thusW
hath wounded you and brought you in
peril of death.' They wept piteously that
were about him, and he heard and under-
stood them well, but he could speak no
word. They wrung their hands and tare
their hairs and made many a pitiful com-
plaint, and specially such as were of his
own house. Then his servants unarmed
him and laid him on pavises and so bare
1 ' Ho, seigneurs, cessez, cessez : nous sommes
prisonniers.'
LIMOGES WON BY THE FRENCH, 1370
199
him softly to Mortimer, the next fortress to
them. And the other barons and knights
returned to Poitiers and led with them
their prisoners : and as I understood, the
same Jaques Martin that thus hurt sir John
Chandos was so little taken heed to of his
hurts, that he died at Poitiers. And this
noble knight sir John Chandos lived not
after his hurt past a day and a night, but
so died. God have mercy on his soul : for
in a hundred year after there was not^ a
more courteous nor more fuller of noble
virtues and good conditions among the
Englishmen than he was. And when the
prince and princess, the earl of Cambridge,
the earl of Pembroke and other barons
and knights of England, such as were in
Guyenne, heard of his death, they were all
discomforted, and said they had lost all
on that side of the sea. For his death his
friends and also some of his enemies were
right sorrowful. The Englishmen loved him,
because all nobleness was found in him :
the Frenchmen hated him because they
doubted him : yet I heard his death greatly
complained among right noble and valiant
knights of France, saying that it was a
great damage of his death, for they said :
' Better it had been that he had been taken
alive ; for if he had been taken alive,' they
said, *he was so sage and so imaginative,
that he would have found some manner of
good means whereby the peace might have
ensued between the realms of England and
France : for he was so well beloved with
the king of England, that the king would
believe him rather than any other in the
world.' Thus both French and English
spake of his death, and specially the Eng-
lishmen, for by him Guyenne was kept and
recovered.
CHAPTERS CCLXXI-CCLXXIX
SUMMAR V. — The lord of Coney, being
son-in-law to the king of England, would
take no part in the war and went into
Lombard}'.
The king of England sent letters into
Acqtiitaine giving up the fouage, but this
had little effect.
The duke of Bourbon laid siege to Belle-
1 ' Oncques depuis cent ans ne fut,' etc. ; that is,
' for a hundred year past there had not been,' etc.
perche, but the earls of Cambridge and
Pembroke marched thither with a large
force and removed thence the lady of Bour-
bon and the garrison.
It was purposed that in the following
summer the duke of Anjou should enter
Acquitaine by Bergerac and the duke of
Berry by Limoges and Quercy, and so meet
before Angouleme. It was resolved also to
send for Bertrand du Guesclin from Spain.
The French king made a treaty ivith the
king of Navarre.
Bertrand du Guesclin came to the duke
of Anjou at Toulouse.
The duke of Anjou took Moisac ^and
Montpezat, while the duke of Berry lay at
siege before Lifuoges. The prince of Wales
sunnnoned his host to meet at Cognac.
Peace was made between England and
Scotland for nine years and sir Robert
Knolles came over to Calais with a hundred
spears of Scotland in his company. With
fifteen hundred spears and four thousand
archers he laid waste the lands of Picardy
and Vermandois.
The duke of Anjou dismissed his army
and went to Cahors.
Bertrand du Guesclin came to the siege of
Limoges, which zvas on the point of sur-
rendering.
CHAPTER CCLXXX
How they of Limoges yielded them to the
duke of Berry, and how the same duke
brake up his army.
When sir Bertram was come again to the
siege,^ the Frenchmen were greatly rejoiced
of his coming. Then anon they pursued
the treaty that was begun between the
bishop of Limoges and them of the city
and the duke of Berry. And so finally the
bishop and they of the city turned them
and became French, and the duke of Berry
and the duke of Bourbon entered into the
city, and sir Guy of Blois and other lords
of France, with great joy, and took faith
and homage of them of the city, and so
refreshed and rested them there a three
days : and so determined there in council
1 The translator by misunderstanding of a former
passage has been led to suppose that du Guesclin
had been at the siege of Limoges once before this,
and therefore he inserts the word 'again.'
200
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
to break up their army for that time, as the
duke of Anjou had done, and to return into
their own countries to keep and defend
their towns and fortresses because of sir
Robert Knolles, who was still abroad in the
field in France ; also they said how they
had right well sped in winning of such
a city as Limoges. So this counsel and
advice was not broken, but thus these lords
departed each from other, and sir Bertram
abode still in the parts of Limousin with
two hundred spears and kept the castles of
the lord of Melval, the which were turned
French. When the duke of Berry departed
from Limoges, he ordained and set in the
same city at the request of the bishop sir
John of Villemur, sir Hugh de la Roche
and Roger Beaufort, with a hundred men
of arms, and then he went into Berry and
the duke of Bourbon into Bourbonnois, and
other lords of farther marches went home
into their own countries. Now let us
speak of the prince, how he sped.
When tidings was come to the prince
that the city of Limoges was turned French,
and how that the bishop, who was his
gossip and in whom he had before great
trust and confidence, was chief aider to
yield up the city and to become French,
with the which the prince was sore dis-
pleased and set less force in ^ the men of
the Church, in whom before he had great
trust. Then he sware by his father's soul,
whereby he was never forsworn, that he
would get it again and that he would make
the traitors dearly abye their falseness.
When the most part of his people were
come, they were numbered to twelve hun-
dred spears, knights and squires, a thou-
sand archers and a thousand ^ men afoot ;
and so he departed from the town of
Cognac, and with him his two brethren, the
duke of Lancaster and the earl of Cam-
bridge. Sir Thomas Felton and the captal
of Buch abode still at Bergerac, to keep the
frontier against the Frenchmen and com-
panions that were in the country. And
with the prince also was sir Guichard
d'Angle, sir Louis Harcourt, the lord of
Pons, the lord of Partenay, the lord of
Poyanne, the lord of Tannay-Bouton, sir
Perceval of Couloyne, sir Godfrey d'Argen-
ton, Poitevins ; and Gascons, the lord of
1 ' Esteemed less.'
2 'Three thousand,' according to the true text.
Montferrant, the lord of Caumont, the lord
Langoiran, sir Aymery of Tastes, the lord
of Pommiers, the lord of Mussidan, the lord
of Lesparre, the lord of Geronde and
divers other ; Englishmen, as sir Thomas
Percy, the lord Ros, the lord William
Beauchamp, sir Michael de la Pole, the
lord Stephen Cosington, sir Richard of
Pontchardon, sir Baudwin of Freville, sir
Simon Burley, sir d'Aghorisses, sir John
Devereux, sir William of Nevill and divers
other, the which I cannot all name ; and of
Hainowes there was sir Eustace d'Aubreci-
court ; and of the companions sir Perducas
d'Albret, Naudan of Bageran, and thither
came le bourg de Lesparre, le bourg de
Breteuil, Espiote, Bernard de Wist and
divers other. So all these men of war
went forth in good ordinance and took the
fields, and all the country trembled before
them. The prince was so diseased that
he could not ride, but so was carried in
a horse litter ; and he took the way of
Limousin to the intent to come to Limoges,
and at last thither they came, and so lodged
round about the city ; and there the prince
sware that he would never depart thence
till he had the city at his pleasure.
The bishop within and the burgesses
considered well how they had greatly tres-
passed the prince, whereof then they repented
them, but then they could not remedy it,
for they were not as then lords nor masters
of their own city. Sir John Villemur, sir
Hugh de la Roche and Roger Beaufort,
who were captains within the city, com-
forted greatly their people and said : ' Sirs,
be not afraid, we are strong enough to
resist against the prince's power ; for by
assault he cannot hurt nor grieve us, we
are all well furnished with artillery.'
When the prince and his marshals had
well imagined and considered the puissance
and strength of the city and had knowledge
of the number of men of war within, then
they said how by assault they could never
win it. Then the prince thought to assay
another way. He had always in his com-
pany a great number of miners, and so he
set them a -work to undermine. The
knights within perceived well how they
were undermined and began to make dikes
and to countermine, to the intent to break
their mine.
II
II
I
SACK OF LIMOGES, 1370 {Sept. 19)
201
CHAPTERS CCLXXXI, CCLXXXII
SUMMARY.— Sir Rohej-t Knolles devas-
tated France as far as the gates of Paris.
Bertrand du Guesclin made war in
Limousin and took Saint- Yrieix.
CHAPTER CCLXXXHI
How the prince took the city of Limoges,
and how four companions did marvels in
About the space of a month or more was
the prince of Wales before the city of
Limoges, and there was neither assault nor
scrimmish, but daily they mined. And they
within knew well how they were mined,
and made a countermine thereagainst to
have destroyed the English miners ; but
they failed of their mine. And when the
prince's miners saw how the countermine
against them failed, they said to the prince :
* Sir, whensoever it shall please you we
shall cause a part of the wall to fall into
the dikes, whereby ye shall enter into the
city at your ease without any danger.'
Which words pleased greatly the prince,
and said : * I will that to-morrow betimes
ye shew forth and execute your work.'
Then the miners set Hre into their mine,
and so the next morning, as the prince had
ordained, there fell down a great pane of
the wall and filled the dikes, whereof the
Englishmen were glad and were ready
armed in the field to enter into the town.
The foot-men might well enter at their
ease, and so they did and ran to the gate
and beat down the fortifying and barriers,
for there was no defence against them : it
was done so suddenly that they of the town
were not ware thereof.
Then the prince, the duke of Lancaster,
the earl of Cambridge, the earl of Pem-
broke, sir Guichard d'Angle and all the
other with their companies entered into the
city, and all other foot -men, ready ap-
parelled to do evil, and to pill and rob the
for so it was commanded them to do. It
was great pity to see the men, women and
children that kneeled down on their knees
before the prince for mercy ; but he was so
inflamed with ire, that he took no heed to
them, so that none was heard, but all put to
death, as they were met withal, and such
as were nothing culpable. There was no
pity taken of the poor people, who wrought
never no manner of treason, yet they
bought it dearer than the great personages,
such as had done the evil and trespass.
There was not so hard a heart within the
city of Limoges, an if he had any remem-
brance of God, but that wept piteously for
the great mischief that they saw before
their eyen : for more than three thousand
men, women and children were slain and
beheaded that day. God have mercy on
their souls, for I trow they were martyrs^
And thus entering into the city a certain
company of Englishmen entered into the
bishop's palace and there they found the
bishop : and so they brought him to the
prince's presence, who beheld him right
fiercely and felly, and the best word that
he could have of him was, how he would
have his head stricken off, and so he was
had out of his sight.
Now let us speak of the knights that
were within the city, as sir John of Ville-
mur, sir Hugh de la Roche, Roger Beau-
fort, son to the earl of Beaufort, captains
of the city. When they saw the tribula-
tion and pestilence that ran over them and
their company, they said one to another :
* We are all dead, without we defend our-
selves : therefore let us sell our lives dearly,
as good knights ought to do.' Then sir
John of Villemur said to Roger Beaufort :
' Roger, it behoveth that ye be made a
knight.' Then Roger answered and said :
' Sir, I am not as yet worthy to be a knight :
I thank you, sir, "of your good-will.' So
there was no more said : they had not the
leisure to speak long together. Howbeit,
they assembled them together in a place
against an old wall and there displayed
their banners. So they were to the number
of eighty persons. Thither came the duke
of Lancaster, the earl of Cambridge and
their companies and so lighted afoot, so
that the Frenchmen could not long endure
against the Englishmen, for anon they were
city, and to slay men, women and childreri^_slain and taken. Howbeit, the duke of
Lancaster himself fought long hand to hand
against sir John Villemur, who was a strong
knight and a hardy, and the earl of Cam-
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
bridge fought against sir Hugh de la Roche,
and the earl of Pembroke against Roger
Beaufort, who was as then but a squire.
These three Frenchmen did many feats of
arms : their men were occupied otherwise.
The prince in his chariot came by them
and beheld them gladly and appeased him-
self in beholding of them. So long they
fought together that the three Frenchmen,
by one accord beholding ^ their swords,
said : * Sirs, we be yours, ye have con-
quered us : do with us according to right
of arms.' 'Sir,' quoth the duke of Lan-
caster, ' we look for nothing else : therefore
we receive you as our prisoners.' And thus
the foresaid three Frenchmen were taken,
as it was informed me.
CHAPTER CCLXXXIV
How the city of Limoges was brent and
destroyed, and the bishop delivered from
death ; and how sir Bertram of Guesclin
was chosen constable.
Thus the city of Limoges was pilled,
robbed and clean brent and brought to
destruction. Then the Englishmen de-
parted with their conquest and prisoners
and drew to Cognac, where my lady the
princess was. Then the prince gave leave
to all his men of war to depart and did no
more that season ; for he felt himself not
well at ease, for always his sickness in-
creased, whereof his brethren and people
were sore dismayed.
Now shall I shew you of the bishop of
Limoges, who was in great peril of losing
of his head. The duke of Lancaster desired
of the prince to give him the bishop, to do
with him at his pleasure. The prince was
content and caused him to be delivered to
the duke. The bishop had friends, and
they had newly informed the pope, who
was as then at Avignon, of the bishop's tak-
ing, the which fortuned well for the bishop,
for else he had been dead. Then the pope
by sweet words entreated the duke of Lan-
caster to deliver to him the said bishop. The
duke would not deny the pope, but granted
1 ' En regardant ' in the French text, but the true
reading: is ' en rendant,' ' rendering.' The mistake
arose by a repetition of ' regardant ' just above.
him and sent him to Avignon, whereof the
pope was right glad.
Now let us speak of the adventures ot
France.
The French king was informed of the
destruction and conquest of the city of
Limoges, and how it was left clean void as
a town of desert, wherewith he was sore
displeased and took it in great passion, the
damage and annoy of the inhabitants of the
same. Then was it advised in France by
counsel of the nobles, prelates and commons
of all the realm, that it was of necessity
that the Frenchmen should have a chief
and a governour called the constable ; for
sir Moreau of Fiennes would leave and
give up his office, who was a right valiant
man of his hands and a great enterpriser of
deeds of arms. So that, all things con-
sidered and imagined, by a common accord
they chose sir Bertram of Guesclin, so that
he would take it on him, as the most
valiant knight, most virtuous and most able
to execute that office and most fortunate
that they knew as then, that bare arms for
the crown of France. Then the king wrote
and sent certain messengers to him, that he
should come and speak with him at Paris.
The messengers found him in the county of
Limoges, whereas he took fortresses and
castles and made them to yield to the lady
of Bretayne, wife to sir Charles of Blois,
and as then he had newly taken a town
called Brantome and was riding towards
another. And when the king's messengers
were come to him, he received them joy-
ously and right sagely, as he that could do
it right well. Then the messengers de-
livered to him the king's letter and did his
message, and when sir Bertram saw the
commandment of the king, he would make
none excuse, but concluded to go and know -
the king's pleasure ; and so departed, as ^1
soon as he might, and sent the most part of fll
his men into garrisons such as he had con-
quered, and he made sovereign and keeper
of them sir Olivier of Mauny his nephew.
Then he rode forth so long by his journeys
that he came to Paris, where he found the
king and great number of lords of his coun-
cil, who received him right joyously and
did him great reverence ; and there the
king shewed him how he and his council
had chosen him to be constable of France.
Then he excused himself right sagely and
1
BERTRAND DU GUESCLIN CONSTABLE
203
said : ' Sir, I am not worthy : I am but
a poor knight as in regard of your other
great lords and valiant men in France,
though it be so that fortune hath a little
advanced me.' Then the king said : ' Sir,
it is for nothing that ye excuse you ; it
behoveth you to take it ; for it is so or-
dained and determined by all the council
of France, the which in no wise I will
break.' Then sir Bertram excused himself
again by another way and said : ' Right
dear sir and noble king, I may not nor
dare not withsay your noble pleasure : how-
beit, sir, it is of truth that I am but a poor
man and too low of blood to come to the
office of constable of France, the which is
so great and so noble an office. For it is
convenient that he that will exercise and
acquit himself well in that office must com-
mand as well and rather the great men
than the small personages. And, sir, be-
hold here my lords your brethren, your
nephews and your cousins, who hath charge
of many men of war in your host and jour-
neys. Sir, how durst I then be so bold as
to command them ? Certainly, sir, envy
is so great that I ought to fear it. There-
fore, sir, I require your grace, pardon me,
and give this office to some other that
would gladlier have it than I, and that may
better execute the office.' Then the king
answered and said : * Sir Bertram, excuse
you not by that way, for I have neither
brother, cousin nor nephew, earl nor baron
in my realm, but that shall obey you.
And if any do the contrary, I shall so anger
him that he shall perceive well my displea-
sure. Therefore, sir, take joyously the
office I require you.' Sir Bertram saw
well that any excusations that he could
make should not avail : then finally he
accorded to the opinion of the king right
sore against his will. So then with great
joy sir Bertram of Guesclin was made con-
stable of P>ance, and farther to his advance-
ment the king caused him to sit at his table
and shewed all the tokens of love that he
could devise, and gave him with the office
divers gifts and great lands and heritage to
him and to his heirs for ever. To this
promotion did help greatly the duke of
Anjou.
CHAPTERS CCLXXXV-CCXCIII
SUMMARY.— Berirand du Guesclin de-
feated some of sir Robert Knolles' company
at Pont - Vallain and sir Robert Knolles
withdrew to BHttany.
Urban V. died^ and Gregory XL became
pope.
The eldest son of the prince of Wales died^
and the prince himself by the advice of his
physicians returned into England. He left
the duke of Lancaster to govern the duchy
of Acquitaijie.
The duke of Lancaster took Mont- Paon.
Bertrand du Guesclin took several places
in Rouergue and elsewhere.
The earl of Hereford defeated the Flem-
ings by sea at la Bale in Brittany, and
the king of England made war by sea on
the Flemings ; but they of Bruges, Ypres
and Gaunt sent into England to treat for a
peace, which was made on certain con-
ditions.
CHAPTERS CCXCIV-CCCI
SUMMARY. — The king of Mallorca was
set free and mcule war on the king of
Aragon.
The duke of Lancaster married the eldest
daughter of the king don Pedro of Castile,
and king Henry of Castile made alliance
with the king of France.
The duke of I^ancaster returned to Eng-
land, leaving govemours in Acquitaine.
After the winter the king of England sent
the earl of Pembroke into Poitou. The
king of France ordained a fleet of Spaniards
to lie in wait for him at La Rochelle. The
English were totally defeated in a sea fight
{June 2"^, 1372) and the earl of Pemb?-oke and
sir Guichard d^ Angle were made prisoners.
In the same season Owen of Wales landed
in Guernsey and defeated the English there.
The earl of Pembroke and the other
prisoners were brought to king Henry in
Spain.
CHAPTERS CCCn-CCCVI
S UMMAR Y. —Bertrand du Guesclin took
Montcontour and Sainte - Severe : I^oitiers
204
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
m
and La Rochelh turned French, and the
whole of I^oitou, Saintonge and Rochelle
was conquered from the English.
CHAPTERS CCCVII-CCCXIII
SUMMAR Y. — War was carried on against
the English in Brittany, atid siege was laid
to Becherel.
King David of Scotland died and 7vas
succeeded by Robert Stuart his nephew.
The constable du Guesclin came to j^rit-
tany, and the duke of Brittany reti^-ed to
England. Nea7'ly all Brittany was con-
quered by the French in spite of the efforts
of the English to strengthen their forces.
The duke of Anjoti conquered towns in
upper Gascony.
Negotiations for a peace were carried on
at Bruges, and a truce was made, to last for
one year.
CHAPTER CCCXIV
Of the journey that the lord of Coucy made
in Austrich, and of the death of the prince
of Wales, and how there could be found
no manner of treaty of peace between the
two kings : and also of the death of the
king of England, Edward the third.
The same season there was come into
France the lord of Coucy, who had been
long in Lombardy with the earl of Vertus,
son to sir Galeas, making war against sir
Bernabo and his allies, because of pope
Gregory the eleventh, and for the holy
college of Rome. The lord of Coucy by
succession of his mother, who was sister to
the duke of Austrich last deceased, where-
by he ought to be inheritor to the duchy,
for the duke was dead without issue by way
of marriage : and they of Austrich had
given the duchy and lands to another
farther off by lineage than the lord Coucy,
whereof the lord Coucy had oftentimes
complained to the emperor, the lord Charles
of Bohemia. The emperor knew well that
the lord Coucy had right thereto : howbeit,
he might not with his ease constrain them
of Austrich, for they were strong in his
country and many good men of war. The
lord of Coucy had made war there before by
the comfort of his aunt, sister to the duke,
but little it availed him. And when he
was thus come into France, the king made
him great cheer. Then he advised and saw
well how there was in France as then many
men of war sat as idle : wherefore he
thought they could not be better occupied
than to help him to his right during the
truce between France and England. Then
the lord of Coucy desired the king to let
him have of the Bretons such as overran the
realm, to make war with him in Austrich.
The king, who would gladly that the com-
panions were out of his realm, accorded to
his desire : so the king lent or gave him, I
cannot tell whether, a sixty thousand franks
to depart among the said companions. So
they rode forth toward Austrich about the
feast of Saint Michael : they did much evil
all the ways as they went : also there were
divers barons, knights and squires of France,
of Artois, of Vermandois, of Hainault and
of Picardy, as the viscounts of Meaux and
d'Aunay, sir Ralph of Coucy, the baron of
Roye, Peter of Bar and divers other, desir-
ing to advance their bodies to get them ^^
honour. fli
When the feast of All Saints began to f
approach, then there came again to Bruges
to entreat for peace from the French king,
the duke of Burgoyne, the earl of Sarre-
bruck, the bishop of Amiens and the duke
of Anjou, but he lay still at Saint-Omer's ;
and from the king of England thither came
the duke of Lancaster, the duke of Bre-
tayne, the earl of Salisbury, the bishop of
London. The town of Bruges was well
garnished with divers estates, and specially
the duke of Burgoyne kept there a noble
estate ; and with the duke of Lancaster
there was sir Robert of Namur and kept
him good company as long as the duke
was in Flanders ; and there were the am-
bassadors, the archbishop of Rouen and
the bishop of Carpentras, who went still
and laboured between both parties and laid
forth many good reasons, but none came to
any effect. These lords were far asunder
in their treaties ; for the French king de-
manded to have again fourteen hundred
thousand franks, the which were paid for
the redemption of king John, and to have
Calais rased and beaten down, to the which
the king of England would never consent :
so the truce was continued to the feast of
I
DEATH OF THE PRINCE OF WALES, 1376
205
Saint John Baptist next after, the year
of our Lord a thousand three hundred and
seventy -six. And so these lords tarried
still at Bruges all that winter, and in sum-
mer they returned every part to their own
countries, except the duke of Bretayne,
who tarried still in Flanders with the earl
Louis his cousin, who made him good
cheer.
The same season on Trinity Sunday
there passed out of this world the flower of
chivalry of England, Edward prince of
Wales and of Acquitaine, at the king's
palace of Westminster beside London.
And so he was embalmed and put in lead
and kept till the feast of Saint Michael next
after, to be interred with the greater
solemnity when the parliament should be
there. King Charles of France because of
lineage did his obsequy reverently in the
Holy Chapel of the palace in Paris, and
there were many of the prelates and nobles
of the realm of France : and so then the
truce was prolonged to the first day of
April next after.
Now let us somewhat speak of the lord
Coucy and of the Almains. When they of
Austrich and the Almains understood that
the lord of Coucy was come with such a
strength to make war, they caused to be brent
and destroyed three days' journey into the
country alongby the river, and then they went
into the mountains and places inhabitable.
And so when the lord of Coucy had weened
to have found victual for his host, he could
get none ; whereby he suffered that winter
much trouble and disease, for they wist
not whither to go to forage nor to get
victual for them nor their horses, so that
some died for hunger, cold and sickness :
and therefore when the springing time
began, they returned again into France,
and went into divers places to refresh them-
selves. And the French king sent the
most part of the companions into Bretayne
and into base Normandy to abide and rest
there, for he thought well he should have
somewhat to do in short time after. And
at the returning of the lord Coucy into
France, he began to be good French, be-
cause he found the king so amiable to con-
descend to his desire, and also his council
said he need not to avoid out of his heritage
under the shadow of the king of England's
war, for they said he was French of name.
of blood, of arms and extraction. He sent
his wife into England and kept still with
him his eldest daughter, and left the
younger still in England, whereas she had
been brought up and nourished. Then the
French king sent the lord Coucy to Bruges
to them that were there to entreat for the
peace. Howbeit, as then the great lords
were not there, but all only the duke of
Bretayne, who was still with his cousin the
earl of Flanders ; but he busied himself
but little in the treaty for the peace.
And after the feast of Saint Michael,
when the obsequy of the prince was done
and finished, then the king of England
made to be known to his sons, the duke of
Lancaster, the earl of Cambridge, and to
the lord Thomas the youngest, and to all
the barons, earls, prelates and knights of
England, how that the young Richard
should be king after his decease, and so
caused them all to swear solemnly to main-
tain him. And on Christmas day the king
made him to sit at his table above all his
own children in great estate, representing
that he should be king after his decease.
And there was sent to Bruges for the king
of England's part John lord Cobham, the
bishop of Hereford and the dean of London;
and for the French part thither came the
earl of Sarrebruck, the lord of Chatillon
and master Philbert I'Espinasse ; and the
two bishops ambassadors always went be-
tween the parties treating for peace and
spake of a marriage to be had between the
young prince of England and my lady Mary,
daughter to the French king. And so they
departed, as well they of France as of Eng-
land, and so made report to both kings.
And then about Lent there was a secret
treaty devised to be between the two kings
at Montreuil-by-the-sea, and so were sent
by the king of England to Calais sir
Guichard d'Angle, Richard Stury, Geoffrey
Chaucer, and from the French king was
sent the lord of Coucy and of Riviere, sir
Nicholas Braque and Nicholas Mercier.
And they a long season treated on the said
marriage, and the Frenchmen offered, as I
was informed, divers things, and they
would have again other things such as
they named, or else nothing. Then these
entreators went and made report to their
lords, and so the truce was again relonged
to the first day of May. And so came
206
THE CHRONICLES OF FROTSSART
again to Calais the earl of Salisbury, the
bishop of Saint David's, chancellor of Eng-
land, and the bishop of Hereford : and for
the French king at Montreuil there was the
lord of Coucy, sir Willam of Dormans,
chancellor of France. But they durst
never trust to meet together in any place
between Montreuil and Calais, nor be-
tween Montreuil and Boulogne, nor in the
frontiers, for anything that the two bishops
ambassadors could do or shew. Thus these
entreators abode in this estate, till the truce
was expired.
And when the war was open, then sir
Hugh Calverley was sent to be keeper of
Calais. When pope Gregory being at
Avignon understood that no peace could be
had between France and England, he was
right sorrowful and ordered his business
shortly and went to Rome. And when the
duke of Bretayne, who had been more than
a year with the earl of Flanders his cousin,
saw that the war was open, he took leave
of the earl and went to Gravelines, and
thither he came to the earl of Salisbury and
sir Guichard d'Angle, and so went with
them to Calais and there tarried the space
of a month, and so went into England and
came to Sheen, a four leagues from London
along by the Thames side, where the king
of England lay sore sick and passed out of
this world the vigil of Saint John Baptist
the year of our Lord a thousand three
hundred and seventy-seven.
Then was there great sorrow made in
England, and incontinent all the passages
of the realm were stopped, that none should
issue out of the realm ; for they would not
that the death of the king should be so
soon known in France, till they had set the
realm in some order. The same time there
came into England the earl of Salisbury
and sir Guichard d'Angle. So the body
of king Edward the third with great pro-
cessions, weepings and lamentations, his
sons behind him with all the nobles and
prelates of England, was brought along the
city of London with open visage to West-
minster, and there he was buried beside the
queen his wife. And anon after, the young
king Richard was crowned at the palace of
Westminster with great solenmity, and by
him stood the dukes of Lancaster and of
Bretayne, the eleventh year of his age, in
the month of July : the which day there
was made four earls and nine knights ; first
the lord Thomas his uncle was made earl
of Buckingham, the lord Percy earl of
Northumberland, sir Guichard d'Angle
earl of Huntingdon, the lord Mowbray
earl of Nottingham : and the young king
was put unto the rule of the gentle knight
sir Guichard d'Angle by the accord of all
the land, to be instructed in noble virtues,
and the realm of England to be governed
by the duke of Lancaster. And as soon
as the French king knew of the death of
king Edward, he said how right nobly and
valiantly he had reigned, and well he ought
to be put newly in remembrance among
the number of the worthies. Then he
assembled a great number of the nobles
and prelates of his realm and did his ob-
sequy in the Holy Chapel in his palace at
Paris. And anon after died the eldest
daughter of the French king, who was en-
sured to have been married to William of
Hainault, eldest son of duke Aubert.
CHAPTERS CCCXV-CCCXVH
SUMMARY. — The French king sent a
great navy to sea and ravaged the coasts of
Eftgland.
The captalde Buch^ after being a prisoner
in France for five years ^ died in the Temple
at Paris.
The duke of Burgundy took Ardres and
other fortresses near Calais.
War was renewed between the French
king and the king of Navarre, and the
king of Navarre lost the county of Evreux,
except Cherbourg, which was fruitlessly be-
sieged by the French.
The French gained Auray and other
towns in Brittany, and laid a garrison
against Cherbourg under sir William- des
Bordes, who was defeated and made prisoner
by the English on Saint Martin s day in
July 1379.1
1 Here ends the first book of the Chronicles,
which coincides with the first vokime of the trans-
lator's French text. Some of the events which
have been shortly mentioned before this are related
with more detail in the second book. Each book
was originally a separate work, and that edition
of the first book which was dedicated to Robert
of Namur contained a summary of the events
down to 1379, a part of which the author omitted
afterwards when putting together the first and
second books. The copyists, however, usually com-
bined the second redaction of the first book with
1
AFFAIRS OF THE CHURCH, 1377
207
CHAPTERS CCCXVIII-CCCXXV
SUMMARY. — The duke of Anjou and
the constable of France made a great
assembly and laid siege to Bergerac. A
body of English were surprised and defeated
at Eytnet : sir Thomas Felton, seneschal of
Bordeaux, and several Gasco?i lords were
taken prisoners. Bergerac was surrendered
to the French, afid the duke of Anjou took
other towns and castles in Gascony.
The Scots by stealth took the castle of
Berwick, which was won again by the earl
of Northumberland, who then invaded
Scotland. Sir Thomas Musgrave was de-
feated by the Scots in the field of Saint Giles
and the English retired from Scotland.
The author thus continues : —
Now let us leave to speak of Scotland for
this present time and let us speak of other
incidents that fell in France.
The same time, in the month of February,
the French queen died, and, as the physi-
cians said, through her own fault. For she
lay in childbed of a fair lady named
Katherine, who was after duchess of Berry :
the queen being in childbed was not well at
ease, and her physicians had defended her
in any wise that she should not enter into
no bain ; for they said it was contrary to her
disease and right perilous for her. All that
notwithstanding, she would needs be bained,
and so she was, and so fell sicker and died :
and so king Charles of France was a
widower, for he never married after.
CHAPTER CCCXXVI
How the war began again between the
Navarrois and the Frenchmen ; and of the
beginning of the schism of holy Church.
After the death of the French queen died
also the queen of Navarre, sister-german
the first of the second book. It is important to
notice that the text of each separate book is an in-
dependent one, and that what has been said in the
introduction about abridgment and omission in the
French text hardly applies except to that of the first
book, in which also the variations of the different
redactions are far more important than in the other
books : indeed a large part of the first book was
completely rewritten twice after its first production.
to the French king, and after the death of
this queen of Navarre great murmuring
rose between the sage men and customiers
of the county of Evreux, which is in
Normandy, the which by right succession
of their mother should fall to the king of
Navarre's children, who were as then with-
in age and under the rule and keeping of
their uncle king Charles of France. And
king Charles of Navarre was had in such
suspect beforetime, in that he had made
and consented and raised so many evils and
inconveniences in the realm of France, that
he was not worthy to hold any heritage in
the realm of France under the shadow of
his children. The same season there came
out of Acquitaine the constable of France,
who had been all that season with the duke
of Anjou, and brought with him in his
company the lord Mussidan of Gascoyne
to see the king and to be acquainted with
him, and so he did. Between the king
and the constable there was many secret
counsels of the state of the realm of
France and of Navarre, which was not
suddenly known. We shall shortly speak
of that matter : but justly to chronicle all
matters that fell in the same season in
the world, I shall shew you of the be-
ginning of the pestilence and inconvenience
that began in the Church of God, whereby
all Christendom was in great trouble and
variance, and thereby many great mischiefs
grew and followed.
Ye have heard herebefore how pope
Gregory, the eleventh of that name, was in
the city of Avignon. And when he saw
that he could find no manner of peace to
be had between the kings of England and
France, wherewith he was in great dis-
pleasure, for he had greatly travailed there-
about and had made his cardinals to do the
same, then he advised himself and had a
devotion to go and revisit Rome and the
see apostolic, the which Saint Peter and
Saint Paul had edified. He had made
before promise that, if ever he came to the
degree to be pope, he would never keep
his see but thereas Saint Peter kept his and
ordained it. This pope was a man of
feeble complexion and sickly, and endured
much pain more than any other. And he
thus being in Avignon was so sore let with
the businesses of France and so sore tra-
vailed with the king and his brethren, that
208
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
with much pain he had any leisure to take
heed anything to himself or to his Church.
Then he said to himself he would go farther
off from them to be more at rest ; and so he
caused provision to be made on the river of
Genes ^ and all the ways as he should pass,
as it appertained to such an high estate as he
was ; and then he said to his cardinals :
' Sirs, make you ready, for I will to Rome. '
Of that motion his cardinals were sore
abashed and displeased, for they loved not
the Romans, and so they would fain have
turned his purpose, but they could not.
And when the French king knew thereof,
he was sore displeased, for he thought he
had the pope nearer at hand there than in
any other place. Then the king wrote
incontinent to his brother the duke of
Anjou, who was at Toulouse, signifying
him that after the sight of his letters he
should go to Avignon to the pope and
break his voyage to Rome, if it were possible.
The duke did as the king commanded him,
and so came to Avignon, where the
cardinals received him with great joy, and
so was lodged in the pope's palace, the
ofter thereby to speak with the pope. Ye
may well know he spake with the pope
and shewed him divers reasons to have
broken his purpose : but the pope would
in no wise consent thereto nor take any heed
of any businesses on this side the moun-
tains ; but the pope gave the duke full
puissance to do what he might, reserving
certain cases papal, the which he might not
give to no man, nor put them out of his
own hands. When the duke saw he could
not come to his intent for no reason nor
fair words that he could shew, he took
leave of the pope and said at his departing :
' Holy father, ye go into a good country
among such people whereas ye be but little
beloved, and ye will leave the fountain of
faith and the realm whereas holy Church
hath most faith and excellence of all the
world. And, sir, by your deed the Church
may fall in great tribulation ; for if ye die
there, the which is right likely, and so say
the physicians, then the Romans, who be
malicious and traitors, shall be lords and
masters of all the cardinals and shall make
a pope at their own will.' Howbeit, for
all these words and many other, the pope
never rested till he was on his way, and so
1 That is, the Riviera of Genoa.
came to Marseille, whereas the galleys of
Genes were ready to receive him, and the
duke returned again to Toulouse. Pope
Gregory entered into the sea at Marseille
with a great company, and had good wind
and so took land at Genes, and there new
refreshed his galleys and so took the sea
again and sailed till he came to Rome.
The Romans were right joyful of his
coming, and all the chief of Rome mounted
on their horses and so brought him into
Rome with great triumph, and lodged in
Saint Peter's palace. And oftentimes he
visited a church called our Lady the
Great ^ within Rome, wherein he had
great pleasure and did make therein many
costly works. And within a while after
his coming to Rome he died, and was
buried in the said church, and there
his obsequy was made, as to a pope
appertained.
Anon after the death of the pope Gregory,
the cardinals drew them into the conclave
in the palace of Saint Peter. Anon after,
as they were entered to choose a pope,
according to their usage, such one as should
be good and profitable for holy Church,
the Romans assembled them together in a
great number and came into the bourage of
Saint Peter. 2 They were to the number of
thirty thousand, what one and other, in the
intent to do evil, if the matter went not
according to their appetites. And they
came oftentimes before the conclave and
said : ' Hark ye, sir cardinals, deliver you
at once and make a pope : ye tarry too
long. If ye make a Roman, we will not
change him ; but if ye make any other, the
Roman people and counsels will not take
him for pope, and ye put yourselves all in
adventure to be slain.' The cardinals, who
were as then in the danger of the Romans
and heard well those words, they were not at
their ease nor assured of their lives, and so
appeased them of their ire as well as they
might with fair words ; but so much rose
the felony of the Romans, that such as were
next to the conclave, to the intent to make
the cardinals afraid and to cause them to
condescend the rather to their opinions,
brake up the door of the conclave, whereas
the cardinals were. Then the cardinals
1 Sta. Maria Maf^^giore, on the Esquiline.
2 That is, the buurg of Saint Peter, the Leonine
city.
I
ELECTION OF URBAN VI., 1378
209
weened surely to have been slain and so
fled away to save their lives, some one way
and some another : but the Romans were
not so content, but took them and put them
together again, whether they would or not.
The cardinals then, seeing themselves in the
danger of the Romans and in great peril of
their lives, agreed among themselves, more
for to please the people than for any devo-
tion : howbeit, by good election they chose
an holy man, a cardinal of the Roman
nation, whom pope Urban the fifth had
I made cardinal, and he was called before
! the cardinal of Saint Peter. ^ This election
pleased greatly the Romans, and so this
good man had all the rights that belonged
to the papality ; howbeit, he lived not
but three days after, and I shall shew
you why. The Romans, who desired to
have a pope of their own nation, were so
joyful of this new pope, that they took
him, who was a hundred year of age,
and set him on a white mule, and so led
him up and down through the city of
Rome, exalting him and shewing how they
had vanquished the cardinals, seeing they
had a pope Roman according to their
own intents, insomuch that the good holy
man was so sore travailed that he fell
sick, and so died the third day, and was
buried in the church of Saint Peter, and
there he lieth.
CHAPTER CCCXXVII
Of the orgulous words that the Romans said
at the election of the new pope again :
and how the war renewed between the
French king and the king of Navarre.
Of the death of this pope the cardinals
were right sorrowful, for they saw well
how the matter should not go well to pass.
For they had thought, if that pope had
lived, to have dissimuled among the Romans
for two or three years and at the last to have
brought the see apostolic into some other
place than at Rome, at Naples or at Genes,
out of the danger of the Romans ; but the
death of the pope brake their purpose.
1 The cardinal de Saint-Pierre was not actuallj'^
elected, but it was thought for a time that he was
so (Kervyn de Lettenhove, ix. 501).
' P
Then the cardinals went again into the
conclave in greater danger than they were
in before, for the Romans assembled them
together again before the conclave and
made semblant to break it up and to slay
them all, if they did not choose a pope
according to their minds, and cried to the
cardinals and said : ' Sirs, advise you well.
If ye deliver us a pope Roman, we be con-
tent ; or else we will make your heads
redder than your hats be.' Such words
and menaces abashed greatly the cardinals,
for they had rather a died confessors
than martyrs. Then to bring themselves
out of that danger and peril, they made a
pope ; but he was none of the college of
cardinals, he was archbishop of Bari, a
great clerk who greatly had travailed for
the wealth of holy Church. With his pro-
motion of papality the Romans were ap-
peased, for the cardinal of Genes put out his
head out at a window of the conclave and
said on high to the people of Rome : * Sirs,
appease you, for you have a pope Roman,
and that is Bartholomew des Aigles, arch-
bishop of Bari. ' The people answered all
with one voice: 'Then we be content.'
The same archbishop was not as then at
Rome ; I think he was in Naples. Then
he was incontinent sent for, of the which
tidings he was right glad, and so came to
Rome, and at his coming there was great
feast made to him, and so he had all the
rights that pertained to the papality and
was called Urban, the sixth of that name.
The Romans had great joy : his creation
was signified to all the churches of Chris-
tenty and also to emperors, kings, dukes
and earls, and the cardinals sent word to
all their friends that he was chosen by
good and true election : howbeit, some of
them repented them after, that they had
spoken so largely in the matter. This
pope renounced all graces given before,
and so divers departed from their coun-
tries and places and went to Rome to have
grace.
Now let us leave somewhat to speak
of this matter, and let us return to our
principal history of the businesses of
France.
Ye have heard right well herebefore how
the king of Navarre, who had to his wife
the French king's sister, for the love of the
one and of the other it was said and pur-
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
posed ^ thai the heritage of the children of
the king of Navarre, the which was fallen
to them by the right of their mother, that
the French king their uncle by the succes-
sion of his sister ought to have power thereof
in name of the children, seeing the children
were in his keeping ; whereby all the land
that the king of Navarre held in Normandy
should be in the French king's hand, as
long as his nephews were within age. Of
all these matters the king of Navarre
doubted greatly, for he knew well the usage
and custom of France. Then he advised
him of two things : the one was to send the
bishop of Pampelone and sir Martin Carra
into France to the king, desiring him
heartily that for good love and favour to
send him his two sons Charles and Peter,
and if it pleased him not to send him both
two, then at least to send him his son
Charles, because he was towards a treaty for
a marriage for him with the daughter of the
king of Castile. The second thing was,
notwithstanding that he sent thus into
France, yet secretly he sent also into Nor-
mandy, to visit and to refresh the castles
there pertaining to him, to the intent that
the Frenchmen should not take them into
their hands : for he feared, if they had
them once in their possessions, he should
not have them again when he would. And
so he sent two valiant men of arms Navar-
rois, in whom he had great trust, the one
called Peter Basele and the other Ferrando,
into Normandy for the said intent. The
first messengers went into France, as the
bishop of Pampelone and sir Martin Carra,
who spake with the king at great leisure,
right humbly recommending the king of
Navarre to him, desiring in his name that
he would send to him his two sons. The
king answered and said, he would take
advice and counsel in the matter : and so
after they were answered in the king's
name, the king being present and the two
children also his nephews, how that the
1 The true text runs thus : ' Ye have heard
right well before how the l<ing of Navarre was left
a widower, who had had to wife the sister of the
king of France, and how the wise men of the
realm of France, taking advice one with another,
said and proposed,' etc. The translator gives us a
pretty literal rendering of his text, which was hope-
less. The words ' was left a widower ' and ' realm
of France ' were there omitted, and 'par I'avis I'un
de I'autre ' was corrupted into ' par I'amour I'un de
I'autre,'
king loved them right entirely, wherefore
they could not be better in no place, and
that the king of Navarre ought to be con-
tent rather to suffer them to be in France
with the king their uncle than in any other
place ; and also the king will in no wise
depart from them, but keep them about
him in their estate as the children of a
king and like his nephews. Other answer
the messengers could not have. And in
the mean season that these messengers were
in France, Peter of Basele and Ferrando
arrived at Cherbourg with great provision,
the which they put in divers places, in
towns and castles of the king of Navarre's
in Normandy, and so they visited in the
king of Navarre's name all the county of
Evreux, and made new officers and set in
people at their pleasures. And so returned
again into Navarre the bishop of Pampelone
and sir Martin Carra and shewed the king
how they had sped in France. The king
of Navarre was not very glad of that
tidings, when he could not have his own
sons, and so began a great hatred in his
heart toward the French king, the which
he would gladly have shewed, if he had
might, but the puissance of himself was not
so great to grieve the realm of France with-
out help and aid of some other realm : so
he suffered all these matters, till he had.
better cause to speak and more displeasure
done to him than he had as then.
The French king and his council were^
well informed that the king of Navarre had '
new revictualled his castles and towns in
Normandy, but they knew not for what
intent. The same season the Englishmen
made a secret army on the sea of two
thousand men of arms, but they had no
horse with them, of the which army the^J
duke of Lancaster and the earl of Cam-BJ
bridge were chief captains. This the Nor-
mans reported surely to the French king ;
and this army came on the coasts of Nor-
mandy, but they could not tell . to what
part they would draw unto. Some in
France thought that the king of Navarre i
had caused them to come into Normandy,
to deliver to them such castles as he had '
there : wherefore it was said to the king :
' Sir, go hastily and be lord of those castles
before, for ye may hap to tarry too long :
for if the Englishmen have them, they may
do much hurt to the realm of France, forj
id
t
in ^
IVAJ? WITH THE KING OF NAVARRE
211
it shall be one of the best entries that they
can have, if they were lords in Normandy,
of the cities, towns and castles belonging
to the king of Navarre.' The same season
there was taken in France two secretaries
of the king of Navarre, a clerk and a
squire ; the clerk was called Peter of Tertre
and the squire James of Rue, and they were
brought to Paris to be examined ; and so
much it was known by them of the secrets
of the realm of Navarre, how they were
determined to have done damage to the
king, or else to have poisoned him : so
they were condemned to die, and execution
was done at Paris, beheaded and quartered.
These tidings multiplied so on the king of
Navarre, that the French king sware that
he would never attend to none other thing,
till he had rid Normandy, and taken into
his possession for the behoof of his nephews
all the towns and castles that the king of
Navarre held there. So daily there came
sore informations to the French king
against the king of Navarre : also it was
said openly that the duke of Lancaster
should give his daughter Katherine to the
king of Navarre, and so by that means the
king should give to the duke of Lancaster
all the whole county of Evreux. These
words were lightly believed in France, for
the king of Navarre was but little trusted
among them. So then the same time the
French king came to Rouen, and there
assembled a great army of men of war,
whereof the lord Coucy and the lord de la
Riviere were chief captains, and they all
met together before a town called Evreux,
a city in Normandy pertaining to the king
of Navarre. And these two lords had the
two sons of the king of Navarre, Charles
and Peter, to shew to them of the country
that the war that they made was in the
name of the two children for their heritage,
that was fallen to them by the right of their
mother, and how that the king of Navarre
had no right to keep them. But the most
part of the men of arms were so joined in
love with the king of Navarre, that they
could not depart out of his service, and
also the Navarrois that were there as-
sembled, such as the king of Navarre had
sent thither, caused his war to be the more
easier and fair.
CHAPS. CCCXXVIII-CCCXXXVII
SUMMARY. — The French king seized
the county of Montpeliier, which belonged
to the king of Navarre, and the lords de
Coucy and de la Rivihre laid siege to
Evreux.
The king of Navarre sent for help to
England and then went thither himself to
make an alliance. It was agreed that the
Eyiglish should set garrisons in the king of
A^avarre's toivns and castles in Normandy
and send a force to help him against the
king of Castile. The French took Caren-
tan, MoulineauXf Conches and Pacy, so
that the king of Navarre held nothing in
Normandy but Evreux and Cherbourg.
Meanwhile the English with the duke of
Lancaster laid siege to Saint-Malo.
Evan of Wales was killed by his own
squire before Mortagne.
Evreux surrendered to the French,
The English sent a large fleet to Bor-
deaux to help the king of Navarre, and the
siege of Mortagne was raised. The Etig-
lish recovered some castles about Bordeaux.
The English failed in their assaults on
Saint-Malo and so returned to England :
at Cherbourg sir Oliver du Gttesclin was
made prisoner.
CHAPTERS CCCXXXVin-CCCXLII
SUMMARY. — The king of Navarre
asked for help from the English at Bor-
deaux, who entered Navarre, compelling
the Spaniards to raise the siege of Pam-
plona, and invaded Castile. Peace was
made between the kings of Navarre and of
Castile. King Henry died and was suc-
ceeded by John his son.
CHAPTER CCCXLin
How the French king's messenger was let of
his viage into Scotland, and of the debate
that began between the French king and
the earl of Flanders.
In the same season returned into England
sir Thomas Trivet and sir William Helman,
with divers other knights and squires, such
212
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
as had been in Spain to aid the king of
Navarre's war : and so they came to the
king of England, who as then was at
Chertsey with his two uncles the duke of
Lancaster and the earl of Cambridge with
him ; and these knights were joyfully re-
ceived of the king and these lords, and
there they were desired to shew some tid-
ings from those parts. And so they shewed
all that they knew both of Spain and of
Navarre and of the peace made between
the two kings of Spain and Navarre, and
how the king of Navarre had married
Charles his eldest son to king Henry's
daughter, and so from point to point as the
treaty was between them. The duke of
Lancaster and the earl of Cambridge were
right pensive of these words, for they
thought and named themselves to be heirs
of Spain by right of their wives. Then
they demanded how long it was sith king
Henry the bastard died, and whether the
Spaniards had crowned John his son or no.
The knights answered and said : * Sirs, at
the death of king Henry nor at the corona-
tion of John his son we were not present,
for by that time we were come back into
Navarre. But, sir, here is an herald was
there present : ye may know everything by
him, an it please you.'
Then the herald was called forth and de-
manded by the duke of Lancaster how the
matter was. He answered and said : * Sir,
at your request I shall shew you. In the
mean season, while these noblemen were at
Pampelone, abiding the accomplishment of
the treaty, the which was made by their
good wills and leaves, I tarried behind still
with the king of Navarre, whereas I had
good cheer both of him and of his men :
and so I went with him from Pampelone
to Saint Dominic's, against whose coming
king Henry issued out of the town with a
goodly company and met us with great sign
of love and peace. And there the king of
Navarre was greatly honoured by him and
all his, and gave him the same night an
honest supper. And after supper tidings
was brought to them how that a great wild
boar was lodged in the launds thereby, and
so it was ordained that the next morning
they should go and hunt the same boar :
and so they did, at which hunting there was
both kings and a great company, and the
boar taken, and against night they returned I
again with great love to Saint Dominic's.
And the next day king Henry departed and
went to Belorade for a day that he had
there against his men, and there he fell
sick and so died. And the king of Navarre
was coming toward him to see him there,
and by the way he heard word of his death,
whereof he was right sorry, and so returned
again ; and then I took leave of him and
went into Castile to know some tidings
there. This king Henry died on Whitsun-
day, and anon after, the twenty-fifth day of
July, the day of Saint James and Saint
Christopher, John of Castile his eldest son
was crowned king in the cathedral church
in the city of Burgos, at the which corona-
tion were all the barons and prelates of
Spain, of Galice, of Cordowan and of
Seville, and all they sware there on the
holy Evangelists to take and maintain him
for their king, and there was made the
same day two hundred and ten new knights
and many a great gift given. The next
morning with a great company of noble-
men he went to an abbey of ladies without
Burgos called Horghes,^ and there he heard
mass and dined. And after dinner there
was great jousting, and the viscount of
Roquebertin of Aragon had the prize ; and
then he returned again to Burgos : and this
feast endured fifteen days.'
Then the duke of Lancaster enquired if
the king of Portugal was desired to be there
or not. 'Sir,' quoth the herald, 'he was
desired ; but for all that he was not there,
nor would not come thither. And, as it
was said, he answered the messenger that
came to him, how he would not go to the
coronation of the son of a bastard.* ' By
my faith,' quoth the duke of Lancaster, 'he
was right well counselled to say these words :
I can him great thank therefor. I trust
the matter shall not long abide in that case,
for my brother and I will demand that
heritage, whereof he calleth himself king as
now. ' And so they left talking and called
for drink.
Now let us leave to speak of this matter
and return to the business of France.
King Charles of France, who as then
reigned, was right sage and subtle, and that
was well shewed as long as he lived. For
though that he kept himself privy in his
chamber taking his pleasure and sport, yet
1 Huelgas.
PETER DE BOURN AZEL AT SLUYS
213
he conquered again that his predecessors had
lost in the field armed with their swords in
their hands ; wherefore he was greatly to be
commended. And because he knew well
that king Robert of Scotland and all the
realm there had made war and had mortal
hate to the Englishmen, for those two
realms could never love together, therefore
to the intent to nourish more love between
France and Scotland, the French king
thought to send a knight and a secretary of
his council to king Robert of Scotland and
to the Scots, to speak with them and to
advise the country and to know if he might
make any good war to England by Scot-
land. For Evan of Wales in his lifetime
had informed him that Scotland was the
place in the world whereby England might
be most annoyed. And of this purpose the
French king had many imaginations, so
that at last he ordained a knight, a sage
man called sir Peter lord of Bournazel, and
said to him : ' Sir, ye shall go and do this
message into Scotland and recommend me
to the king there and to his barons, and
shew him how that we and our realm are
ready to do them pleasure and to have a
treaty with them as our friends, so that
thereby in the season to come we may send
people thither, whereby we may have entry
into England that way in like manner as
our predecessors have had in time past ;
and in your going thither and coming home-
ward I will ye keep such estate as a mes-
senger and commissary of a king should
do, on our cost and charge.' 'Sir,' quoth
the knight, ' all shall be as it pleaseth you.'
And so he tarried not long after, but
when he was ready, departed from Paris
and did so much by his journeys that he
came to Sluys in Flanders, and there tar-
ried and abode for wind and passage a
fifteen days, for the wind was contrary for
him. And in the mean season he held a
great estate, and well stuffed with vessel of
gold and silver throughout his hall as
largely as though he had been a little duke
or better. His minstrels played before his
service daily, and bare a sword ^ garnished
with gold and silver, and his men paid well
for everything. Of the great estate that
this knight kept in his house and in the
streets divers of the town had great marvel.
The baily of the town beheld it well, who
1 * [II] faisoit porter devant luy une esp^e,' etc.
was officer there under the earl of Flanders,
and could keep it no longer secret, wherein
he did evil ; for he sent word thereof to
the earl, who lay at Bruges, and the duke
of Bretayne his cousin with him. And
when the earl of Flanders had studied a
little on the matter and by the help of the
duke of Bretayne, ordained that the knight
should be brought to him. The baily re-
turned again to Sluys and came uncour-
teously to the French knight, for he set his
hand on him and rested him in the earl of
Flanders' name, whereof the knight had
great marvel and said to the baily : ' What
meaneth this ? I am a messenger and com-
missary of the French king.' ' Sir,' quoth
the baily, * I believe well. Howbeit ye
must needs go and speak with the earl of
Flanders, for he hath commanded me to
bring you to him.' So the knight could
make no scuse, but that he and his com-
pany were brought to Bruges to the earl.
And when he was in the earl's chamber,
the earl and the duke stood together lean-
ing out of a window into the garden- ward.
Then the knight kneeled down and said :
' Sir, behold here is your prisoner ' : of the
which word the earl was sore displeased,
and said in despite and ire : * What sayest
thou, ribbald ? that thou art my prisoner,
because I have sent to speak with thee?
Thy master's servants may right well come
and speak with me : but thou hast not well
acquitted thyself, sith thou hast been so
long at Sluys and knowing me here so
near to thee, and yet not come once to see
or to speak with me. Thou haddest dis-
dain so to do.' * Sir,' quoth the knight,
' saving your displeasure ' — then the duke
of Bretayne took the words and said :
* Among you bourders and janglers in the
palace of Paris and in the king's chamber
ye set by the realm as ye list and play with
the king at your pleasure, and do well or
evil as ye will yourselves : for there is no
prince of the blood royal, if ye among you
have once brought him into any hate or
displeasure with the king, that can be heard
after. But once I trust there will be so
many of such people taken, that the gibbets
will be full of them.'
The knight, who sat still on his knees,
was right sore abashed of those words, for
the hearing of such words was right hard
to him. Howbeit, he saw well it was
214
TE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
better for him to keep his tongue than to
speak, and so gave no answer to those
words : and when he saw his time, he
took his leave of the earl and of the lords
and departed out of their presence, and
some noblemen that were about the earl
made him way and made him to drink, and
then he returned again to Sluys to his
lodging. And I shall shew you what fell
after. Though all his purveyance were
ready appax*elled and that he had wind at
will to have sailed into Scotland, yet he
durst not put himself into the dangers of
the sea : for it was shewed him how he was
spied by the Englishmen that he lay at
Sluys, and how that if he kept on his
voyage he was likely to be taken and
carried into England ; and because of those
doubts he brake his viage and returned to
Paris to the king.
Ye may well know that the lord of
Bournazel told no less to the French king
than was done to him by the earl of
Flanders, and also it was needful for him
to tell all for his excuse, for the king had
marvel of his returning. The same season
there were divers knights in the king's
chamber, and specially sir John of Ghis-
telles of Hainault, cousin to the earl of
Flanders, who had great displeasure at the
words of this knight that he had of the earl
of Flanders, so that finally he could keep
his tongue no longer, but said : * I cannot
suffer these words thus to be spoken of my
dear lord ; and, sir knight, if ye will say
that he did as ye say, to let you of your
viage, in that quarrel I appeal you to the
field and here is my gage, ' The lord of
Bournazel was nothing abashed to answer,
but said : ' Sir John, I say thus, how I was
thus taken by the baily of Sluys and
brought before the earl of Flanders, and as
ye have heard, he said to me, and in like
wise so did the duke of Bretayne ; and if ye
will say contrary to this, I will receive your
gage.' ' I will say so,' quoth the lord of
Ghistelles. With those words the king
was not content, and said, ' Let us go
hence : I will hear no more of these words ' :
and so departed and went into his chamber,
all only with his chamberlains, right glad
that the lord of Bournazel had so well and
freely spoken against the words of sir John
of Ghistelles, and said all smiling : ' He
hath holden foot well with him : I would
not for twenty thousand franks but that he
had done so.' And after it fortuned so
that this sir John of Ghistelles, who was
chamberlain with the king, was so evil be-
loved in the court, that he was weary there-
of and thought not to abide the dangers.
So he took leave of the king and departed
from the court and went into Brabant, to
the duke Wenceslas of Brabant, who re-
ceived him joyfully. The French king was
sore displeased with the earl of Flanders,
because it was thought by divers of the
realm that he had letted the lord of Bour-
nazel of his viage into Scotland, and also
in that he held still about him the duke of
Bretayne his cousin, who was greatly in the
king's displeasure. And so they that were
about the king perceived well how the earl
of Flanders was nothing in the king's grace.
Anon after, the king wrote sharp letters
to his cousin the earl of Flanders, threaten-
ing him, because he sustained with him the
duke of Bretayne, whom he reputed to be
his enemy. The earl wrote again to the
king excusing himself as well as he might,
but it availed nothing ; for the king sent
him again more sharper letters, shewing him
plainly that, without he would put the duke
of Bretayne out of his company, he would
surely displease him. When the earl of
Flanders saw that the king pursued his
cause with such effect, then he took advice
in himself and thought he would shew
these menaces and threatenings to his good
towns, and specially to Gaunt, to know
what they would say to the matter. And
so he sent to Bruges, to Ypres and Court-
ray, and after departed, and the duke of
Bretayne in his company, and so went to
Gaunt and lodged at the Postern,^ where
he was joyllilly received of the burgesses,
for they loved well to have him among
them.
And when the people of the good towns,
such as were sent for, were come, the earl
assembled them together in a place, and
there he made be shewed to them by John
de la Faucille his intention, and the letters
read that the French king had sent him two
months before. And when these letters
were read, then the earl spake and said :
' All ye sirs of my good towns of Flanders,
through the help of God I have been your
1 ' La Poterne ' the name of a house belonging to
the earl of Flanders at Ghent.
I
THE EARL OF FLANDERS AT GHENT, 1379
215
lord a long season and I have kept and
governed you in good peace to my power,
nor ye have not seen in me the contrary
but that I have entertained you in great
prosperity, in like manner as a lord ought
to keep his men and subjects. But it is to
my great displeasure, and it ought to be to
you that are my men, that the French king
thus hateth me and will hate, because I
sustain about me and in my company the
duke of Bretayne my cousin-german, who
as now is not well beloved in France, nor
he dare not well trust his men in his own
country because of five or six barons that
loveth him not. Wherefore the king would
that I should drive him out of my country,
the which should be a strange thing to him.
I say not nay, but if I did comfort my
cousin either with towns or castles against
the realm of France, then the king might
have good cause to complain him of me :
but I do not so, nor am not in will so to
do, and therefore I have here assembled
you together, shewing you the perils that
may hap to fall. Therefore I would know
your minds, whether he shall abide still
with me or not.' They answered all with
one voice : * Sir, let him abide still : why
should he not ? And, sir, if there be any
man living that will make you war, ye
shall find ready in your land of Flanders
two hundred thousand men of war to serve
you.' Those words greatly rejoiced the
earl, and said : ' Sirs, I thank you.'
And so ended that parliament, and the
earl was well content with his men and
gave every man leave to depart in peace.
Then when the earl saw his time, he re-
turned to Bruges, and the duke of Bretayne
with him. Thus these matters hanged in
a trance : the earl was in great grace with
his people and the country in peace and
prosperity ; the which abode not so long
after, for it was in great tribulation, as ye
shall hear after in this history.
CHAPTER CCCXLIV
How the duke of Bretayne departed out of
Flanders, and how the earl of Saint-Pol
was taken prisoner, and how he was
married in England, and of the wars that
fell then in Bretayne.
Ye may well know how the French king
had knowledge of all this matter and how
the earl had answered. He loved him not
one whit the better : howbeit, he must let
it pass, for more he could not have as at
that time, and said how the earl of Flanders
was the most proudest prince that he knew :
and a man might have seen well by the
manner of the king that the earl was the
lord that the king would most gladly have
brought somewhat to reason, when he saw
that he withsaid him and that he was no
more displeased than he was. The earl of
Flanders for all the king's writing and that
he was in his great displeasure because of
keeping about him the duke of Bretayne,
yet, that notwithstanding, he kept him still
as long as it pleased him to tarry and made
him keep a goodly estate. Finally the duke
of Bretayne had counsel to draw into Eng-
land, and so he took leave of the earl his
cousin and went to Gravelines, and thither
came to him the earl of Salisbury with five
hundred spears and a thousand archers, for
doubt of the French garrisons, and so
brought him to Calais, whereof sir Hugh
Calverley was captain, who received him
right joyously ; and when the duke had
tarriecl there a five days, he had wind at
will and so took the sea and the earl of
Salisbury in his company, and so arrived at
Dover and came to the young king Richard,
who received him with great joy, and so
did also the duke of Lancaster and the
earls of Cambridge and of Buckingham
and the great lords of England.
Ye have heard before how sir Valeran of
Luxembourg, young earl of Saint- Pol, was
taken prisoner between Ardres and Calais
and was in England at the king's pleasure :
for king Edward in his lifetime bought
him of the lord of Comminges, for he was
first his prisoner, because he made the
journey, when he was taken of a squire, a
man of arms of the country of Gueldres : so
this young earl of Saint -Pol abode long
prisoner in England, or he was delivered.
It was of truth the king offered him oft-
times in exchange for the captal of Buch,
while he lived ; but the French king nor
the council of France would in no wise
hear thereof, whereof the king of England
had great disdain. Thus the matter con-
tinued a long space, and the young earl
still prisoner in England in the fair castle of
Windsor, and he had so courteous a keeper
that he might go and sport him a-hawking
2l6
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
between Windsor and Westminter : he was
believed on his faith. The same season
the princess, mother to king Richard, lay at
Windsor, and her daughter with her, my
lady Maude, the fairest lady in all Eng-
land. The earl of Saint-Pol and this young
lady were in true amours together each of
other, and sometime they met together at
dancing and carolHng, till at last it was
spied ; and then the lady discovered to her
mother how she loved faithfully the young
earl of Saint - Pol. Then there was a
marriage spoken of between the earl of
Saint- Pol and the lady Maude of Holland,
and so the earl was set to his ransom to
pay sixscore thousand franks, so that when
he had married the lady Maude then to be
rebated threescore thousand, and the other
threescore thousand to pay. And when
this covenant of marriage was made be-
tween the earl and the lady, the king of
England suffered the earl to repass the sea
to fetch his ransom, on his only promise to
return again within a year after. So the
earl came into France to see his friends,
the king, the earl of Flanders, the duke of
Brabant and his cousins in France.
In the same year there was made an hard
information against the earl of Saint- Pol ;
for '\\ was laid to his charge that he should
deliver to the Englishmen the strong castle
of Bohain, and so the French king caused
him to be rested and kept in surety. And
so the king shewed how the earl of Saint-
Pol would have made an evil treaty for him
and for the realm, and the earl in no wise
could be excused. And also for the same
cause thei e was kept in prison in the castle
of Mons in Hainault the lord canon of
Robersart,^ the lord of Vertaing, sir James
du Sart and Gerard d'Obies ; but at length
all that matter came to none effect, for
there could nothing be proved against
them, and so they were deUvered. Then
the young eail returned again into Eng-
land to acquit him of his promise, and so
wedded the lady and did so much that he
paid his threescore thousand franks, and so
passed again the sea. But he entered not
1 Thierry, called le Chanoine de Robersart. It
is doubtful what is the origin of this by-name, but
he was certainly not an ecclesiastic. One of his
sons (Louis) was made a knight of the Garter by
Henry V., and married Elizabeth Bourchier, be-
longing to the same family as the present translator
of the Chronicles (Lettenhove, xxiii. 28).
into France because the king loved him
not ; and so he and the countess his wife
went and lay at the castle of Ham on the
river of Heure, the which castle the lord of
Moriaume, who had wedded his sister,
lent him to lie in. And there he lay as
long as king Charles of France lived, for
the earl could never get his love.
Now let us leave to speak of this matter
and return to the business of France.
The same season all Bretayne was kept
close, what against the French king and
against the duke. Howbeit, some of the
good towns of Bretayne held themselves
close in the duke's name, and many had
great marvel that they took him for their
lord. And also divers knights and squires
of Bretayne were of the same accord, and
also there was allied to them the countess
of Penthievre, mother to the children ofj
Bretayne. But sir Bertram of Guesclin,
constable of France, the lord Clisson, the
lord de Laval, the viscount of Rohan and
the lord of Rochefort, they held the country
in war with the puissance that came daily
to them out of France ; for at Pontorson,
at Saint- Malo-the- Isle ^ and thereabout lay
a great number of men of arms of France,
of Normandy, of Auvergne and of Bur-
goyne, who did much hurt in the countiy.
The duke of Bretayne, who was in Eng
land, had knowledge of everything ani
how the duke of Anjou was at Angers an
daily destroyed his country. Also he had
knowledge how the good towns kept them-
selves close in his name, and certain knights
and squires of the same part, whereof he
could them good thank. Yet that not'
withstanding, he durst not well trust ii
them to jeopard to return into Bretayne o
the trust of his men, for always he doubte(
of treason. Also the king of England noi
the duke of Lancaster would not counsel
him to return.
I
1%
i
le
1
CHAPTER CCCXLV
SUMMARY. — William des Bordes
taken prisoner by the ga?'rison of CherbourgX
Geoffrey THenoire and Aimer igot Marcel
conquered castles in Auvergne, Limousit
and other parts.
1 Saint-Malo-de-l'Isle.
ELECTION OF CLEMENT VIL, 1378
217
CHAPTER CCCXLVI
Of the schism that was made in the Church
and the manner how, and of the Bretons
who made war to Rome : and of the queen
of Naples, who put all her lands into the
pope's hands.
It hath been long sith I spake of holy
Church : now I will return thereto ; the
matter requireth it. Ye have well heard
herebefore, how by the exhortation of the
Romans the cardinals who as then reigned,
to appease the people of Rome, who were
greatly moved against them, made a pope
of the archbishopric of Bari, called before
Bartholomew des Aigles. He received the
papality and was called Urban the sixth,
and so opened grace, as the usage was.
The intention of divers of the cardinals was,
that when they might see a better hour and
time, they would again return to their elec-
tion, because this pope was not profitable
for them, nor also to the Church, as they
said, for he was a furnish man and melan-
cholious, so that when he saw himself in
prosperity and in puissance of the papality,
and that divers kings christened were
joined to him and wrote to him and did
put them under his obeisance, whereof he
waxed proud and worked all on head,^
and would have taken from the cardinals
divers of their rights and old customs, the
which greatly displeased them. And so
Lthey spake together and imagined how he
iwas not well worthy to govern the world ;
Jwherefore they purposed to choose another
)pe, sage and discreet, by whom the
Church should be well governed.
To this purpose the cardinals put to all
Itheir pain, and specially he that was after
[chosen to be pope. Thus all a summer they
rere in this purpose, for they that intended
to make a new pope durst not show their
[minds generally because of the Romans ;
that in the time of the vacation in the
[court divers cardinals departed from Rome
md went about Rome ^ to sport them in
livers places at their pleasure. And pope
[Urban went to another city called Tyeulle,^
and there he lay a long season in this vaca-
tion time, which might not long endure,
1 That is, acted in a headstrong manner.
- 'Environ Rome.' 3 Tivoli.
for at Rome there were many clerks of
sundry places of the world abiding for
graces, the which was promised to divers
of them. Then the cardinals all of one
accord assembled together, and their voices
rested on sir Robert of Geneva, sometime
son to the earl of Geneva. His first pro-
motion was he was bishop of Terouanne,
and after bishop of Cambray, and he was
called cardinal of Geneva. At this election
were the most part of the cardinals, and he
was called Clement.
The same season there was in the
marches of Rome a right valiant knight of
Bretayne called Silvester Bude, and he had
under him a two thousand Bretons : and
in the year before he had right well borne
himself against the Florentines under pope
Gregory, who had cursed them because of
the rebellion, and by the means of this
Silvester Bude they were come to mercy.
Then pope Clement and the cardinals of
his part secretly sent for him and his com-
pany, and so he came and entered into the
castle Angelo, the better to constrain the
Romans. So pope Urban durst not depart
from Tyeulle, nor such cardinals as were
of his accord, for doubt of the Bretons,
they were so great a number and all chosen
men of war. And when the Romans saw
themselves in that danger, they sent for
other soldiers, Almains and Lombards,
and so daily they scrimmished with the
Bretons. Clement opened his graces to
all clerks, such as would have it, and so
he signified his name over all the world.
And when the French king who as then
reigned was certified thereof, he had great
marvel and sent for his brother and for
all the nobles and prelates of his realm
and for the rector and master doctors of
the university of Paris, to know of them
to which election, other the first or the
second, that he should hold unto. This
matter was not shortly determined, for
divers clerks varied, but finally all the
prelates of France inclined to Clement,
and so did the king's brethren and the
most part of the university of Paris : and so
the king was informed by all the great
clerks of his realm, that he obeyed the
pope Clement and held him for the true
pope, and made a special commandment
throughout his realm that every man should
take and repute Clement for pope and that
2l8
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
every man should obey him as God on
earth. The king of Spain was of the same
opinion, and so was the earl of Savoy, the
duke of Milan and the queen of Naples.
The believing thus of the French king
upon Clement coloured greatly his deeds, ^
for the realm of France was reputed to be
the chief fountain of belief of the Christian
faith, because of the noble churches and
prelacies that be therein. As then lived
Charles of Bohemia, king of Almaine and
emperor of Rome, who was at Prague in
Bohemia and was advertised of all these
matters, whereof he had great marvel ;
and though that his empire of Almaine,
except the bishopric of Treves, believed in
faith, courage and intention in pope Urban
and would not hear speaking of any other,
yet he feigned and dissimuled all his life-
time, and would answer when he was
spoken to of that matter so courteously,
that all his barons and prelates of his realm
were content. Howbeit, the churches of
the Empire obeyed pope Urban, but Scot-
laud held of Clement. The earl Louis of
Flanders was greatly against Clement
in the parts of Brabant, Hainault and in
Liege, for he would ever abide to be
Urbanist, saying how they did the same
pope great wrong ; and this earl was so
believed and renowned in those parts where
he was conversant, that the churches and
lords held of the same opinion. But they
of Hainault and the churches there, and
the lord, called Albert, abode as neuter and
obeyed no more to one than to the other ;
wherefore the bishop of Cambray that
reigned at that time, called John, lost in
Hainault all the revenues of his temporali-
ties.
And in the same season there was sent
into France, into Hainault, into Flanders
and into Brabant from pope Clement, the
cardinal of Poitiers, a right wise, valiant
and a sage clerk, to ensign and to preach to
the people, for he was at the first election ;
and there he shewed how by constraint
they chose first the archbishop of Bari to
be pope. The French king and his
brethren and the prelates of France meekly
received him and gladly intended to his
business and words, for it seemed to them
that he spake all truth, and so gave faith
1 ' Couloura grandement son fait ' ; that is, ' greatly-
strengthened his position.'
to him. And when he had been a season
in France, then he went into Hainault,
where he was also joyously received : in
like wise so he was in Brabant both of the
duke and of the duchess, but he did there
nothing else. He thought in his returning
to have gone into Liege, but he took other
counsel and went not thither, but returned
to Tournay, and thought to have gone into
Flanders to have spoken with the earl ;
but it was shewed him that he had nothing
to do there, because the earl held and
would hold of Urban and so to live and
die. Then the cardinal departed from
Tournay and went to Valenciennes, and so
to Cambray, and there he lay a long space
in hope always to hear some good tidings.
Thus the Christian realms were in varia-
tion and the churches in great difference
because of the popes. Urban had the
greater part, but to speak of the most
profitable revenues and plain obesiance,
Clement had it ; and so Clement by con-
sent of the cardinals sent to Avignon to
make ready the palace there for him, for
his intent was to go thither as soon as he
might, and so he went to the city of
Fondes^ and there opened his graces.
Thither drew all manner of clerks, such as
would take grace ; and he kept about in
villages many soldiers, who made great war
to Rome and to the bourage of Saint \
Peter,- and travailed them day and night
with divers assaults and scrimmishes. And
also they that were in the castle Angelo
without Rome did much trouble to the
Romans ; but they of Rome enforced them-
selves so with soldiers Almains and with
the puissance of Rome, so that they
assembled together on a day and conquered
the bourage of Saint Peter. Then the
Bretons drew them into the castle of
Angelo : howbeit, they were so handled
by force of arms, that they gave it up,
their lives saved. Then the Bretons de-
parted and drew to Fondes and thereabout
in the country, and the Romans beat down
the castle Angelo and brent the bourage
of Saint Peter.
1 Fondi.
2 ' And also they that were in the bourg of Saint
Peter travailed them greatly," etc. These are the
partisans of Clement, Bretons and others, who
had occupied the castle of Saint Angelo and the
strongholds of the borgo and were driven out by
the Romans as mentioned below.
I
THE QUEEN OF NAPLES AND POPE CLEMENT
219
When sir Silvester Bude, who was in
the country, heard how his men had lost
the bourage of Saint Peter and the castle
Angelo, he was right sore displeased and
studied how to be revenged of the Romans.
It was shewed him by his spies how on a day
the Romans and the noblest men of the city
of Rome should assemble together in council
in the Capitol. As soon as he knew that,
he assembled together a certain number
and rode forth by covert ways secretly,
and so came to Rome in the evening and
entered in at the gate of Naples. When
these Bretons were within, they took the
straight way to the Capitol, and came
thither as the council of Rome were issued
out of the chamber. Then the Bretons
couched their spears and ran in among
them, and slew and beat down a great
number of the most notablest of the city.
There was slain a six bannerets and a two
hundred of other rich persons, and a great
number hurt. And when these Bretons
had done their enterprise, they withdrew
them against night, and then it began to
be late, so that they were not pursued,
what for the night and for the sudden fray
that tliey were in, for they wist not what to
do but to take heed of their friends that
were sore hurt. So they passed that night
in great distress and sorrow of heart, and
so buried the dead and dressed the hurt.
And in the morning the Romans advised
themselves of a great cruelty, for the poor
clerks that were in Rome and were in no
fault, they slew and hurt of them more
than three hundred, and specially Bretons
that fell in their hands there was no mercy.
Thus went the matters in Rome by reason
of the state of the popes, and daily they
bought it dear, such as were without fault.
In the mean season that Clement and his
cardinals lay thus at Fondes, the queen of
Naples came thither to see him, for she
did put herself under the obeisance of pope
Clement. This queen had been long in
purpose to put the realm of Sicily, whereof
she was lady, and the county of Provence,
which dependeth of the same realm, into
the hands of the pope, to do with them at
his pleasure and to give them to some high
prince of the realm of France, being of
such puissance to keep them against such
as she hated deadly, who were descended
out of the realm of Hungary. And when
the queen of Naples was come to Fondes,
she humbled herself lowly to pope Clement
and was confessed of him and discovered to
him all the secrets of her heart, and said :
* Holy father, I hold divers noble heritages,
as the realm of Naples, the realm of Sicily,
Puylle,-^ Calabre, and the county of Pro-
vence ; and it is of truth that king Louis of
Sicily, duke of Puylle and Calabre, my
father, while he lived knowledged all these
lands to hold of the Church, and on his
death -bed he took me by the hand and
said : "Ah, fair daughter, ye are inheritor
of many a rich countiy, and I am sure
many great lords will seek to have you in
marriage because of the fair heritage that
ye have. Therefore, daughter, I would ye
should use you after my counsel, as to
marry yourself to so high a prince that may
be puissant to keep and maintain you and
your heritage in rest and peace. And if it
so fortune that ye have none heirs, then
deliver all your lands into the hands of the
pope then being alive ; for king Robert my
father at the hour of his death gave me in
like charge. Therefore, fair daughter, I
charge you and discharge me." And then
I promised him on my faith in the presence
of all them that were in his chamber that I
should accomplish his last desire. And,
holy father, so it was that after his decease
by the consent of all the nobles of Sicily
and Naples I was married to Andrew of
Hungary, brother to king Louis of Hun-
gary, by whom I had no issue, for he died
young at Aix in Provence : and after his
decease I was married again to the prince
of Tarent, who was called Charles, and by
him I had a daughter. Then the king of
Hungary for the displeasure that he had
for Andrew his brother,^ my first husband,
went and made war against my husband
Charles of Tarent and took from him
Puylle and Calabre, and took him in battle
and led him to prison into Hungary, and
there he died. And yet after again by the
accord of the nobles of Sicily I married
again king James of Mallorca, and sent into
France for sir Louis of Navarre to have
married my daughter, but he died by the
1 Apulia.
2 That is, ' for the death of Andrew his brother,
whom Joanna was accused of having murdered.
The word 'for' in the text is a correction of 'to.'
The French is ' du roy Andry.'
220
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
way. Then it fell so that the king my
husband went to conquer his heritage of
Mallorca, the which the king of Aragon
had taken from him by force, and had dis-
herited him and caused his father to die in
prison. And or he departed from me, I
said to him : " Sir, I am a lady, and have
puissance and riches sufficient to maintain
your estate according to your desire."
Howbeit, he preached so much to me and
shewed me so many fair reasons, desiring to
recover his heritage, so that I was fain to
consent to him to take his pleasure. But
at his departing I desired him to have gone
to king Charles of France and to have
shewed him his business and to have
ordered himself by his counsel. Howbeit,
he did not so, the which was his hurt ; for
he went to the prince of Wales, who pro-
mised to have aided him. So he had
greater trust in the prince of Wales than in
the French king, to whom I was near of
lineage. And in the mean season, while
he was in his viage, I wrote to the French
king and sent great messengers to him,
desiring him to send me a nobleman of his
blood to marry my daughter, to the intent
that mine heritage should not be without
an heir. The king sent his cousin sir
Robert of Artois, who wedded my daughter.
And in the viage that the king my husband
made he died ; and after again I married
sir Otho of Brunswick : and because sir
Charles de la Paix^ saw that sir Otho
should have mine heritage as long as I
lived, he made us war and took us in the
castle of I'QEufj^ when the sea was so high
that we feared it would have over flo wen us,
at which time we were so affrayed, that we
yielded us all four to sir Charles de la Paix,
our lives saved : and so he held us in prison,
my husband and I, my daughter and her
husband, and so it happed that my son
and daughter died there ; and after by
treaty I and my husband were delivered,
so that Puylle and Calabre might come to
him ; and also he intendeth to come to the
heritage of Naples, of Sicily and of Pro-
vence, for he seeketh all about for alliance,
and so will take away the right of the
Church as soon as I am dead, if he may.
Therefore, holy father, I will acquit me
1 Charles of Sicily, called de la Paix, son of Louis
of Durazzo.
2 The Castel dell' Ovo at Naples.
against God and you, and acquit the souls
of my predecessors, and put into your hands
all the heritages that I ought to have, of
Sicily, of Naples, Puylle, Calabre and Pro-
vence, I give them to you to do with them
your pleasure, to give them to whomsoever
it pleaseth you, such as may obtain them
against our adversary sir Charles de la
Paix.'
Pope Clement received joyfully her words
and took her gift in great reverence, and
said : ' Ah, my fair daughter of Naples, we
shall so ordain that your heritage shall have
such an heritor of your own blood, noble
and puissant to resist against them that will
do or offer you or them any wrong.' Of
all these words and gifts there were public
instruments and authentic made, to the in-
tent that the matter should abide firm and
stable in time to come, and to be of more
plain knowledge to all them that should
hear thereof after.
CHAPTER CCCXLVH
I
How pope Clement came to Avignon, and of
the gifts that he gave to the duke of Anjou,
and how sir Silvester Bude and his com-
pany were beheaded : and of the country
of Flanders and of their adversity.
J
When the queen of Naples and sir Otho
Brunswick had done all things, wherefore
they were come to Fondes to the pope,
then they took their leave and departed and
went to Naples. Then it was not long
after but that pope Clement imagined in
himself, that to abide long about the parts
of Rome was nothing profitable for him,
and saw well how the Romans and pope
Urban travailed greatly to get the love of
the Neapolitans and of sir Charles de la
Paix : therefore he doubted lest the pas-
sages and ways should be closed against
him, so that he should not get to Avignon
when he would. And the principal and
special cause that inclined him to go to
Avignon, was to the intent to give to the
duke of Anjou the rights that the queen of
Naples had given unto him of all the fore-
said seignories, whereof he had instruments
passed and sealed. So he ordained secretly
and sagely his business and took the sea,
and his cardinals with him, in galleys and
SIR JOHN HAWKWOOD
221
vessels that were come out of Aragon.
They had wind and weather at will, and
arrived without damage at Marseille,
whereof all the country was right glad :
and from thence he went to AvignoH and
sent word of his coming to the French king
and to his brethren, who were right glad
of his coming. And the duke of Anjou,
who lay at the city of Toulouse, went to
see the pope, and at his coming the pope
gave him all the gifts that the queen of
Naples had given him. The duke of
Anjou, who always desired high seignories
and great honours, received the gifts in
great magnificence, and so had them to
him and to his heirs for ever, and said to
the pope that in as short time as he might,
he would go so strong into those marches,
that he would be able to resist them that
would do any wrong to the queen of Naples.
The duke tarried with the pope a fifteen
days, and then returned to Toulouse to the
duchess his wife ; and pope Clement de-
livered his men of war to sir Bernard de la
Salle and to Florimont ^ to make war
against his enemies.
The same season there was in the
marches of Tuscany in Italy a valiant
knight English called sir John Hacoude,^
who did and had done many a noble feat
of arms. He issued out of the realm of
France, when the peace was made between
the two kings at Bretigny beside Chartres,
and in that time he was but a poor knight,
and then he thought, to return again into
England into his own country he thought
he could win nothing there ; ^ and when he
saw that all men of war should avoid the
realm of France by the ordinance and
treaty of peace, he made himself captain of
a certain number of companions called the
Late-comers ^ and so went into Burgoyne,
and there he assembled a great number of
such rutters, English, Gascons, Bretons,
Almains and companions of divers nations.
And this Hacoude was one of the chief
with Briquet and Creswey by whom the
1 Froissart says, ' and Clement remained at Avig-
non and left his men of arms, sir Silvester Bude,
sir Bernard de la Salle and Florimont, to make war
upon the Romans.' The translator gives what he
found in his text.
2 Hawkwood.
3 ' He thought that by returning again into his
own country he could win nothing.'
4 ' Les Tart- Venus.'
battle of Brignais was made, and helped
to get the Pont le Spirit with Bernard of
Sorges : and when they had warred and
harried the country against the pope and
the cardinals, then they were entreated and
went to the marquis of Montferrat, who as
then kept war with the lords of Milan.
And so this marquis brought them all
beyond the mountains, after he had deliv-
ered to them sixty thousand franks, whereof
Hacoude had for his part ten thousand for
him and his company. And when they had
achieved the war with the marquis, divers
then returned into France, for sir Bertram
of Guesclin, the lord de la Marche, and the
lord Beaujeu, the marshal of France, and
sir Arnold d'Audrehem ^ brought them into
Spain against king don Peter on king
Henry's part ; and sir John Hacoude and
his company abode still in Italy. And
pope Urban the fifth, as long as he lived,
had him in his wars of Milan, and in like
wise so had pope Gregory, who reigned after
him. And this same sir John Hacoude
had for the lord Coucy a fair journey against
the earl of Vertus ; for it was said for truth
that the lord Coucy had been overthrown
by the earl of Vertus and the Lombards, if
this Hacoude had not been : for he came
to his aid with five hundred, because the
lord Coucy had wedded the king of Eng-
land's daughter and for none other cause.
This sir John Hacoude was a knight
right hardy and of great experience, and
well renowned in the marches of Italy, and
did there many great feats of arms. Then
the Romans and Urban, who called himself
pope, advised in themselves, when Clement
was departed from the marches of Rome,
to send for him and to make him master
and governour of all their war. So they
sent for him and retained him and all his
company : and he acquitted himself right
valiantly ; for on a day with the help of the
Romans he discomfited Silvester Bude and
a great company of Bretons, so that they
were all slain or taken, and Silvester Bude
brought prisoner to Rome and was in great
danger to lose his head. And to say the
truth, it had been better for him to have
been beheaded the same day he was brought
to Rome, than otherwise, for the honour of
him and of his friends ; for afterward pope
1 The true reading is, 'and the marshal of France,
sir Arnold d'Audrehem.'
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
I
Clement caused him to lose his head in the
city of Macon, and another squire of Bre-
tayne with him called WiUiam Boilewe,
for they were had in suspect of treason,
because they were issued out of the Romans'
prison and could not be known by what
treaty or means, and so they came to
Avignon and there were taken. Of their
taking was culpable the cardinal of Amiens,
for he hated them sith they made war in
Rome for the pope, because in the fields
on a day they and their companies took the
said cardinal's somers, wherein they had
a great quantity of vessel and plate of gold
and silver, and departed it among their
companies, who could not be paid of their
wages. Wherefore the same cardinal took
the same deed in great displeasure, and so
covertly accused them of treason ; so that
when they were come to Avignon, treason
was laid to them, how they had falsely be-
trayed the pope, and thereupon sent to
Macon and there beheaded both. Thus
the matters went at that time in those coun-
tries ; and sir Bertram of Guesclin was sore
displeased for the death of Silvester Bude
his cousin with pope Clement and with the
cardinals, so that if he had lived long after,
they should well have known that his death
had been right sore displeasant to him.
Now let us leave to speak of these
matters, and let us enter to speak of the
wars of Flanders, the which began in the
same season, which were hard and cruel,
whereby much people were slain and exiled
and the country turned into such a case,
that it was said that in a hundred year after
it should not be recovered again : and I
shall shew you by what mean and occasions
the unhappy wars began.
When the tribulations began first in
Flanders, the country was so wealthy and
so rich that it was marvel to hear ; and the
men of the good towns kept such estate that
it was wonder to hear tell thereof. But
these wars began first by pride and envy
that the good towns in Flanders had one
against another, as they of Gaunt against
them of Bruges, and they of Bruges against
them of Gaunt, and other towns one against
another. But there was such resort, that
no war could rise among them, without the
earl of Flanders their lord did consent
thereto, for he was so feared and beloved
that none durst displease him. Also the
earl, who was right sage and subtle, kept
under the war and evil will of his people ;
for he would in no wise suffer no war to
rise among them and him, for well he
thought in his imaginations that when any
difference should rise between him and his
people, he should be the feebler and the
less set by of his neighbours. Also he kept
under the war for another cause, howbeit at
the end he was driven to use it, and that
was, he considered the great destruction
that should fall thereby both of bodies and
goods : for always he had lived in great
prosperity and peace and had as much his
pleasure as any other Christian prince had ;
but this war began for so light a cause and
incident, that justly, to consider and speak,
if good wit and sage advice had been in
the lord, he needed not to have had any
manner of war. What shall they say that
readeth this or heareth it read, but that it
was the work of the devil : for ye know, or __
else ye have heard say of the wise sages, w\
how the devil subtly ticeth ^ night and day^|
to make war, whereas he seeth peace, and
seeketh little and little how he may come
to his ungracious intent : and so it fortuned
in those days in Flanders, as ye may clearly
know and see by the treaty of the order ofj
the matter that followeth.
CHAPTER CCCXLVIII
Of the principal root and cause of the waij
between the earl of Flanders and th€
Flemings, and how the white hats werfl
set up by John Lyon.
The same season, while the duke ^ Louis
of Flanders was in his greatest prosperity,
there was in Gaunt a burgess called John
Lyon,^ a sage man, cruel, hardy, subtle
and a great enterpriser, and cold and patient
enough in all his works. This John Lyon
was great with the earl, as it appeared, for
the earl enticed him to slay a man in Gaunt
with whom he was displeased ; and at the
earl's commandment covertly this John
Lyon made a matter to him and so fell out
with him and slew him, the which burgess
was sore complained ; and therefore John
1 ' Subtille et atise,' ' deviseth and endeavoureth.
2 ' Earl.' 3 His true name was Yoens,
I
JOHN LYON AND GILBERT MA HEW
223
Lyon went and dwelt at Douay and was
there a three year and held a great estate
and port, and all of the earl's cost. And
for this slaughter on a day John Lyon lost
all that ever he had in Gaunt and was
banished the town four year ; but after, the
earl of Flanders did so much for him that
he made his peace, and so to return again
to the town of Gaunt and to have again as
great franchise as ever he had : whereof
divers in Gaunt and in Flanders had great
marvel and were therewith right sore
abashed. But for all that, so it was done ;
and beside that, to the intent that he
should recover again his loss and to main-
tain his estate, the earl made him chief
ruler of all the ships, mariners and navy.^
This office was well worth by year a thou-
sand franks, and yet to deal but truly.
Thus this John Lyon was so great with the
earl that there was none like him.
In the same season there was another
lineage in Gaunt called the Mahews.
There were of them seven brethren, they
were the chief of all the mariners ; and
among these seven brethren there was one
of them called Gilbert Mahew, a right sage
man, much more subtle than any of his
brethren. This Gilbert Mahew had great
envy covertly at this John Lyon, because
he saw him so great with the earl, and
studied night and day how he might put
him out of favour with the earl. Divers
times he was in mind to have slain him by
his brethren, but he durst not for fear of
the earl. So long he studied and imagined
on this matter that at last he found the
way.
The chief cause that he hated him for
was as I shall shew you, the better to come
to the foundation of this matter. Anciently
there was in the town of Damme a great
mortal war between two mariners and their
lineages, the one called Peter Guillon and
the other John Bard. Gilbert Mahew and
his brethren were come of the one lineage,
and this John Lyon of the other. So this
covert hate was long nourished between
these two parties ; howbeit, they spake and
ate and drank together : and the lineage of
Gilbert Mahew made more ado of the
matter than John Lyon did, insomuch that
Gilbert Mahew without any stroke given
advised a subtle deed. The earl of Flanders
1 ' Doyen des navieurs.'
would sometime lie at Gaunt : then this
Gilbert Mahew came and acquainted him-
self with one of them that was near about
the earl, and on a day said to him : ' Sir,
if my lord the earl would, he might have
every year a great profit of the ships and
navy, whereof he hath now nothing : which
profit the strangers and the mariners should
pay, so that John Lyon, who is chief ruler
there, will truly acquit himself.' This
gentleman said he would shew this to the
earl, and so he did. The earl then, in like
wise as divers lords are lightly inclined
naturally to hearken to their profit, and not
regarding the end, what may fall thereby,
so they may have riches, for covetousness
deceiveth them, he answered and said :
' Let Gilbert Mahew come to me and we
will hear what he will say.' Then came
Gilbert and spake with the earl, shewing
him divers reasons, reasonable as the earl
thought, and so answered and said : ' I
think it were well done that it should be
thus.' Then John Lyon was sent for, who
knew nothing of this matter, and there in
the presence of Gilbert Mahew the earl
shewed him all the matter and said : ' John,
if ye will, we may have great profit in this
matter.' John Lyon, who was a true man,
saw well it was not a thing reasonable to
be done. Howbeit, he durst not say the con-
trary, but said : ' Sir, that thing that ye de-
mand and that Gilbert Mahew hath brought
forth, I cannot do it alone, for it will be a
hard matter to all the mariners. ' 'John,'
quoth the earl, ' if ye will acquit you truly
in this matter, it will be done.' 'Sir,'
quoth he, ' I shall do therein the best of
my power ' ; and so they departed.
Gilbert Mahew, who intended to bring
out of favour this John Lyon with the earl,
intended to none other thing but to make
him lose his office. Then he came to his
six brethren and said : * Sirs, it is time now
that ye succour and aid me, and to main-
tain this matter, as good friends and
brethren should help each other. It is
for you that I have driven about this
matter. I shall discomfit John Lyon with-
out any stroke striking and shall bring him
in as great displeasure with the earl as he
is now great and in favour. Whatsoever I
say in the next parliament, keep your own
opinions ; for if the earl require you to do
such a thing, debate you well the matter :
224
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
but I will say still and maintain, that if
John Lyon will truly acquit himself, this
ordinance may be done. And I know so
much that my lord the earl, if the matter
come not to his intent, John Lyon shall
lose his favour and office, and give the office
to me. And when I once have it, then ye
shall agree thereto : we are puissant enough
in this town to rule all the residue ; there is
none will say against us : and then I shall
do so that John Lyon shall be overthrown.
Thus we shall be revenged on him without
any stroke giving.'
All his brethren accorded to him ; so the
parliament came and all the mariners were
ready. There John Lyon and Gilbert
Mahew shewed them the earl's pleasure on
the new statute that he would raise on the
navy of Lys and I'Escault, the which thing
seemed to them all right hard and contrary
to their old custom ; and the chief that
spake thereagainst were Gilbert Mahew's
brethren more than any other. Then John
Lyon, who was chief ruler of them all, was
right joyous, for he would to his true power
maintain them in their old ancient fran-
chises and liberties, and he weened that all
that they said had been for him : but it
was contrary, for it was for an evil intent
towards him. John Lyon reported to the
earl the answer of the mariners, and said :
' Sir, it is a thing cannot be well done, for
great hurt may come thereby. Sir, an it
please you, let the matter rest in the old
ancient estate and make no new thing
among them.'
This answer pleased nothing the earl, for
he saw that if the matter might be brought
up and raised, it should be well worth to
him yearly a seven thousand florins. So
he held his peace as at that time, but he
thought the more ; and so pursued by fair
words and treaties these mariners, but
always John Lyon found them right obsti-
nate in the case. Then Gilbert Mahew
came to the earl and to his council, and said
how that John Lyon acquitted him but
slackly in the matter ; but an the earl would
give him the office that John Lyon hath,
he would so handle the mariners, that the
earl of Flanders should heritably have the
said profit. The earl saw not clear, for
covetousness of the good^ blinded him,
and by his own counsel he put John Lyon
1 'Covetousness of gain.'
I
out of the office and gave it to Gilbert
Mahew. When Gilbert Mahew saw how
he had the office, within a little space he
turned all his six brethren to his purpose
and so made the eai-1 to have his intent and
profit ; wherefore he was never the better
beloved of the most part of the mariners.
Howbeit, it behoved them to suffer, for the
seven brethren were great and puissant
with the aid of the earl. Thus by this
subtle means Gilbert Mahew gat himself in
favour with the earl, and he gave many
gifts and jewels to them that were near about
the earl, whereby he had their loves, and
also he gave many great presents to the
earl, the which blinded him, and so by that
means he gat his love : and all these gifts
and presents this Gilbert Mahew raised of
the mariners, whereof there were many that
were not well content ; howbeit, they durst
speak no word to the contrary.
John Lyon by this means and by the
purchase of Gilbert Mahew was out of the
earl's favour and love, and so kept his house
and lived of his own, and endured and
suffered patiently all that ever was done to
him. For this Gilbert Mahew, who as then
was chief ruler of all the ships, covertly
ever hated this John Lyon, and took away
the third or fourth part of the profit that he
should have had of his ships. All this
John Lyon suffered and spake no word,
but sagely dissimuled and took in gree all
that ever was done to him, and said :
'There is time to be still and time to
speak.' This Gilbert Mahew had one
brother called Stenuart, a subtle man, who
advised well the manner of John Lyon, and
said to his brethren in prophesying as it
came to pass: ' Sirs, this John Lyon suf-
fereth now and hangeth down his head: h|
he doth it all for policy ; but I fear me he f |
will at length make us lower than we be
now high : but I counsel one thing, that
while we be thus in the earl's favour, let us
slay him. I shall soon slay him, if I take
the charge to do it, and so we shall be out
of all perils.' His other brethren would in
no wise consent thereto, and said to him
that in no wise he should do him any hurt,
saying to him how a man ought not to be
slain without the sentence of a judge.
Thus the matter continued a certain
space, till the devil, who never sleepeth,
awaked them of Bruges to dig about the
I
I
THE WHITE HOODS AT GHENT, 1379
225
river of Lys, to have the easement of the
course of the water. And the earl was
well accorded to them and sent great
number of pioneers and men of arms to
assist them. Before that in time past they
would have done the same, but they of
Gaunt by puissance brake their purpose.
These tidings came to Gaunt, how they of
Bruges were digging to turn the course of
the river of Lys, the which should greatly
be to the prejudice of Gaunt. Many folks
in the town began to murmur, and specially
the mariners, for it touched them near ;
wherefore they said they of Bruges should
not be suffered so to dig, to have the course
of the river to them, whereby their town
should be destroyed. And some said
privily : ' Ah, God help now John Lyon,
for if he had been still our governour, it
should not have been thus : they of Bruges
would not have been so hardy to attempt
so far against us.'
John Lyon was well advertised of all
these matters : then he began a little to
wake, and said to himself: * I have slept a
season, but it shall appear that for a small
occasion I shall wake and shall set such a
tremble between this town and the earl,
that it shall cost peradventure a hundred
thousand men's lives. ' The tidings of these
diggers increased : so it was, there was a
woman that came from her pilgrimage from
our Lady of Boulogne, who was weary and
sat down in the market-place, whereas
there were divers men, and some of them
demanded of her from whence she came.
She answered, * From Boulogne, and I
have seen by the way the greatest mischief
that ever came to this town of Gaunt : for
there be more than five hundred pioneers,
that night and day worketh before the river
of Lys ; and if they be not let, they will
shortly turn the course of the water.' This
woman's words was well heard and under-
standed in divers places of the town. Then
they of the town began to moan and said :
*This deed ought not to be suffered nor
consented unto. ' Then divers went to John
Lyon and demanded counsel of him, how
they should use themselves in this matter.
And when John Lyon saw himself sought
on by them, whom he desired to have their
good wills and love, he was greatly rejoiced.
Howbeit, he made no semblant of joy, for
he thought it was not as then yet time, till
Q
the matter were better ascertained. And
so he was sore desired, or he would speak
or declare his thought, and when he spake,
he said : ' Sirs, if ye will adventure to
remedy this matter, it behoveth that in this
town of Gaunt ye renew an old ancient
custom, that sometime was used in this
town : and that is, that ye bring up again
the white hats,^ and that they may have a
chief ruler to whom they may draw and by
him be ruled.' These words were gladly
heard, and then they said all with one voice :
' We will have it so : let us raise up these
white hats.'
Then there were made white hats, and
given and delivered to such as loved better
to have war than peace, for they had no-
thing to lose ; and there they chose John
Lyon to be chief governour of all the white
hats, the which office he took on him right
gladly, to the intent to be revenged on his
enemies and to bring discord between the
towns of Bruges and Gaunt and the earl
their lord : and so it was ordained that
they should go out against the diggers of
Bruges with John Lyon their sovereign
captain, and with him two hundred with
their companies, of such as had rather have
had war than peace. And when Gilbert
Mahew and his brethren saw the manner
of these white hats, they were not very
joyful thereof. Then Stenuart said to his
brethren : ' I said to you before how this
John Lyon should discomfit us at length.
It had been better that ye had believed
me before and to have let me have slain
him rather than he should be in this estate
that he is now in and is likely to be in ;
and all is by the white hats that he hath
brought up.' 'Nay, nay,' quoth Gilbert,
' when I have once spoken with my lord
the earl, I warrant you they shall be laid
down again. Let them alone to do their
enterprise against the pioneers of Bruges
for the profit of this our town ; for else, to
say the truth, the town were but lost.'
John Lyon and his company with the
white hats departed from Gaunt in will to
slay all the pioneers and such other as
kept them. These tidings came to the
pioneers how the Gauntois came on them
with a great puissance, wherefore they
doubted to lose all and so left their work
and went back again to Bruges, and were
1 ' Les blans chaperons,' ' the white hoods.'
226
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
■
never after so hardy to dig there again.
When John Lyon and his company saw
nothing to do, they returned again to
Gaunt ; but for all that John Lyon left not
his office, but that the white hats went
daily up and down the town and John Lyon
kept them still in that estate ; and to some
he would say secretly : ' Hold you well con-
tent : eat and drink and make merry, and
be not afraid of anything that ye dispend.
Such shall pay in time to come for your
scot, that will not give you now one penny.'
CHAPTER CCCXLIX
How by the exhortation of John Lyon the
Gauntois sent certain notable burgesses of
the town of Gaunt to the earl of Flanders
for the conservation of their privileges and
old franchises, and of the desire the earl
made to lay down the white hats.
Tn the same week that John Lyon had
been thus at Deynse, to have met with the
pioneers of Bruges, there came divers out
of the franchise of Gaunt to complain to
them that had as then the rule of the
law, and said : ' Sirs, at Eccloo beside
us, the which is within the franchise of
Gaunt, there is one of our burgesses in
the earl's prison, and we have desired the
earl's baily there to deliver him, but he
hath plainly answered that he will not
deliver him, the which is plainly against the
privilege of this town of Gaunt. And so
thereby little and little your privileges
shall be broken, the which in time past
have been so noble and so highly praised,
and beside that so well kept and maintained,
that none durst break them, and that the
most noblest knight of Flanders held him-
self well reputed to be a burgess of Gaunt.'
Then they of the law answered and said
how they would write to the baily desiring
him that the burgess maybe delivered, 'for
truly his office extendeth not so far as to
keep our burgess in the earl's prison.' And
so they wrote to the baily for the deliver-
ance of the burgess, being in prison in
Eccloo. The baily answered and said :
' What needeth all these words for a mar-
iner? Say,' quoth the baily, who had to
name Roger d' Auterive, ' to them of Gaunt,
that though he were a richer man ten times
than he is, he shall never go out of prison ,
without my lord the earl command it. ISj
have puissance to arrest, but I have noH
power to deliver. ' The words of this Roger
d'Auterive were reported to them of Gaunt,
wherewith they were sore displeased and
said how he had answered right proudly.
By these answers and incidents, as well [as]
for the pioneers of Bruges, who would have
digged against the heritage and profit of
Gaunt, and for such other semblable
deeds, whereby the franchises of Gaunt
should have been hurt, there began to run
through the town and abroad in the country
these unhappy ribalds called the white hats,
to the intent to be the more feared and re-
nowned : ^ for it behoveth in a lineage that
there be some foolish and outrageous, to
maintain and sustain the peaceable.
The tidings of this mariner burgess of
Gaunt being in the earl's prison at Eccloo,
whom the baily would not deliver, spread
abroad in the town of Gaunt, and divers W
folks began to murmur and to say how it 11
was not to be suffered ; for in sitting still
and being too soft in maintaining of their
franchise they might lose all, the which
hath been so noble. John Lyon, who in-
tended always but to one thing, and that
was to set in trouble the town of Gaunt
against the earl their lord, in such wise that
he should not appease it again but witl "
much sorrow and great damage, wherefore
he was nothing displeased of these adven-
tures, but he would always that for one
of them there had fallen thirty. He put
forth his words and covertly did sow them
through the town, saying how that when-
soever offices be bought in a town, the
jurisdictions and privileges cannot be well
kept : ' for the earl receiveth now yearly
three or four thousand franks beyond the
old usage or customs, whereby the mer-
chants and mariners greatly complaineth
them and leaveth to resort to the town of
Gaunt, both they of Valenciennes, of Douay,
of Lille, of Bethune and of Tournay : and
this may be a thing whereby the town may
1 Froissart wrote as follows : ' The rich and pru-
dent men of Gaunt began to suffer those ribalds
called the white hoods to run through the town and
abroad in the country, to the intent that they (the
rich men) might be the more feared and renowned.'
In what follows he seems to mean that but for the
'foolish and outrageous' persons in the community
the prudent and peaceable would be oppressed :
very large concession to revolutionary principles.
-1
n-T
THE WHITE HOODS AT GHENT
227
be lost ; for little and little daily the fran-
chises be taken away and ancient privileges,
and yet there is no man darespeak against it. '
Gilbert Mahew and the ruler of the mean
crafts,^ who was of Gilbert's party, heard
with their own ears daily such words and
knew well how they did rise by John Lyon ;
but they durst not remedy it, for John Lyon
had sowed throughout the town the white
hats, and given them to such companions
hardy and outrageous, in such wise that
none durst assail them : and also John
Lyon went never alone ; for whensoever
that he went out of his house, he had ever
with him a two or three hundred white
hats about him : nor he never went abroad
in the town without it had been for a great
cause, for he was greatly desired to have
his counsel on the incidents that fell within
Gaunt and without concerning the franchise
of the town and liberties thereof. And
when he was in council, then he would
shew a general word to the people : he
spake in so fair rhetoric and by so great
craft, that such as heard him were greatly
rejoiced of his language and would say
all with one voice that all was true that
he said. By great prudence John Lyon
said to the people : ' Sirs, I say not that
we should hurt or minish any part of my
lord the earl's inheritance ; for though we
would, we cannot, for reason and justice
would not suffer us : nor that we should
seek any craft or incident whereby we should
be in his displeasure or indignation ; for we
ought always to be in love and favour
with our prince and lord : and my lord
the earl of Flanders is our good lord and
a right high prince, feared and renowned,
and always hath kept us in peace and pros-
perity ; the which things we ought to
know, and to suffer the more largely : more
bound we are thereto than if he had travailed
us or displeased us or made war or hated
us and to have put to his pain to have our
goods. But howsoever it be, at this present
time he is evil counselled or informed
against us and against the franchises of the
good town of Gaunt, in that they of Bruges
be more in his favour than we. It appeareth
well by the pioneers of Bruges, that, he
being there, they came to take away our
heritage and to take away the river, where-
by our town of Gaunt should be destroyed.
1 ' Le doyen des menus mestiers.'
And also he would have made a castle at
Deynse against us, to bring us in danger
and to make us weaker ; and I know well
how they in Bruges had promised him in
time past ten or twelve thousand franks
yearly, to have to them the easement of the
river of Lys. Therefore I counsel, let this
good town of Gaunt send to the earl some
sad and discreet personages to shew him
boldly all these matters, as well touching
the burgess of Gaunt in prison in Eccloo,
the which his baily will not deliver, as all
other matters, wherewith the good town of
Gaunt is not content. And also, these
matters heard, then let it be shewed him
also that he nor his council think that we
be so dull or dead, but that, if need be, we
may (if we list) make resistance thereagainst:
and so, his answer once heard, then the good
town of Gaunt may take advice to punish
the trespass on them that shall be found
culpable against them.'
And when John Lyon had shewed all
these words to the people in the market-
place, every man said, 'He saith well,'
and then went home to their own houses.
At these words thus spoken by John Lyon
Gilbert Mahew was not present, for he
doubted the white hats, but his brother
Stenuart was there always. He prophesied
of time to come, and when he was returned
to his brother, he said : * I have always
said, and say yet again, how that John Lyon
shall destroy us all. Cursed be the hour
that ye had not let me alone ; for an I had
slain him, he should never have overcome
us nor come so lightly up : and now it is
not in our puissance, nor we dare not annoy
nor grieve him : he is as now more greater
in the town than the earl.' Gilbert an-
swered and said : ' Hold thy peace, fool ;
for when I will, with the earl's puissance
all the white hats shall be cast down ; and
such there be that beareth them now, that
hereafter shall have no need of any hat.'
So then there were charged certain bur-
gesses to goambassade to the earl, of the sad-
destmenofthetown, andGilbertMahewwas
one of them that was chosen to go ; and that
caused John Lyon, to the intent that if they
spake anything contrary to the earl's dis-
pleasure, that the earl should be displeased
with him as well as with any other. So they
departed and found the earl at Male, and did
so much that finally they accorded so well.
228
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
that the earl granted them all their requests
as touching their prisoner at Eccloo, and
promising to keep and maintain the fran-
chises of Gaunt without breaking of any of
them, and defended them of Bruges that
they should not be so hardy to dig on the
heritage of them of Gaunt : and the better to
please them of Gaunt, he commanded them of
Bruges to fill again the dikes that they had
made. And so they amiably departed from
the earl and returned to Gaunt, and re-
corded all that they had done with the earl
their lord, and how he will maintain them
in their franchises without breaking of any of
them : howbeit, he desired them by fairness
to lay down the white hats. And with
those words the earl's servants brought
again the prisoner from Eccloo, and so
yielded him again, as by the way of re-
establishing, whereof they had great joy.
At this answer making was John Lyon
and a ten or twelve of the most notable of
his company ; and when they heard that
the earl required that the white hats should
be laid down, every man held his peace :
then John Lyon spake and said : * All ye
good people that be here present, ye know
and have seen but late how the white hats
hath better kept your franchises than either
red or black hats have done, or of any other
colour. Be ye sure, and say that I said it,
as soon as the white hats be laid down by
the ordinance that the earl would have it
so, I will not give for all your franchises
after not three pence.' The which words
blinded so the people, that every man de-
parted thence, and the most part went
home to their houses and said : * Let him
alone : John Lyon saith truth : we have
not seen in him but good and profitable
for our town.'
So the matter stood still in the same
case ; and John Lyon was then in more
fear of his life than he was before, and
imagined anon as it fell after ; for he
thought that Gilbert Mahew had wrought
some matter against him and his company
in his last voyage with the earl, because the
earl made so amiable an answer. Then he
thought to find some remedy, and ordained
and made secretly captains of the white
hats, as centeniers and cinquanteniers,^
1 ' Heads of hundreds and heads of fifties,' to
which is added in the full text ' diseniers,' '"heads
of tens.'
and to them said : ' Sirs, say unto youi
company that they be day and night pur-|
veyed ready, and as soon as they know ot
hear any moving, let them come to me
for it were better we slew than to be slain,
sith we have begun so far.' And as he
ordained, so it was done, every man ready.
CHAPTER CCCL
How the white hats slew the baily in the
market-place, and of the goods and houses
of mariners that were destroyed, and of
the great brulling that was then in Gaunt.
It was not long after but that the baily of
Gaunt, Roger d'Auterive, came to Gaunt
with a two hundred horse and ordained to
do as the earl and Gilbert Mahew and his
brethren had devised. The baily, with two
hundred men that he brought with him, came
down along the streets with the earl's banner
in his hand; and when he came into the
market-place, he rested and set the banner
before him : then anon drew to him Gilbert
Mahew and his brethren and the ruler of the
mean crafts. It was ordained that his men
of arms should go to John Lyon's house,
and to take him, as chief ruler of the white
hats, and a five or six other of his company
of them that were most culpable, and they
to have been brought to the castle of Gavre
and there to have had their heads stricken
off. John Lyon, who thought no less and
was well advised of this deed, for he ha("'
spies and watches in every corner of th
town, he knew well of the coming of th(
baily, and knew for certain, and so did a^
the white hats, that the same journey w
set for them. They all drew together be-
times and came to John Lyon's house, who
was ready in the street abiding for them.
So there came ten, then twenty, and ever as
they came they fell in array in the street ;
and when they were assembled to the
number of four hundred, then John Lyon
departed as fierce as a lion and said : ' Let
us go on these traitors that will betray the
good town of Gaunt. I thought well that
all the sweet words that Gilbert Mahew
brought us the last day from the earl was
but deceit and destruction for us ; but I
shall make them repent it,'
Then he and his company went a greai
I
i
THE WHITE HOODS AT GHENT
229
pace, and always his number increased ; for
there were divers that fell to his company
that had no white hats, but they cried,
' Treason, treason ! ' and came about by a
strait lane into the market-place, whereas
the baily was, representing the earl's person.
And as soon as Gilbert Mahew and his
brethren saw John Lyon come into the
place, they fled away as fast as they might,
and so did all other except such as the
baily brought with him. As soon as John
Lyon was come into the place, the captain
of the white hats with a great company with
him came to the baily, and without any
word speaking they took and cast him to
the earth and slew him there, and then the
earl's banner was cast down to the ground
and torn all to pieces ; and they touched no
man there but the baily, and then they came
all about John Lyon. And when the earl's
men saw the baily dead and the earl's
banner all to-torn, they were greatly abashed
and so took their horses and voided out of
the town.
Ye may well know that Gilbert Mahew
and his brethren, who were enemies to
John Lyon, were not well assured of them-
selves in their own houses : wherefore they
departed as fast as they might and voided
the town one after another, and left behind
them wives, children and heritages, and
went as soon as they might to the earl and
shewed him how his baily was slain ; of
the which tidings the earl was sore dis-
pleased, and good cause why, for they had
done him great despite, and said and sware
how it should be greatly recompensed, or
ever that he returned again into Gaunt,
and that they should never have peace with
him, in ensample to all other towns. So
Gilbert Mahew and his brethren abode
still with the earl, and John Lyon and the
white hats persevered still in their outrage.
When Roger d'Auterive was thus slain
and all other departed, and that none
appeared before the white hats to be
revenged, then John Lyon, who intended
to overrun the mariners,^ because he loved
them not, said : ' Sirs, on afore to these
false traitors the Mahews, that would this
day destroy the franchise of the town of
Gaunt ' ; and so they ran along the streets
to their houses, but they found nobody
there, for they were departed : then they
1 Or according to another reading, ' the Mahews.'
were sought for in lodgings, street by
street and chamber by chamber. And
when John Lyon heard how none of them
could be found, he was sore displeased :
then he gave all their goods to his com-
pany, and so all their houses were pilled
and robbed, so that nothing was left, as
though they had been false traitors to the
town ; and when they had done, they
returned into their own houses. And after
that there was no officer of the earl's,
neither within the town nor without, that
once said to them they had done evil,
and as at that time they durst not, for the
white hats were so multiplied that none
durst displease them : they went in the
streets by great companies, but there were
none that would meet with them. It was
said in divers places in the town, and with-
out also, how they had some supportation
of some officers and rich men in Gaunt ;
the which was likely to be so, for who
durst begin such a riot as to enterprise to
slay the earl's baily holding the earl's
banner in his hands, doing his office, with-
out some bolsterer or comforter in their
deed ? And after that they multiplied and
were so strong in the town, that they cared
for no manner of aid but of themselves :
there were none that durst displease them
or withsay anything that they would do.
This baily Roger d'Auterive was taken by
the friars and so buried in their church.
When this thing was thus fortuned,
divers good men, sage and rich, of the
town of Gaunt were right sorry, and began
to speak and murmur, and said each to
other how they had done a great outrage
in slaying thus the earl's baily in doing of
his office, and how of right their lord the
earl must need be displeased with them,
and by all likelihood never to have rest nor
peace with him, and how that these un-
gracious people had brought all the town
in peril to be destroyed, without God find
some remedy. Howbeit, for all these words,
there were none that durst find the means
to correct or to amend them that had done
this outrage. John de la Faucille, who as
then was in Gaunt, a man right sage and
greatly renowned, saw how the matter was
gone so far and saw how outrageously they
had slain the baily, he thought the matter
should be evil at length : and for the intent
he should not be suspect with the earl nor
230
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
with the town, he departed from the town
as privily as he might and went to a fair
house that he had without Gaunt, and there
abode and feigned himself sick, so that
none spake with him but his own men :
and daily he heard tidings out of Gaunt,
for he had left behind him the most part of
his goods and his wife and his children
still in the town. Thus he dissimuled for
CHAPTER CCCLI
How twelve burgesses of Gaunt were sent to
the earl of Flanders, and how in the same
season the white hats pilled and brent the
fair castle of Andrehen.^
The good men in Gaunt, and rich and
notable merchants, who had within the
town their wives, children and merchandise
and their heritages, both within the town
and without, and had to live by right
honourably without danger, they were not
well at their ease in their hearts to see the
business in Gaunt. They knew well they
had sore forfeited against the earl their
lord, and thought well how he would pro-
vide therein some remedy and that they
should be fain to make amends of their
trespasses now or else another time, and
they to put themselves in the earl's mercy ;
wherefore they thought it better to do it
betimes rather than too late. Then they
took counsel together to see how they
might use themselves to the profit and
honour both of them and of the town. To
this council was called John Lyon and the
captains of the white hats, or else they
durst not have done it. There were many
words, and divers purposes devised : finally
they were all of one accord that they of
the council should chose twelve notable
persons and send them to the earl, requir-
ing him of mercy for the death of his
baily, whom they had slain, and so by that
means if they might have peace, they
would be glad, so that all might be com-
prised in the peace and nothing else de-
manded of the earl's part. Then these
burgesses were chosen that should go on
this viage, and always John Lyon said :
' It is good to be in favour with our lord
1 Wondelghem, about three miles to the north
of Ghent.
and prince.' Howbeit, he would the co]
trary, and thought and said to himself th
the matter was not yet thereas he woul
bring it unto. So these burgesses departei
and went to Male beside Bruges to th
earl, who at their first coming made a
cruel and a fell countenance against them
of Gaunt. These twelve burgesses made
a pitiful complaint before the earl and
required him, holding up of all their hands,
that he would have mercy on them, and
excused themselves of the death of the
baily, both them of the law and the notable
persons of the town, and said : ' Right
dear sir, accord so to us that we may bring
peace with us to the town of Gaunt, the
which loveth you so well : and, sir, we
promise you that in time to come this
outrage shall be so greatly recompensed on
them that hath done it and caused it to be
done, so that ye shall be content and that
it shall be to all other towns ensample.'
These twelve burgesses made so humble
requests, that the earl somewhat refrained
his ire, and by means of other that was
made to him that he accorded and ordained
articles of the peace. And the earl par-
doned all his evil will that he had against
them of Gaunt by the amends that should be
made. But then there came to them other
new tidings, as I shall shew you hereafter.
John Lyon, who was at Gaunt, thought
all contrary to that he had said in th^
council, how that it was good to be
favour with their lord. He knew in cer
tainty that he had so much trespass
against the earl, that his peace shouL
never be made with him, and if he had an
peace granted him he thought it should b
but dissimulation and that it should cost hirn
his life at last. So therefore he thought
he had rather be shamed than to be in
peril and in adventure of his life every day.
I shall shew you what he did. While the
counsels of the town were with the earl for
peace, he assembled together all the white
hats and of all the crafts in Gaunt such as
were of his accord, and so came to his
purpose by a subtle means, and then said
to them all : ' Sirs, ye know well how we
have displeased our lord the earl of
F^landers and how we have sent unto him.
We know not as yet what report they will
bring, whether peace or war ; for the earl
is not easy to be appeased, for he hath
BURNING OF THE CASTLE OF WONDELGHEM
231
about him such as will rather stir him to
displeasure than to quietness, as Gilbert
Mahew and his brethren. There is a
hundred hinderers of the peace rather than
one furtherer : therefore it were good that
we took good heed to ourselves, if we have
war, to know who shall aid us and how we
shall get us love among you rulers of such
a craft and such a craft. Cause to-morrow
to come into the fields as many men as ye
can get, and there we shall see how able
every man is and how they be furnished.
It is better to be advised betime than too
late : this shall cost us nothing, and yet we
shall be the more feared and drad.' They
all answered and said : ' It is well devised :
so let it be done.'
The next day they went out all at Bruges
gate and so went into the fields in a fair
plain without Gaunt called Andrehen.
Then John Lyon beheld them gladly, for
they were a ten thousand and all well
armed : then he said : ' Behold, here is a
goodly company ' : and when he had been
there a certain space and had gone all
about them, then he said : ' Sirs, I counsel,
let us go to the earl's place hereby, sith we
be so near it, for it is shewed me how he
maketh there great provision : it may
fortune to be great prejudice to our town
of Gaunt.' They all agreed thereto, and
so came to Andrehen, the which was as
then without any great keeping or defence.
So they entered and sought all about the
house, and anon this ungracious company
pilled and robbed it of all that ever they
found there : there was within it much
riches, for the earl had made there his
wardrobe. John Lyon made semblant as
though he had been sore displeased : how-
beit, that was not so, as it appeared ; for
when they were departed from the castle
and come again into the field, they looked
behind them and saw all the place afire,
and that the fire was more than in twenty
places in the castle, so that it was not in
the people's puissance to quench it, nor
also they had no great will to do it. Then
John Lyon, as though he had great marvel,
said : ' How cometh yonder fire in my
lord's house?' And some answered and
said : 'We cannot tell, but by adventure.'
'Well,' quoth he, 'we cannot then amend
it : it is better that it be brent by adventure
rather than by us ; and also, all things con-
sidered, it was a perilous neighbour to us,
for my lord might there a set such a
garrison, that might have done us great
damage, if we should have war with him.'
They all answered and said : ' Ye say
truth ' ; and so returned into the town of
Gaunt and did no more that day, for they
had done evil enough and too much ; for
it cost after more than two hundred thou-
sand men's lives, and it was one of the
principal things wherewith the earl was
most displeased : and therefore John Lyon
did it, because he would have no peace ;
for he knew well, whatsoever treaty were
made, he was likely to lose his life. This
castle of Andrehen had cost the earl of
Flanders the building thereof two hundred •
thousand franks, and he loved it best of all
the houses he had. The good men of
Gaunt who desired to have had peace was
of this adventure right sorrowful. How-
beit, they could not amend it, nor they
durst make no words thereof, for the white
hats said how the castle was brent by
unhap and none otherwise.
These tidings came to the earl of Flanders,
who was at Male, and he that brought him
word said : * Sir, know for truth your fair
house of Andrehen, the which hath cost
you so much and that ye so well loved, is
brent. ' ' Brent ! ' quoth the earl. ' Yea
surely, sir,' quoth he. 'And how so?'
quoth the earl. ' Sir, by unhap, as it is
said.' 'Ah,' quoth the earl, 'that deed
shall never have peace in Flanders as long
as John Lyon liveth. He hath covertly
made it to be set afire, but it shall be
dearly bought.' Then he made the bur-
gesses of Gaunt to come before him and
said to them : ' Ah, ye evil and unhappy
people, ye pray me with sword in the hand.
I have granted to you all your requests as
ye will yourselves, and now your folks have
brent my house, the which I loved among
all other. Think they not that they have
done me despite enough in slaying my baily
for doing his office, and to tear there my
banner and to tread it under their feet ?
Know for truth, saving mine honour and
that I have given you safe-conduct, I should
cause all your heads to be stricken off.
Depart out of my presence and say to
yonder unhappy people of Gaunt that they
shall never have peace nor treaty with me,
till I have of them whom I will, to strike
232
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
off their heads, and none shall have mercy.'
The burgesses, who were full sorry of these
tidings, because they were not culpable of
that deed, they began to excuse them ; but
there was none excuse would serve, for the
earl was so sore displeased, that he would
not hear them speak, and so made them to
avoid his presence : and they took their
horses to return to Gaunt, and shewed how
well they had sped and had great peace
and appointment,^ an this castle had not
been brent ; and also they shewed how the
earl greatly menaced them and sent them
word how they should never have peace
with him, till he had as many of the town
at his pleasure as he list to have. The
good people of the town saw well how the
matter went but evil for them and how the
white hats had caused all ; but there was
none so hardy that durst speak it.
The earl of Flanders went from Male to
Lille, and all his household ; and then
he sent for all his lords and knights of
Flanders, such as held of him, to have their
counsel how he might do in all his busi-
nesses and how to be revenged of them of
Gaunt, who had done him so many de-
spites. All the gentlemen of Flanders
sware to him to be good and true, as they
ought to be to their lord, without any
mean ; ^ wherefore the earl was greatly
rejoiced. Then he sent men to all his
castles, to Termonde, Rupelmonde, Alost,
Gavre, Oudenarde, and all about he made
great provision.
CHAPTER CCCLII
Of the death of John Lyon, and of other
captains that the Gauntois made ; and of
the good towns in Flanders, that allied
themselves to Gaunt. ^
John Lyon was greatly rejoiced, when he
saw that the earl of Flanders would take no
peace with them of Gaunt, seeing he could
come to no peace, and he had then put
the town of Gaunt so forward in war, that
they must needs then, whether they would
or not, continue the war. Then he said
openly : ' Sirs, ye may see and understand
1 ' Had come to peace and accommodation.'
2 'Sans nul moyen' ; that is, without reserve.
3 The events that follow are given very much
out of chronological order.
how our lord the earl of Flanders provideth
himself against us and will have no peace
with us. Therefore I counsel you for the
best that, or we be more grieved or op-
pressed, let us know what towns in Flanders
will take our part. I dare answer for them
of the town of Grammont, that they will
not be against us, but take our part, and in
like wise so will they of Courtray, for they
be within our franchise and Courtray is our
chamber ; but behold here them of Bruges,
who be great and proud, for by them all
this matter was first moved. It is good
that we go to them so strong, that other
by fairness or by rigour we may bring them
to our accord.' They all said: 'It were
good it were so. ' Then by process of time
all such as should go in this journey were
made ready, and so departed from Gaunt
about a nine or ten thousand men, and had
with them great carriages, and so lay the
first night at Deynse and the next morning
they approached Bruges, and so came within
a little league thereof. Then they arranged
themselves in the fields and set themselves
in order of battle, and their carriages be-
hind them. Then John Lyon ordained
that a certain of the rulers of divers crafts
should go to Bruges and to know their in-
tents. And so they went to Bruges and
found the gates fast shut and well kept, and
there they shewed the intent wherefore
they were come thither. The keepers said
they would go gladly and shew their minds
to the borough-masters and chief rulers ^ of
their town, and so they did. Then the
rulers answered : ' Go and shew them how
we will go to council and take advice in
this matter.' So they returned and shewed
their answer ; and when John Lyon heard
that answer, he said : ' Advance forward
to Bruges. If we abide till they take
counsel, we shall not enter but with much
pain. It is better that we assail them or
they take counsel, whereby they shall be
suddenly taken.'
This purpose was kept, and so the
Gauntois came to the barriers and dikes
of Bruges, John Lyon with the foremost
mounted on a black courser, and incon-
tinent he alighted and took an axe in his
hand. And when they that kept the
1 ' Les bourgmaistres et eschevins,' but the better
text gives ' bourgmaistre ' (in the singular) through-
out. There was of course only one burgomaster.
I
II
DEATH OF JOHN LYON
233
barriers, who were not strong enough to
make defence, saw the Gauntois approach
ready to give assault, they went into the
streets of the town and into the market-
place and cried ever as they went : 'Behold
here the Gauntois ready at the gate : go to
your defence, for they are ready to the
assault.' Then they of the town, who were
assembled together to have gone to council,
were right sore abashed and had no leisure
to speak together to ordain for their busi-
ness, and the most part of the commonalty
would that the gates should have been
opened, and it behoved so to be, or else it
had been evil with the rich men. Then
the borough-masters and rulers of the town
with other went to the gate, whereas the
Gauntois were ready apparelled to make
assault. The borough-masters and rulers
of Bruges, who had the governing of the
town for that day, opened the wicket to
speak with John Lyon, and so opened the
barriers and the gate to treat ; and so long
they spake together, that they were good
friends and so entered in all together. And
John Lyon rode by the borough - master,
the which became him well : he was hardy
and courageous, and all his men clean
armed followed him. It was a fair sight to
see them enter in good order, and so came
to the market-place, and there he arranged
his men in the streets. And John Lyon
held in his hand a white warderer.
So between them of Gaunt and of Bruges
there was made an alliance and sworn
always to be good friends together, and
that they of Gaunt might summon them
and lead them whithersoever they would.
And anon, after that the Gauntois were
arranged about the market-place, John
Lyon and certain captains with him went
up into the hall and there made a cry for
the good town of Gaunt, commanding that
every man should draw to his lodging fair
and easily and unarm them without noise
or moving, on pain of their heads, and that
no man dislodge other nor make no noise
in their lodging, whereby any strife should
rise, on the same pain ; and also that no
man take anything from another, without
he pay therefor incontinent, on the said
pain. This cry once made, then there was
another cry made for the town of Bruges,
that every man should meekly and agree-
ably receive the Gauntois into their houses
and to minister to them victuals according
to the common price of the town, and that
the price should not be raised in no manner
of thing, nor no noise to be made or debate
moved ; and all these things to be kept on
pain of their heads. Then every man went
to their houses ; and so thus right amiably
they of Gaunt were with them of Bruges
two days, and there they allied and bound
themselves each to other surely.
These obligations were written and sealed,
and on the third day they of Gaunt de-
parted and went to the town of Damme,
where the gates were set open against their
coming, and there they were courteously
received and tarried there two days. Then
suddenly a sickness took John Lyon, where-
with he swelled ; and the same night that
the sickness took him he supped with great
revel witli the damosels of the town, where-
fore some said he was there poisoned, whereof
I know nothing, nor I will not speak too
far therein. But I know well, the next
day that he fell sick, at night he was laid
in a litter and carried to Ardenburg : he
could go no farther, but there died, whereof
they of Gaunt were right sorry and sore
dismayed.
Of the death of John Lyon all his enemies
were right glad and his friends sorry, and
so he was brought to Gaunt, and because
of his death all the host returned. When
the tidings of his death came to Gaunt, all
the people were right sorry, for he was well
beloved, except of such as were of the earl's
part. AH the clergy came against him, and
so brought him into the town with great
solemnity, as though it had been the earl
of Flandecs : and so he was buried right
honourably in the church of Saint Nicholas,
and there his obsequy was done. Yet for
all the death of this John Lyon, the alli-
ances and promises made between them of
Gaunt and of Bruges brake not ; for there
were good hostages in the town, wherefore
it held.
Of the death of this John Lyon the earl
was right glad, and so was Gilbert Mahew
and his brethren and the ruler of the
mean crafts in Gaunt and all such as were
of the earl's part. Then the earl made
sorer provision than he did before in all his
castles and towns, and he sent to the town
of Ypres a great number of knights and
squires out of the liberties of Lille and
234
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
houldfl
out of H
Douay, and said how he would have reason
of Gaunt. And anon after the death of
John Lyon all they of Gaunt advised how
they could not be long without captains.
Then they ordained of the aldermen of the
crafts and of the cinquanteniers of the ports ^
four of them according to their advice, most
hardy and cruel persons of all other. First
they chose John Pruniaux, John Boele,
Ralph de Herselle and Peter du Bois,'-^
and all the other people sware to maintain
and obey them as their captains, on pain of
their heads that did the contrary, and the
captains sware again to keep and maintain
the honour and franchises of the town.
These four captains stirred them of
Gaunt to go to Ypres and to [the] Franc,
to have obeisance of them or else to slay
them all. So these captains and their
people departed from Gaunt in good array :
they were a twelve thousand clean armed,
and so came to Courtray. They of Court-
ray suffered them to enter into their town
without danger, for it pertained to the
franchise of Gaunt, and there took their
ease two days and the third day departed
and went to Ypres, and took with them two
hundred ^ men of arms with the cross-bows
of Courtray, and so took the way to
Thourout. And when they came there,
they rested and took counsel, and advised
to send thither a three or four thousand of
their men and the captain of the white hats
with them, to treat with them of Ypres,
and the great battle to follow after to com-
fort them, if need required. As it was
ordained, so it was done, and so came to
Ypres : and when they of Ypres, and
especially they of the mean crafts, knew
the coming of them of Gaunt, they armed
them and took the market-place, and they
were a five thousand : so there the rich
men of the town had no puissance. The
knights that were there in garrison, set by
the earl, went ordinately to the gate of
Thourout, whereas the Gauntois were
without, desiring to have free entry : the
knights and squires were ready ranged
before the gate and shewed good defence,
nor indeed the Gauntois had never entered
without great damage, but that the ancient
crafts of the town against the knights'
1 The better reading is ' parodies,' ' parishes.'
2 The true name is Van den Bossche.
3 A better reading is ' twelve hundred.'
will would that the Gauntois should
enter. ^ The men of the town went out of
the market-place and so came to the gate,
the which the knights kept, and said :
' Sirs, open the gate : let our friends and
neighbours of Gaunt enter : we will they
shall enter into our town.' The knights
answered that they should not enter, and
said how they were stablished there by the
earl of Flanders to keep the town, the
which they would do to the best of their
powers, saying how it lay not in the
puissance of Gaunt to enter there. Inso-
much that words multiplied in such wise
between the gentlemen and them of the
town, that at last they cried : ' Slay and
beat down them : they shall not be masters
of our town.' There was a sore scrimmish
and long endured in the streets. The
knights were not of sufficient force to resist
against them of the town, so that there
were five knights slain, whereof two
were sir Roubaix and sir Hovard de la
Hovarderie, the which was great damage,
and there was in great danger sir Henry
d'Antoing. With much pain some of the
rich men of the town saved him and divers
other : but the gate was set open and the
Gauntois entered and were lords and
masters of the town without damage of any
hurt.2 And when they had been there two
days and taken surety of them of the town,
who sware in like manner and form as they
of Bruges, of Courtray, of Grammont and
of Damme had done, and delivered hostages
for the same intent, then they departed
right courteously and so went again to
Gaunt.
CHAPTERS CCCLHI-CCCLV
SUMMARY. — The men of Ghent with
those of Bruges^ Yp7-es and other towns be-
sieged Oiidenarde in g7-eat force, and also
sent a body of men to Termoftde, where the'^
earl was, and attacked it both by land ana
ivater. Being unable to take it, these re-\
tired to Oiidenarde^ where the siege con-
tinued long and the earl feared that his \
garrison might be reduced by famine. The\
1 By the better text, 'but that the small crafts]
of the town, whether the greater would or not,
went out of the market-place,' etc.
2 ' Without doing any damage in it.'
WRECK OF SIR JOHN ARUNDEVS SHIPS
235
\
countess of Artois^ mother of the earl of
Flanders, took pains to end the ivar^ and
desired the duke of Burgundy^ who by his
wife was next heir to the earldom of
Flanders^ to find some remedy. By his
means peace was arranged, on condition that
the earl should pardon all and should come
to dwell in Ghent, and they of Ghent should
rebuild the castle of Wondelghem. The
earl came first to Bruges and there stayed
some time.
The duke of Brittany at the desire of his
people returned from England with sir
Robert Knolles and a small force of English-
men, and was received in Brittany with joy
by most.
The emperor Charles of Bohemia died,
having first secured the election of his son.
A marriage was proposed betiueen the
young king of England and the daughter of
the emperor Charles.
CHAPTER CCCLVI
How the Englishmen that were sent into
Bretayne were tormented on the sea, and
how the Gauntois desired to have the earl
of Flanders their lord to come dwell in
their town of Gaunt.
The same season it was ordained in
England by the king and his council that
two hundred men ofarms and four hundred
archers should go into Bretayne, and the
chief captain of that journey should be sir
John Arundel, and with him should go sir
Hugh Calverley, sir Thomas Banaster,
■ sir Thomas Trivet, sir Walter Paveley, sir
John Bourchier, the lord Ferrers and the
lord Basset. All these knights drew to
Hampton ; and when they had wind, they
entered into their ships and departed. The
first day the wind was reasonable good for
them, but against night the wind turned
contrary to them, and whether they would
or not, they were driven on the coast of
Cornwall. The wind was so sore and
strainable, that they could cast none
anchor, nor also they durst not. In the
morning the wind brought them into the
Irish sea, and by the rage of the tempest
three of their ships brast and went to
wrack, wherein was sir John Arundel, sir
Thomas Banaster and sir Hugh Calverley,
and a hundred men of arms, of the which
hundred fourscore were drowned, and sir
John Arundel their captain was there
perished, which was great damage : and
sir Hugh Calverley was never in his life
before so nigh his death, for all that ever
was in his ship, except himself and seven
mariners, were all drowned. For he and
the seven mariners that were saved took
hold of tables ^ and masts, and the strength
of the wind brought them to the sands :
hovvbeit, they had drunk water enough,
whereof they were right sick and evil at
ease. Out of this danger escaped sir
Thomas Trivet and sir John Bourchier,
the lord Ferrers, the lord Basset and divers
other, but they were sore tormented and
in great peril ; and after that this tempest
was ceased, they returned again to Hamp-
ton, and went back again to the king and
his uncles and recounted all their adven-
tures, weening to them that sir Hugh
Calverley had been drowned with the
other. Howbeit, that was not so, for he
was gone sick to London. Thus brake up
that journey, whereby the duke of Bretayne
could have no comfort of the Englishmen,
which was right contrarious to him ; for
all that season and the winter following
the Frenchmen made him right sore war,
and the Bretons, as sir Oliver Clisson and
his company, took the town of Dinan in
Bretayne by reason of vessels and barges; and
so the town was pilled and robbed and was
kept against the duke a long season after.
Now let us return to the business of
Flanders.
When the peace was agreed between the
earl of Flanders and them of Gaunt by the
means of the duke of Burgoyne, whereby
he gat himself much thank in the country,
the intent and pleasure of them of Gaunt
was to have their lord the earl of Flanders
to dwell with them in Gaunt, and there to
keep his household. The earl also was
counselled by the provost of Harlebecque
and of them that were next about him, to
do so, whereby he should nourish great
love between him and them of Gaunt.
The earl lay still at Bruges and came not
to Gaunt, whereof they had great marvel,
and specially the good and rich men of
Gaunt and such as were sage and wise, for
they desired nothing but peace ; but the
paliards ^ and white hats and such as
1 A better reading is ' cables.' 2 ' Paillars.'
236
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
^
desired rather strife and debate, they cared
nothing for the earl's coming, for they
knew well that if he came, they should
privily be corrected at last for the evil
deeds that they had done. Notwithstand-
ing that they were in this doubt, yet they
that had the governing of the law, the
councillors and good men of the town,
would for anything that he should come
thither and that they should go and require
him so to do, for they thought they had no
firm peace without the earl came thither.
And so there was ordained twenty-four
men to go to Bruges to shew to the earl
the great affection that they had to have
him : and so they departed honourably, as
it appertained for them that should go for
their lord ; and it was said to them by
them of the town : ' Sirs, return never
again to Gaunt, without ye bring the earl
with you ; for if ye do, ye shall find the
gates closed against you.'
Thus these burgesses of Gaunt rode
forth toward Bruges, and between Bruges
and Deynse they heard say how the earl
was coming to Gaunt-ward, whereof they
were right joyous : and they had not ridden
past a league farther, but that they met the
earl in the fields. Then the burgesses
stood still on both sides of the way, and so
the earl and all his company passed through
them. As he passed by, the burgesses in-
clined themselves right low and humbly and
made great reverence to the earl. The
earl rode through them without any great
regarding of them, but a little put his hand
to his hat, nor all the way he made to them
no semblant. So the earl rode on the one
side and the Gauntois on the other, till they
came to Deynse ; and there they rested, for
the earl did dine there, and the Gauntois
went to other lodgings and dined also.
And after dinner the Gauntois in good
array came to the earl and kneeled all
down before him, for the earl sat, and there
they presented right humbly the affection
and service of them of the town of Gaunt,
and shewed him how by great love they
of Gaunt, who desired so much to have
him with them, hath sent them to him :
* And, sir, at our departing they said to
us that it were but a folly for us to return
again to Gaunt, without that we brought
you thither with us.' The earl, who right
well heard these words, held his peace a
certain space, and at last, when he spake,
he said fair and softly : ' Sirs, I believe well
it be as ye say, and that divers of Gaunt
desireth to have me among them : but I m\
have marvel of that they remember not, nor d
will not remember, of time past, what they
have shewed me ; and I have been to them
so courteous, meek and gentle in all their
requests, and I have suffered to be put out
of my country my gentlemen, when they
have complained of them, to acquit their
law and justice. I have also opened divers
times my prisons to deliver out their bur-
gesses, when they have desired it. I have
loved and honoured them more than any
other of my country, and they have done to
me clean contrary. They have slain my
baily and destroyed the houses of my men,
banished and chased away mine officers
and brent the house in the world that I
loved best, enforced my towns and brought
them to their intents and slain my knights
in the town of Ypres, and have done so
many trespasses against me and my seignory,
that it is noyful to me to record it, and I
would I could never think on it ; but I do
and shall do, whether I will or not.' * Ah,
right dear lord,' said they of Gaunt, *for
God's sake never regard it : ye have all
things pardoned.' * It is truth,' quoth the
earl : ' for all my words, in time to come I
will ye shall be never the worse : but I
shew it unto you, sirs, for the great cruelties
and felonies that I have found in them of
Gaunt.' Then the earl appeased himself,
and rose up on his feet and caused them to
rise, and said to the lord of Ramseflies,^
who was by him, * Go, get some wine. ' So
they of Gaunt drank and departed to their
lodgings, and tarried there all that night,
for so did the earl ; and the next day all
together they rode towards Gaunt.
CHAPTER CCCLVII
How the earl of Flanders entered into the
town of Gaunt, and of his departing thence
without knowledge of any of the town, and
how the walls of Oudenarde were beaten
down by the white hats and their fellows.
When they of Gaunt understood that the
earl was coming, they were right joyful and
came to meet him, some afoot and some a-
1 i.e. Reighersfliet.
THE EARL OF FLANDERS AT GHENT
237
horseback ; and they meekly inclined them-
selves low and did him reverence, and he
passed forth without any word speaking to
any of them and but a little inclined his
head, and so came to his lodging called the
Postern, and there dined and had many
presents given him by them of the town.
And there came to see him they of the law
of the town^ and humbly inclined them-
selves to him, as reason required ; and the
earl said : * Sirs, good peace requireth
nothing but peace ; wherefore I would that
these white hats were laid down and
amends to be made for the death of my
baily, for I am sore required therein of all
his lineage.' * Sir,' quoth the men of law,
' it is right well our intent that it should so
be ; and, sir, we require your grace with all
humility that it may please you to-morrow
next to come into an open place, and there
to shew your intent to the people : and
when they see you, they will be so rejoiced
that they will do everything that ye shall
desire them.' Then the earl accorded to
their request.
The same evening many folks knew in
the town how the earl should be the next
morning by eight of the clock in the
market-place and there preach to the people.
The good men were right joyful thereof,
but the fools and outrageous people gave
no fear thereof, and said how they were
preached enough, and how they knew well
what they had to do. John Pruniaux,
Ralph de Herselle, Peter du Bois and
John Boele, captains of the white hats,
doubted lest all that matter should be
laid on their charge : and then they spake
together and sent for such of their company
as were most outrageous and worst of all
other, and said to them: 'Sirs, take heed this
night and to-morrow and let your armour
be ready, and whatsoever be said to you, put
not off your white hats, and be all in the
market-place to-morrow by eight of the bell ;
but make no stirring nor strife, without it
be begun on you, and shew all this to your
companies or else send them word thereof.'
They said it should be done and so it
was. In the morning at eight of the clock
they came into the market-place, not all
together but in divers plumps. The earl
came to the market-place a-horseback, ac-
companied with his knights and squires and
1 ' Les jurez de la ville,' i.e. the magistrates.
them of the law of the town, and by him
was John Faucille and a forty of the most
richest of the town. The earl, as he came
along the market-place, he cast his eyes on
the white hats and was in his mind right
sore displeased with them, and so alighted,
and all other. Then he mounted up into
a window and leaned out thereat, and a red
cloth before him, and there he began to
speak right sagely, shewing them from point
to point the love and affection that he hath
had to them, or they displeased him. There
he shewed how a prince and lord ought to
be beloved, feared, served and honoured
of his men, and how they had done the
contrary. Also he shewed how he hath
kept and defended them against all men,
and how he had kept them in peace, profit
and prosperity in the passages of the sea,
the which was closed from them at his first
entering into his land. He shewed them
divers reasonable points, which the wise
men understood and conceived it clearly,
how all that ever he said was truth. Divers
gave good ear to him, and some never a
whit, such as had rather have war than
peace. And when he had been there the
space of one hour and had shewed them all
this and more, then finally he said how he
would be their good lord in like manner as
he had been in time past, and pardoned
them of all the injuries, hates and evil wills
that he had against them and all that they
had done, he would hear no more thereof,
and to keep them in their rights and
seignories as in time past had been used ;
howbeit, he desired them that they should
begin no new thing nor custom, and that
the white hats should be laid down.
At all these words that he spake before,
every man held their peace ; but when he
spake of the white hats, there was such a
murmuring and whispering, that it might
well be perceived that it was for that cause.
Then the earl desired them sweetly every
man to draw to their own houses, and so
every man departed out of the place, but
the white hats were the first that came
thither and the last that tarried ; and when
the earl passed by them, they smiled and
foolishly beheld him,i and they made no
1 The text is corrupt and has ' ilz soubrirent et
moult folement le regarderent,' instead of ' ils s'ouv-
rirent, mais fellement le regarderent,' ' they opened
to give him passage, but looked at him angrily.'
238
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
d not ■I
reverence to him, whereof the earl was sore
displeased in his mind and said to his
knights, when he came to his lodging : * I
trow I shall never come easily to mine in-
tent against these white hats : they are un-
happy people : my heart giveth me that
the matter will not rest lohg in the case
that it is now in ; for as far as I can per-
ceive, they are likely to do many evil deeds ;
for though I should lose all, I cannot suffer
them in their pride and evil doings.'
Thus the earl of Flanders was there a
four or five days, and then departed, so that
he returned no more thither again, and so
went to Lille and there ordained to lie all
the winter. At his departing from Gaunt
he took leave of no man, but departed in
displeasure, wherewith divers of the town
were right evil content, and said how they
should never have any good of him, nor he
would never love them nor they him, and
how he was departed from them at that
time as he had done in time past, and that
Gilbert Mahew and his brethren had coun-
selled him so to do. Seeing he was de-
parted so suddenly from Gaunt, John
Pruniaux, Ralph Herselle, Peter du Bois,
John Boele and the evil captains were right
joyous of his departing and sowed lewd
words about in the town, saying how that,
or summer come, the earl and his men will
break the peace ; wherefore, they said, it
were good that every man took heed to
himself, and that they provide for the town
corn and other victuals, as flesh and salt
and such other things, saying how they
could see no surety in the earl. So they of
Gaunt made provision of divers things that
was necessary for them and for the town,
whereof the earl was informed, and had
great marvel wherefore they doubted them-
selves in such wise. To say truth, all things
considered in that I say or have said before,
it may be marvelled how they of Gaunt
dissimuled themselves so at the beginning as
they did. The rich, sage and notable
persons of the town cannot excuse them-
selves of these deeds at the beginning ; for
when John Lyon began to bring up first
the white hats, they might well have caused
them to have been laid down,^ if they had
list, and have sent other manner of persons
against the pioneers of Bruges than they :
1 This should be, ' they might well have over-
thrown him. '
but they suffered it, because they would not
meddle, nor be in no business nor press.
All this they did and consented to be done,
the which after they dearly bought, and ^1
specially such as were rich and wise : for 11
afterward they were no more lords of ;
themselves, nor they durst not speak nor
do nothing but as they of Gaunt would. For
they said ^ that neither for John Lyon, nor
for Gilbert Mahew, nor for their wars or
envies, they would never depart asunder ;2
for whatsoever war there were between one
or other, they would be ever all one and ever
ready to defend the franchises of their town :
the which was well seen after, for they
made war which endured seven year, in the
which time there was never strife among
them in the town : and that was the thing
that sustained and kept them most of any-
thing both within and without ; they were
in such unity that there was no distance
among them, as ye shall hear after in this
history.
It was not long after that the earl of
Flanders was departed from Gaunt and
returned to Lille, but that sir Oliver d'Aute-
rive, cousin -german to Roger d'Auterive
slain before in Gaunt, sent his defiance to
the town of Gaunt for the death of his
cousin, and in like wise so did sir Philip of
Masmines and divers other : and after their
defiances made they found a forty ships and ;
the mariners to them pertaining, of the j
burgesses of Gaunt, who were coming on;
the river of I'Escault charged with corn ; I
and there they revenged them of the death
of their cousin on these ships and mariners,
for they all to-hewed the mariners and did
put out their eyen, and so sent them to
Gaunt maimed as they were, which despite
they of Gaunt took for a great injury. The
learned men of Gaunt, to whom the com-
plaints came, were right sore displeased and
wist not well what to say. Great murmur-
ing was in the town, and the most part of
the people of Gaunt said how the earl of
Flanders had caused all, so that there durst ,
no man excuse him. And as soon as John I
1 Or according to a better text : ' The reason which
they of Gaunt give for it is this : they say,' etc.
2 Or, by a better text, ' that neither for John
Lyon or for Gilbert Mahew nor for their families,
nor for their wars or envies would they ever have
troubled themselves nor thrust themselves so far
forward in the war, but only to guard their fran
chises.'
4
SURPRISE OF OUDENARDE
239
Pruniaux heard these tidings, who was as
then captain of the white hats, without any
word speaking to them of the law,^ I can-
not say whether he spake with the captains
of other companions or not, I think rather
yea than nay, so he took the most part of
the white hats and divers other followers
ready enough to do evil, and so departed
from Gaunt and came suddenly to Oude-
narde. When he entered first there was no
watch nor keepers, for they feared no man,
and so he and his company entered in at
the gate to the number of five thousand and
more ; and the next morning he set work-
men a- work, carpenters and masons, such
as were there ready with him to do his
commandment, and so he ceased not till
he had beaten down two of the gates and
the walls and towers between them and laid
them up - se - down in the dikes toward
Gaunt.
How may they of Gaunt excuse them-
selves, that thus consented to this deed ?
For they were at Oudenarde beating down
these walls and gates more than a month.
If they had sent for these men to have come
back again, when they heard of it first,
then they might well have been excused :
but they did not so ; they winked rather
with their eyen and suffered it ; till tidings
came to the earl, who lay at Lille, how
John Pruniaux had by stealth come into
Oudenarde and beaten down two of the
gates with the walls and towers. Of which
tidings the earl was sore displeased, and
also he had good cause so to be, and said :
' Ah, these unhappy cursed people, the
devil I trow is with them. I shall never
be in joy as long as they of Gaunt have any
puissance.'
Then he sent to Gaunt some of his coun-
cil, shewing them the great outrage that
they had done, and how they were no
people to be believed in making any peace,
seeing that the peace which the duke of
Burgoyne had made to his great labour and
pain was now thus broken by them. The
mayor and learned men^ of Gaunt excused
themselves and said that, saving the earl's
displeasure, they never thought to break
the peace, nor never had will thereto ; for
though John Pruniaux had done that out-
rage of himself, the town of Gaunt will in
no wise avow, suffer nor sustain it ; and so
^ 'Les jurez,' equivalent to 'eschevins.'
plainly and truly excused themselves, and
said moreover how the earl had consented
thereto, ' for they be issued out of his house
such as have done this great outrage, slain
and maimed our burgesses, the which is a
great inconvenience to the whole body of
the town. How say ye, sirs, to this?'
quoth they. Then the earl's commissaries
replied and said : ' Sirs, then I see well ye
be revenged.' * Nay, not so,' quoth they
of the town, 'for though that John Pruniaux
have done thus at Oudenarde, that it is
done for any revenging we say not so ; for
by the treaty of the peace we may prove
and shew, if we list, and that we take
record of the duke of Burgoyne, that we
might have done with Oudenarde and have
brought it into the same point that it is
now at ; but at the desire of the duke of
Burgoyne we forbare and suffered it undone
as at that time.' Then the earl's commis-
saries said : ' It appeareth well by your
words that ye have caused it to be done
and that ye cannot excuse yourselves there-
in. Sith that ye knew that John Pruniaux
was gone to Oudenarde with an army of
men of war, and by stealth under the
shadow of peace hath beaten down the
gates and walls thereof, ye should have
gone before them and have defended them
from doing of any such outrage, till ye had
shewed your complaints to the earl. And
of the hurting and maiming of your bur-
gesses of Gaunt ye should therein have
gone to the duke of Burgoyne, who made
the peace, and have shewed him all your
complaint : so then ye had amended your
matter ; but ye have not done thus. Now
sith ye have my lord the earl of Flanders
thus displeased, ye send to excuse your-
selves. Ye desire peace with your swords
in your hands, but I ensure you one day he
will take so cruel vengeance on you, that all
the world shall speak thereof.' So the
earl's commissaries departed from them of
Gaunt and went by Courtray to Lille, and
shewed to the earl what they had done and
the excusations that they of Gaunt made
for themselves.
CHAPTER CCCLVIII
How the Gauntois rendered Oudenarde, and
of the houses of the noblemen of Flanders
240
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
that they beat down, and how the war
began between them and the Gauntois
right cruel and without pity.
The hearing speaking of the treating of
this process may well be marvelled, for the
marvellous matter therein. Some giveth
the right of the war, the which was at that
time great and cruel in Flanders, to them
of Gaunt, saying how they had a good and
a just cause to make war : but I cannot see
that as yet, for I could never see nor under-
stand but that the earl loved ever peace
rather than war, reserving always his high-
ness and honour. Did he not at their
desire deliver their burgess out of his prison
of Eccloo ? and yet for all that they slew
his baily. And then he again pardoned
them that great outrage to the intent to
have kept them in peace ; and over that
again on a day they moved all the country
of Flanders against him and slew in the
town ofYpres five of his knights, and went
and assailed and beseiged Oudenarde and
did their pain to have destroyed it, and yet
again they had of the earl peace. But for
all that, they would make none amends for
the death of Roger d'Auterive, the which
his lineage oftentimes desired ; wherefore
they somewhat revenged the death of their
cousin on a certain mariners, by whom all
this war and mischief was begun. Was
this yet any reasonable cause why they
should beat down the walls of Oudenarde ?
I think, and so did many other, that it was
none occasion so to do. They said the earl
was rather in their debt than they in his,
and that he should make them amends for
that that had been done to their mariners,
or ever they would deliver again Oudenarde.
The earl, who was at Lille, and his
council with him, was right sore displeased
in that they kept Oudenarde, and wist not
well how to get it again, and so repented
him of the peace that he had given to the
Gauntois ; and he wrote oftentimes to them
commanding them to deliver up Oudenarde,
or else he would make them so cruel war,
that it should be ever had in remembrance.
They of Gaunt would in no wise avow the
deed ; for if they had, they had broken the
peace. Finally certain good people of
Gaunt and rich men, who would have
nothing by their wills but peace, went so
between in this matter, as John Faucille,
Gilbert Grutere, sir Simon Bette and divers
other, that the twelfth day [of March] they
of Gaunt being in the town of Oudenarde
returned again to Gaunt and delivered the
town to the earl's servants ; and to appease
the earl's displeasure John Pruniaux was
banished Gaunt and all Flanders, because
by his advice the commons had taken
Oudenarde, without knowledge of the sub-
stance of the town of Gaunt. And on the
other part the earl banished out of all
Flanders sir Philip of Masmines, sir Oliver
d'Auterive, the Gallois of Masmines, the
bastard of Windingues and all those that
were cause of the maiming of the mariners
burgesses of Gaunt, without knowledgeof the
earl ; and so by the reason of these banish-
ings both parties were appeased. So John
Pruniaux forsook the country of Flanders
and when to Ath in Brabant and there
dwelled ; and sir Philip of Masmines went
to Valenciennes in the county of Ilainault,
but when they of Gaunt knew thereof, they
did so much to the provost of Valenciennes^,
called John Partit, who in fair mannejB
caused the said knight to depart thence HI
and so he departed with his good-will and
went to Warlaing beside Douay and there
tarried till he heard other tidings ; and the
other knights and squires voided Flanders
and went into Brabant.
And as soon as the earl had again pos-
session of Oudenarde, he set workmen a-
work and new repaired the town better
than ever it was before, both walls, gates
and dikes. The Gauntois knew well how
the earl new fortified Oudenarde, but they
made no semblance thereof, because they
would no fault should be found in them, as
in breaking of the peace ; but the fools and
outrageous people said among themselves :
' Let the earl alone in his work, for though
he make Oudenarde of steel, yet it cannot
endure against us if we list.' For all this
peace thus in Flanders, they of Gaunt were
ever in suspect with the earl and the earl
with them, for daily there was brought to
the earl hard tidings of them of Gaunt,
and in like wise to them of Gaunt of the
earl. John de Faucille went and dwelt at
Nazareth, in a fair house that he had a
league from Gaunt, and so he lay there
still dissimuling as much as he might, and
would not be in counsel with them of
Gaunt, because he would not be noted by
IVA7? RENEWED IN FLANDERS, 1380
241
the earl, and also he kept him from the
earl as much as he might, to keep him still
in love with them of Gaunt. Thus he
swam between two waves, making himself
neuter, as near as could.
In the mean time, while the earl repaired
the town of Oudenarde, he procured so
much by his letters to his cousin the duke
of Burgundy to send him John Pruniaux,
being at Ath, that so he did and sent him
to the earl. And so he was sent to Lille,
and there beheaded, and then set on a
wheel like a traitor. Thus died John
Pruniaux. Then the earl went to Ypres
and did there great justice and beheaded
many evil-ruled people, such as had before
been at the death of his five knights there
slain and had opened the gates to them of
Gaunt ; and this he did to the intent that
other should take ensample by them.
Of all these matters the Gauntois were
well informed, wherefore they doubted
more than they did before, and specially
the captains, such as had been forth in their
journeys and before Oudenarde, and they
said among themselves : ' Certainly if the
earl may, he will destroy us all. He loveth
us well, for he will have nothing but our
lives. Hath he not put to death John
Pruniaux J To say truth we did John
Pruniaux great wrong, when we banished
him from us : we are therefore culpable of
his death ; and to the same end we shall all
come, if he may get us at his will. There-
fore let us take good heed of ourselves.'
Then Peter du Bois said : ' Sirs, if ye will
believe me, there shall not a house stand
upright of never a gentleman in the country
about Gaunt ; for by reason of the gentle-
men's houses that be now standing, we
may be all destroyed, if we take not heed
thereto betimes and provide for some
remedy.' 'That is truth,' quoth all the
other, ' let us go forth and beat them all
down.' Then the captains, Peter du Bois,
John Boele, Ralph de Herselle, John de
Launoit and divers other with their com-
panies departed on a day from Gaunt and
brent and beat down all the gentlemen's
houses thereabout, and took all that ever
was in them and departed it among them-
selves : and when they had done, they re-
turned again to Gaunt : they found never a
man that would say, ' Sirs, ye have done evil. '
When the gentlemen, knights and squires,
R
being at Lille with the earl and thereabout,
heard tidings how their houses were brent
and beaten down, and their goods taken
away, they were right sore displeased, and
not without a good cause. They said to
the earl : ' Sir, this despite must be amended
and the pride of them of Gaunt beaten
down.' Then the earl gave leave and
abandoned to the knights and squires to
make war against the Gauntois and to
countervenge them of their damages. Then
divers knights and squires of Flanders allied
themselves together and desired their friends
of Hainault to aid to revenge them of the
Gauntois ; and they made their captain the
Hase of Flanders, the youngest son bastard
of the earl's,^ a right valiant knight. This
knight with his company sometime lay at
Oudenarde, another time at Gavre, and
sometime at Alost and at Termonde, and
scrimmished with the Gauntois daily, and
sometime ran to the barriers of the town of
Gaunt, and beat down the windmills about
the town and did great despite to them of
Gaunt. And with them there was a knight
of Hainault called sir James of Werchin,
seneschal of Hainault, he did many feats
of arms in that season about Gaunt and ad-
ventured himself oftentimes right jeopard-
ously : he fought two or three times at the
barriers, and won bassenets and cross-bows
and other habiliments of war. This knight
loved well the noble feats of arms, and had
been a valiant knight, if he had lived long ;
but he died young in his bed in the castle
of Le Biez beside Mortagne, which was
great damage.
CHAPTERS CCCLIX-CCCLXXIV
SUMMARY. — The war became cruel be-
tween the earl and gentlemen of Flanders
and them of Ghent, who sent to the French
king to ask him not to give aid to the earl of
Flanders. The king and also the pope
Clement rather inclined to them than to the
earl.
Sir Bertrand du Guesclin fell ill and
died, while at siege before acastle inAuvergne,
and the lord de Coucy excused himself from
being constable.
1 Louis, called the Hase of Flanders : he bore a
hare's head as his crest. The translator has written
' youngest ' by mistake for ' eldest.'
242
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
The earl of Btickinghajii passed over with
an army from England to help the duke of
Brittany, who was hard pressed. He arrived
at Calais in July 1380, and passed through
France. At Bethune they met the duke of
Saxony on his way to Englattd on the
matter of the proposed marriage of the king
of England. The English army was pur-
sued by the lord de Coucy and others, but
continued their march by Feronne, Laonand
Rheims to Troyes, in which city was the
duke of Burgundy. After some fighting at
the barriers they passed on towards Sens,
making war always in the name of the duke
of Brittany and not of the king of England.
The king of France wrote to them of Nantes,
reminding them of their treaties with him
and asking them not to receive the English.
They replied that they would not aid any of
the kings enemies, and desired the king to
send aid to Nantes. Of this the duke of
Brittany, who was at Vannes, knew nothing.
The English artny passed through Beauce
and took the way to Venddme.
The king of France fell sick and sent for
the dukes of Berry, Burgundy aiui Bourbon,
to whom he delivered his dying charge, but
did not send for the duke of Anjou, because
he mistrusted hijn. Nevertheless when he
died, the duke of Anjou took on him the order-
ing of the realm above all other.
The duke of Brittany sent to meet the earl
of Buckinghajn and the English army and re-
quested them to come to Rennes, as the people
of Nantes were rebellious. They met, and
agreed to go and lay siege to Nantes, which
accordingly the English did.
King Charles the sixth was crowned on
All Saints'* day with great solemnity, and so
came to Paris.
The English at Nantes waited in vain
for the duke of Brittany, who could 7iot per-
suade his people to go with him. The garri-
son of Nantes made many attacks on the
besiegers, whose provisions began to fail,
while they of the town had plenty by the
river. At length the earl of Buckingham
raised the siege aiid zuent to Vannes, where
the duke of Brittany met him and excused
himself fairly. So the English lay that
tvinter at Vannes attd about Hemiebont,
Quituperle and other places. Meanwhile
the duke of Brittany sent secretly to make his
peace with the French king.
Certain deeds of arms were done before the
earl of Buckingham between French and
English knights and squires.
The dtike of Brittany 7nade his peace with
the French king by means of the duke of
Anjou, and the English returned to their
own country.
N'ow let us return to the business of
Flanders.
CHAPTER CCCLXXV
How the war began again between the earl of
Flanders and the Flemings, and how they
of Ypres were discomfited by a bushment.
It is of truth that the earl of Flanders at
this beginning feared little the Flemings
nor the Gauntois, for he thought well to
bring them under by wisdom and by arms
little and little, and specially sith that John
Lyon and John Pruniaux were dead. But
the Gauntois had as then other great cap-
tains, in whom they had great affiance and
did all by their counsel, and Ralph de
Herselle was captain of the chatelainy of
Gaunt, and John of Launoit captain of
Courtray, and there were other captains,
as John Boele, Peter du Bois, Arnold de
Clerck and Peter of Wintere. The same
season there was a strife between the great
men and the commons within the town of
Bruges : for the mean crafts would have
had everything at their pleasure and the
great men would not suffer it, and so they
rebelled : and a certain weavers and fullers
were slain and the other appeased. Then
the great men of Bruges sent to the earl to
Lille, desiring him for God's sake to come
to them as their chief lord and to help to
subdue the commons. The earl was gl;
to hear that tidings and so departed Lill
and sir William of Namur in his compan;
and a great number of knights and squires
of Flanders, and so came to Bruges, where
he was received with great joy. And at
the earl's coming there were taken all the
principals of them that had their hearts
Gauntois and such as were suspect, and so
were put in prison more than five hundred,
and little and little their heads were stricken
off. And when they of [the] Franc ^ under-
1 That is, the Franc of Bruges. The translator
generally takes it for the name of a town and there-
fore omits here the words 'de Bruges,' and below
translates ' le Franc de Bruges,' ' Franke and Bruges.'
to
%
DEFEAT OF THE GAUNTOIS
243
stood that the earl was peaceably in Bruges,
they feared, and so put themselves into the
earl's mercy, and he received them and had
great joy, for daily his power increased ;
and also they of [the] Franc always have
taken more the earl's part than all the
residue of Flanders. The earl, seeing that
he had brought under his subjection them
of Bruges and of [the] Franc, and that he
had under him knights and squires of the
country of Hainault and of Artois, he
thought then little and little to conquer
again his country and to punish his rebels :
and first he ordained and said he would go
and see them of Ypres, for he hated them
greatly, because they opened their gates so
lightly to them of Gaunt, and said how that
they that had made that treaty and to let
in his enemies to slay his knights should
repent it, if he might get the overhand of
them. Then he made his summons
through [the] Franc of Bruges, saying how
he would go to Ypres. Tidings came to
Ypres that the earl their lord ordained him-
self to come and assail them : then they
took counsel and determined to send word
thereof to them of Gaunt, to the intent
that they should send them some men to
assist the town of Ypres ; for they were not
big enough of themselves to keep it with-
out aid of the Gauntois, who had promised
and sworn to aid them, whensoever they
had any need. So they sent covertly letters
to Gaunt and to the captains, and signified
to them the state of the earl and how he
threatened to come and assail them. Then
they of Gaunt remembered well how they
were bound by their faith and promise to
aid and comfort them : then they set forth
two captains, John Boele and Arnold
Clerck, and they said to them : * Sirs, ye
shall take with you three thousand of our
men and go hastily to Ypres to comfort
them as our good friends. * Incontinent they
departed from Gaunt, and so these three
thousand men came to Ypres, whereof they
of the town had great joy. Then the earl
of Flanders issued out of Bruges with a
great number of men, and so came to
Thourout and the next day to Poperinghe,
and there tarried three days till all his men
were come, and then he was about a twenty
thousand men of war.
They of Gaunt, who knew right well all
this matter and how that the earl would go
puissantly to Ypres, they determined to as-
semble their puissance and to go by Court-
ray to Ypres, and so all together to fight
with the earl, saying that if they might one
time overcome him, he should never be
relieved after. Then all the captains
departed from Gaunt, Ralph de Herselle,
Peter du Bois and Peter de Wintere, John
de Launoit, and divers other as centeniers
and cinquanteniers, and when they were in
the field, they were a nine thousand. And
so long they rejourned ^ that they came to
Courtray, whereas they were received with
great joy, for John de Launoit was captain
there. The earl of Flanders, being at
Poperinghe and thereabout, understood that
they of Gaunt were coming to Ypres and
that they were at Courtray on their way.
Then the earl took advice and held all his
company together. They of Gaunt de-
parted from Courtray and went to Roulers,
and there rested and sent word to them of
Ypres how they were come thither, shew-
ing them how that if they would issue out
of their town with their power and such as
were sent to them before, how they should
be all together men enow to fight with the
earl ; of the which tidings they of Ypres
were right joyful, and so the next day
they issued out more than eight thousand,
and John Boele and Arnold Clerck were
their governours.
The earl of Flanders and his power, who
was in those marches, knew how they of
Ypres were issued out of their town to meet
with them of Gaunt (I cannot tell how nor
by what means), insomuch that the earl
ordained at a passage, by the which they
of Ypres must pass, two great bushments,
with his son the Hase, bastard of Flanders,
and the lord d'Enghien with divers other
knights and squires of Flanders and of
Hainault, with them of Bruges and them
of [the] Franc, and in every company there
were ten thousand men. Then when they
of Ypres and the Gauntois that were with
them with John Boele were in the fields
and had not journeyed past one mile, they
found two ways, the one went to Roulers
and the other to Thourout. Then they
rested and took advice which way they
should take : then Arnold de Clerck said :
' I counsel let us go and see our fellows at
Roulers.* *By my faith,' quoth John
1 ' Cheminerent.'
244
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
Boele, ' and I think it were better that we
were lodged on the Mount d'Or ; for be you
sure I know so well Peter du Bois and
Ralph de Herselle, sith that they have sent
for us, surely they will fight with the earl :
wherefore I am sure they will approach as
near to him as they can ; therefore I counsel
let us go that way.' So they determined
to take that way ; and when they had
gone a two miles, they were weary of going
afoot, and or they were ware, they were
between the two bushments ; and when they
saw that, they cried all, ' We be betrayed. '
There were never men that made less
defence than they did as then, for every
man did what he could to save himself:
some returned to Ypres, and some took the
fields and fled, he that best might, without
array or order, and the earl's men took and
slew them without mercy : howbeit, John
Boele and Arnold Clerck saved themselves.
They that fled towards Courtray met with
the Gauntois, who were departed from
Roulers and were in the way to Rosebeque.
When Peter du Bois and the other saw
them that fled, they demanded of them
what they ailed. They answered and said
they could not tell, for they said they had
not the leisure to know the matter, but they
said they fled like men betrayed. Then
Peter du Bois had divers imaginations,
other to go forward and to return again
the flyers and to fight with their enemies
who chased them, or else to draw to Court-
ray. All things considered, they deter-
mined to draw back for that time, the
which they thought was for them as then
most profitable. So they drew aback in a
battle ranged in good order, and the same
day returned to Courtray ; and thither also
drew many of them that fled : so they
lodged all within Courtray, and made the
gates to be well kept, to the intent that
they should not be suddenly taken. And
when John Boele and Arnold Clerck were
returned and had reckoned all their people,
then they knew well that of them of Gaunt,
such as had been sent to Ypres before, they
had lost in number a twelve hundred, and
as many of them of Ypres ; and if they of
the bushment had chased them that fled to
Ypres and to Courtray, there had but a few
scaped, but all had been dead or taken ;
but they chased not far, they took heed to
nothing but to slay them that were within
their bushment, the which saved all the
residue. They of Ypres were sore abashed
when they saw their people return beaten
and discomfited the same day that they
were issued out, and demanded how it
might be, and divers answered and said
how John Boele had betrayed them and had
brought them to be shamefully slain.
Ye have heard oftentimes recorded how
it is a hard work to appease a commonty
when they be stirred. I say this because
of them of Gaunt. When they were the
same day drawn back to Courtray, they
that were discomfited knew well that John
Boele was in the town. Then more than
a thousand drew together and said : ' Let
us go on the false traitor John Boele, who
hath betrayed us ; for by him and by none
other we took that way that brought us
into the bushment of our enemies : for if
we had believed Arnold de Clerck, we had
been in surety, for he would have brought
us to our own company, an John Boele
had not been, who hath sold and betrayed
us and brought us whereas we were betrayed
and discomfited.' Lo, ye may see how
these commons accused him of treason,
and yet I think verily they had no cause so
to do ; for if it had been as they said, and
that he had sold and betrayed them to the
earl, he would never have returned again
to them, but rather have bidden still with
the earl. Howbeit, I cannot excuse him-
so, but that it cost him his life, and I sha'
tell you how. The Gauntois went and too!
him in his lodging and so brought him int
the street, and there he was stricken all t
pieces, so that every man bare away a piece
of him. Thus ended John Boele. The
next day the Gauntois departed from Court-
ray and returned to Gaunt, and did send
John de Launoit to the castle of Gavre,
a castle of the earl's standing by the riv-
of I'Escault, and there this John made
garrison.
CHAPTER CCCLXXVI
How they of Ypres and Courtray turned t<S
the earl of Flanders' part, and how tl
town of Gaunt was besieged.
Now let us speak of the earl of Flander
and of his company. When they had thus
n
I
SIEGE OF GHENT, 1380
245
by their bushment overthrown the Gauntois
and slain a three thousand of them or there-
about, what of them of Gaunt and of
Ypres, then the earl determined to draw
toward the town of Ypres and to lay siege
thereto. And as he was counselled, so it
was done, and he drew thither with all
his people, a great number of knights and
squires of Flanders, of Hainault and of
Artois, who were come thither to serve the
earl. And when they of Ypres understood
that the earl came on them so strongly,
they were all sore afraid, and the rich men
of the town took counsel and said among
themselves how they would open their
gates and go and meet the earl and put
themselves under his obeisance and cry him
mercy, and to shew him how they were
Gauntois by force, by reason of the com-
monty, as fullers, weavers and such other
unhappy people in the town, and they
thought that the earl was so pitiful, that he
would have mercy on them. And as they
ordained, so they did ; and so more than
three hundred in a company came out of
the town of Ypres and had the keys of the
gates with them, and so they fell down on
their knees before the earl crying for mercy,
and did put themselves and their town at
his pleasure. The earl had pity on them
and took them to mercy, and so entered
with all his puissance into the town of
Ypres, and there tarried a three weeks and
sent home again them of [the] Franc and of
Bruges. And while the earl lay in Ypres,
he caused to be beheaded more than seven
hundred of fullers and weavers and of such
manner of people as had brought first into
that town John Lyon and the Gauntois,
and slain such valiant men as the earl had
set there ; for the which cause the earl was
sore displeased, and to the intent that they
should no more rebel, he sent a three hun-
dred of the most notablest of them into
prison in Bruges, and so then took his way
to Courtray, to bring that town to his
obeisance.
When they of Courtray understood that
the earl their lord came to them so strongly,
and how that Ypres was under his obei-
sance, then they greatly doubted, for they
saw no comfort apparent from them of
Gaunt ; wherefore they were advised lightly
to yield them to their lord, thinking it was
better for them to hold with the earl, to
whom they ought to owe their faith and
homage, rather than to the Gauntois. Then
they ordained a three hundred of the best
of the town afoot to go into the fields to
the earl, and the keys of the town with
them ; and when the earl came by, they all
kneeled down and cried for mercy. The
earl had pity of them and received them to
mercy and entered into the town joyously,
and they all made to him reverence and
honour. Then he took a two hundred of
the best of the town of Courtray and sent
them to Lille and to Douay in hostage, to
the intent that that town should no more
rebel. And when the earl had been there a
six days, then he went -to Bruges, and there
refreshed him a fifteen days ; then he made
a great summons to the intent to lay siege
to Gaunt, for all the residue of Flanders
was as then at his commandment. Then
the earl departed from Bruges and so came
and laid siege before Gaunt, and lodged at
a place called the Biete.^ Thither came to
the earl sir Robert of Namur to serve the
earl with a certain number of men of war
according as the earl had written unto him ;
but sir William of Namur was not there ;
he was in France with the king and with
the duke of Burgoyne.
This siege began about the feast of the
decollation of Saint John Baptist, ^ and
sir Walter d'Enghien was marshal of all the
host of Flanders : he was young and hardy
and feared no pain nor peril, whatsoever
fell. For all that the earl lay thus before
the town of Gaunt, yet he could not so
constrain them of the town, but that they
kept still open three or four of their gates,
so that victuals might come in to them
without any danger, for they of Brussels
and of Brabant were right favourable to
them ; and also they of Liege, to comfort
them in their opinion, sent to them a
message saying thus : ' Ye good people of
Gaunt, we of Liege know well how ye be?
sore travailed and have much ado with the
earl your lord, whereof we are sore dis-
pleased : but, sirs, know for truth if we
did march near you, as within four or five
leagues, we should give you such comfort
as men ought to do to their good neigh-
bours and friends ; but ye be far off from
us, and also the country of Brabant is
1 Ter Boote, close to Wondelghem.
2 29th August.
246
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
\
between you and us, wherefore we must
forbear : but though it be so, that ye be as
now besieged, yet be not discomforted, for
God knoweth and so doth all other good
towns, that ye be in the right of this war,
wherefore all your business shall achieve
the better.' Thus they of Liege sent to
them of Gaunt to comfort them.
The earl of Flanders, who had thus be-
sieged the town of Gaunt on the side to-
wards Bruges and toward Courtray, but as
toward Brussels the earl could not come
nor lay his siege because of the great rivers,
that is to say the river of Lys and the river
of I'Escault : and I say unto you, all things
considered, Gaunt is one of the most
strongest towns of the world, for it be-
hoveth more than two hundred thousand
men to besiege it round and to stop from
it all the rivers and passages, and also that
the hosts lie near together, for else they
could not comfort one another because of
the rivers, and also there is much people
in the town of Gaunt ; they were in those
days men of defence a fourscore thousand
men able to bear harness between sixty
year and fifteen.
And when the earl had lain at this siege
the space of a month, and that his men
and the Hase his son and his marshal had
made many a scrimmish with them of
Gaunt, and some day won and some day
lost, as the adventures of war falleth, then
the earl was counselled on a day to send
them of Bruges, of Ypres and of Poperinghe
to scrimmish with the Gauntois at a place
called the long bridge ; for it was thought
that if they might vnn that place, it should
be a great advantage and profit for them,
for then they should enter into the Four
Crafts 1 and thereby approach near to
Gaunt. And so there was ordained sir
Josse Halewyn to be chief captain of that
enterprise ; and so when they were come
to this passage, they found it not dis-
garnished, but well provided for with a
great number of men of Gaunt ; there was
Peter du Bois, Peter de Wintere and Ralph
de Herselle. There began a sore scrim-
mish : there was shooting of guns and cross-
bows on both parties, whereby divers were
1 This is the district called ' les Quatre-M^tiers,'
lying on the north side of Ghent and including the
townships of Assenede, Bouchaute, Hulst and
Axel.
slain and, wounded ; and right well the
Gauntois did acquit themselves, for they
reculed their enemies and won by force the
goldsmiths' banner of Bruges, and there it
was cast down into the water ; and there
were of the goldsmiths and other a great
number slain and hurt, and specially sir
Josse Halewyn was there slain, which was
great damage ; and so the other returned
again without doing any more : so the
Gauntois bare themselves valiantly.
CHAPS. CCCLXXVn, CCCLXXVni
SUMMARY.— The men of Ghent took
A lost, Termonde and Grammont during
the siege, and at length the earl of Flanders
raised the siege and retired to Bruges. In
April of the next year he assembled his
host to the number of about 20,000 men, and
shortly after they m,et a body of 6000
Gauntois under Ralph de Herselle in the
fields near Nivele. A battle ensued, in
which the Gauntois fought well, but were
outnumbered and compelled to retreat to
Nivele. Many took refuge in the minster,
where Ralph de Herselle was slain, and by
order of the earl of Flanders the minster
was set on fire and many of those within
were burnt. Peter du Bois, who had an-
other army in the neighbourhood, was un-
able to come to the rescue and retired toM\
Ghent, for which he was much blamed, bu^^ ]
excused himself The earl of Flanders
retired to Bruges and sent his people home,
and those of Ghent issued forth to Courtray
and returned. A mold de Clerck with twelve
hundred of the white hoods was sent to
Gavre to annoy the garrison of Oudenarde.
Some of these he slew by an ambush and
others at the abbey of Eham, where they had
taken refuge.
CHAPTER CCCLXXIX
How the white hoods and their captair
were slain, and how Philip d'Arteveld wasj
chosen captain of Gaunt.
When the Icnights and squires that were
within Oudenarde understood that Arnoldl
Clerck and the white hoods to the number!
DEFEAT OF ARNOLD DE CLERCK
247
of twelve hundred were at the abbey of
Eham and had taken there divers of their
companions, they were right sore displeased,
and so determined to send the same night
their spies, to see where they might find
their enemies in the next morning : and as
they ordained, so they did. And in the
morning the spies brought report how the
white hoods were determined to abide there
all that day, wherewith these lords and
knights were right joyful. Then they
armed them, as the lord d'Enghien, the
lord of Montigny, the lord of Briffeuil, sir
Michael de la Hameide, and more than
six hundred knights and squires of Hai-
nault and as many of Flanders, and out of
Oudenarde a three hundred spears and
more than a thousand cross-bows and other
varlets. And when they approached near
to them, they sent before sir Oliver of Eham
and a hundred spears with him to begin
the assault, to the intent to draw out of
the abbey Arnold Clerck and to occupy
the time while their foot-men and cross-
bows were come to them. Then sir Daniel
and sir Peter of Dixmude and the Hase of
Flanders came before the abbey of Eham
and cried, ' Flanders with the lion of the
bastard.'^ The Gauntois, who were not
ware of the bushment, because it was so
early, nor they were not fully ready ; and
ere Arnold Clerck could bring his men
together in good array, the lord d'Enghien,
the lord of Lens, the lord of Briffeuil, the
lord of Escornay, the lord of Montigny and
their battles entered behind into the town
in crying ' d'Enghien ! ' and set on the
Gauntois and white hoods so valiantly,
that they could not endure, but brake their
order ; so that there was slain of them,
what in the abbey and in the fields, eleven
hundred, and they were but twelve hundred
in all. And there was Arnold Clerck slain
with two pikes as he was flying, and so he
was laid up leaning against a hedge. And
after this discomfiture the lord d'Enghien
and the other knights returned to Oude-
narde, and so this deed was reputed a great
prowess. And when the earl of Flanders
knew these tidings, he was greatly rejoiced
and said to the lord d'Enghien how he was
his fair godson and should prove a noble
valiant man. To say the truth of the lord
1 ' Flandres au lion au bastard ! ' The Hase bore
the lion of Flanders quartered upon his shield.
d'Enghien, in him was all the honour of
the county of Flanders, and so while the
earl lay at Bruges, he called him not only
his cousin but also his fair son.
"When it was known at Gaunt that
Arnold Clerck was dead and his men dis-
comfited, there were many then that were
sore abashed and said among themselves :
' Our business proveth but evil : little and
little our captains and men are slain : we
think we have done evil to move this war thus
against our own lord, for he doth minish us
thus httle and little ; the evil will and hatred
that was between Gilbert Mahew and John
Lyon turneth to our great damage : I trow
we have too long sustained the opinions of
John Lyon and Peter du Bois, they have
brought us so deep into this war and into
the hatred of the earl our lord, that now
we cannot nor know not how to find any
remedy to have mercy and peace ; yet it
were better that twenty or thirty did repent
it than all the whole town.' Thus there
were divers that said each to other privily ;
they durst not speak it generally for doubt
of them that were evil ; for they were all of
one sect and daily increased in puissance,
and in the beginning they were but poor
companions without any substance, but
then they had gold and silver enough ; for
when they needed and complained to their
captains, they were well heard and com-
forted, for then anon some of the rich men
of the town should be sent for to them,
and when they were come (for fear they
durst not refuse so to do), then the captains
would say to them : * Sirs, it behoveth that
the good town of Gaunt make some shift
to pay our soldiers, who aideth and helpeth
to defend and to keep our jurisdictions and
franchise, and it behoveth that our com-
panions must live.' And so they would
ask of every man as they Hst themselves,
and none durst say nay, for an they had,
incontinent they should have been slain,
and borne in hand how they had been
traitors to the good town of Gaunt and
loved not the wealth, honour nor profit
thereof. Thus the knaves and evil -dis-
posed people were masters in the good
town of Gaunt and so continued as long as
the war was between them and the earl of
Flanders their lord. And to say the very
truth, though the rich and noble men
of the good town of Gaunt were thus
248
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
beaten with such rods, there ought none to
be sorry thereof, nor they could not excuse
themselves but that by their own faults
they were cause of their own trouble.
Reason proveth how : for when the earl of
Flanders sent to them his baily to have
done justice on certain rebels and evil-dis-
posed people, they might, if they had list,
have bidden by him and have given him
comfort in doing of justice, the which they
did not, but it seemed that they had liefer
the matter had gone evil, as it did, rather
than well, and had rather to have war with
their own lord than peace ; for well they
might know that if they had war, that the
evil people should be lords of the town
and should be their masters, and not to be
put down again when they would. This
proved well by John Faucille, who to the
intent to dissimule the matter departed out
of the town of Gaunt and went and dwelt
in Hainault, whereby he thought to be
purged out of blame for the war between
the earl and the town, thinking to bear no
blame of neither party. Howbeit, the
matter was so laid to his charge, that he
died thereby ; which was great damage,
for this John Faucille was in his time a
right sage and a noble wise man ; but it is
hard halting before lords and their counsels,
for they see clearly. ^ This man could well
aid and counsel other, but as touching him-
self he could not take the best way. I
cannot say whether he were culpable or
not of the articles that he was examined of
at Lille by sir Simon Rin, but the knights
and evil fortune turned all against him, so
that he died. And in like wise so is fallen
of all the captains of Gaunt that sustained
the rebellion against their lord. Also it
hath cost sith many a man's life in Gaunt,
and peradventure many a one that were in
no default.
When Peter du Bois saw that the town
of Gaunt daily impaired and feebled, as well
in their captains as in their men, and saw
well how the rich men began to wax weary
and were in mind to leave the war ; where-
fore he doubted greatly, and imagined and
saw well that by no means of the world
1 ' But one could not in those days halt before
lords and their councillors, for they saw too clearly ' ;
that is, it was not possible to take a middle course
suchas John de la Faucille had done. A better
reading is, ' but one cannot in these days (a present)
halt before, etc., for they see too clearly.'
there could any peace be made with the
earl, so that he should be sure of his life.
Then he remembered himself of John Lyon,
who was his master, and studied by what
means he wrought, and he saw well that
he could not do all thing alone, nor thatj
he had not the wit and understanding to|
govern the whole town of Gaunt ; where-
fore he thought he would not have the
principal charge, but in all foolish enter-
prises he thought covertly to have the study^
of them. Then he remembered himself of
a man, the which was not greatly taken
heed of in the town of Gaunt. He was a
wise man, but his wisdom was not known,
nor he was not taken heed of till the same
day. He was called Philip d'Arteveld,
son to Jaques d'Arteveld, who in his time
seven year together had the governance of
all the county of Flanders ; and he heard
Peter du Bois and John Lyon his master ^
and divers other ancient men of Gaunt
oftentimes say that the country of Flanders
was never more loved, honoured and feared
than it was in the time of Jaques d'Arte-
veld, the which endured the space of seven
year ; and as then he heard daily the
Gauntois say how that when Jaques
d'Arteveld lived, their business was in
good estate, for then, they said, they
might have peace at their wills and the
earl was glad when he might pardon us
all. Peter du Bois remembered well these
words in himself, and saw how Jaques
d'Arteveld had a son called Philip, a right ,
convenable and gracious man, and the^j
queen of England, while she lay at Gaunt™ I
during the siege before Tournay, was his
godmother, and so for the love of her he
was named Philip. Then Peter du Bois
in an evening came to this Philip, who was
abiding in his mother's house and lived
honestly on their rents, and Peter du Bois
began to reason with him and began to open
the matter wherefore he was come to him,
and said thus : ' Philip, if ye will take good
heed to my words and believe my counsel,
I will make you the greatest man in all
the county of Flanders. ' * How can that
be, sir ? ' said Philip, * I shall shew you,'
said Peter; 'ye shall have the governing
and ministration of all them in the town of
1 ' Le soing,' ' the charge.'
2 Mistranslated. It should be : ' And this Peter
du Bois had heard John Lyon his master,' etc
\
PHILIP D'ARTEVELD CAPTAIN, 1381
249
Gaunt, for we be now in great necessity to
have a sovereign captain of good name and
of good renown, and so by this means your
father Jaques d'Arteveld shall rise again
in this town by the remembrance of you ;
for every man saith that sith his days
the country of Flanders hath not been so
loved, honoured nor feared as it was while
he lived ; and I shall lightly set you in his
stead, if ye list yourself : and when ye be in
that authority, then ye shall govern your-
self by my counsel, till ye have full under-
standing of every case, the which ye shall
soon learn.' Then this Philip, who was
at man's state and naturally desired to be
advanced, honoured and to have more than
he had, answered and said : * Peter du
Bois, ye offer me a great thing and I believe
you : and if I were in the state that ye
speak of, I swear to you by my faith that
I should do nothing without your counsel.'
Then Peter answered and said : ' How say
you? Can ye bear yourself high and be
cruel among the commons, and specially
in such things as we shall have to do ? A
man is nothing worth without he be feared,
doubted and sometime renowned with
cruelty : thus must the Flemings be gov-
erned. A man must set no more by the
life of men, nor have no more pity thereof,
than of the lives of swallows or larks, the
which be taken in season to eat. ' ' By my
faith,' said Philip, 'all this can I do right
well.' 'That is well said,' quoth Peter,
* and I shall make you so, that ye shall be
sovereign above all other.' And so there-
with he took leave of him and departed.
The night passed ; the next day came :
then Peter du Bois came into a place,
whereas there were assembled more than
four thousand of his sect and other, to hear
some tidings and to know how they should
be ordered and who should be chief captain
of Gaunt ; and there was present the lord
of Herselle, after whom much of the busi-
ness within Gaunt was ordered, but of
going outward he would not meddle. And
so there among them there was named
divers persons of the town of Gaunt, and
Peter du Bois stood still and heard them
well ; and then he spake openly and said :
* Sirs, I believe well all this that ye say :
ye speak of good affection and by great
deliberation of courage, that ye have to the
keeping of the honour and profit of this
town ; and also such persons as ye have
named be right able and have well deserved
to have part of the governing of the town
of Gaunt. But, sirs, I know one that, if
he will meddle therewith, I think there
should not be a meeter man therefor, nor
of a better name. ' Then Peter was desired
to shew his name, and so he named him
and said : ' Sirs, it is Philip d'Arteveld,
who was christened at Saint Peter's in this
town of Gaunt by the noble queen of Eng-
land called Philippa, the same season that
Jaques d'Arteveld was before Tournay with
the king of England and the duke of Bra-
bant, the duke of Gueldres and the earl of
Hainault, the which Jaques d'Arteveld
this Philip's father governed the town of
Gaunt and the country of Flanders so well,
that it was never so well ruled sith, as I
have heard say and do hear daily of the
ancient men who had knowledge thereof,
who say the town was never so well kept
sith, as it was in his time : for Flanders
was in a great jeopardy to be lost, and by
his wisdom he recovered it. Sirs, know
for truth, we ought better to love the
branches and members that cometh from
so high a valiant man as he was, than of
any other.' And as soon as Peter du Bois
had said those words, Philip d'Arteveld
entered so into every man's courage, that
they said all with one voice : ' Let us have
him ; we will have none other : go send
for him.' 'Nay, not so,' quoth Peter du
Bois, ' let him not be sent for : it were
better we went to him. We know not as
yet how he will maintain himself : let him
first be examined. ' ^
CHAPTER CCCLXXX
Of the ordinance of Gaunt. And of the war
of Spain and of Portugal.
And so with Peter du Bois' words all they
that were there and divers other that
followed them came to the house whereas
Philip d'Arteveld was, who knew right well
before their coming the matter. There was
the lord of Herselle, Peter du Bois, Peter
1 The meaning is just the reverse : ' we must not
examine him,' or 'we must not trouble him.'_ The
translator's text had 'exonnier,' a combination of
the two readings 'cnsonnier' and 'examiner.'
250
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
de Wintere and a ten or twelve of the chief
aldermen of the crafts ; ^ and there they
shewed to Philip d'Arteveld how the good
town of Gaunt was in great danger, without
they might have a captain and a sovereign,
who both without and within might order
all manner of people abiding in Gaunt.
Wherefore they said they gave all their
voices to him and did choose him to be
their sovereign captain : for the good re-
nown of his name and for the love of his
good father they were better content with
him than with any other. Wherefore they
desired him affectuously that he would take
on him the charge, and they sware unto
him faith and truth as to their lord, pro-
mising how everybody within the town
should be under his obeisance. Philip
understood well all their words and re-
quests, and then right sagely he answered
and said : * Sirs, ye require me of a great
thing, and I think ye remember not well
how the case standeth, when ye would
that I should have the governing of the
town of Gaunt. Ye say how the love that
your predecessors had to my father draweth
you to this purpose : but for all the service
that my father did, yet at the last he was
slain among you ; and so if I should take
on me the governing,- as ye speak of, and
then at last to be slain, then I should have
but a small reward. ' * Philip,' quoth Peter
du Bois, * that is past cannot be recovered.
Work by counsel, and ye shall always be
so well counselled, that every man shall
praise you. ' Then said Philip : ' I would
be loath to do otherwise.' There he was
taken up among them and brought into
the market-place, and there they made to
him assurance, both mayors, aldermen and
masters of every craft in Gaunt. Thus
Philip was made chief captain in all Gaunt,
and thus at the beginning he was in great
grace ; for he spake sweetly to every man
that had anything to do with him, and
dealt so wisely, that every man loved him :
for part of the revenues that pertained to
the earl of Flanders in Gaunt as his heri-
tage he caused them to be distributed to
the lord of Herselle, because of gentle-
ness and the more honestly to maintain his
estate ; for all that ever he had in Flanders
without the town of Gaunt he had lost it
clearly.
1 ' Des doyens des mestlers.*
Now let us leave a little to speak of the
business of Flanders, and let us somewhat
speak of England and of Portugal.
SUMMAR V. — The king of Portugal made
war on the newly-crowned king of Castile
on behalf of Constance and Isabel, daughters
of don Peter, and sent to England for help.
CHAPTER CCCLXXXI
How the earl of Cambridge departed out of
England to go into Portugal ; and how the
commons of England rebelled against the
noblemen.
SUMMAR v.— The earl of Cambridge went
to Portugal, while the duke of Lancaster
went to treat ivith the Scots.
The chapter then continues thus : —
In the mean season while this treaty was,
there fell in England great mischief and
rebellion of moving of the common people,
by which deed England was at a point to
have been lost without recovery. There
was never realm nor country in so great
adventure as it was in that time, and all
because of the ease and riches that the
common people were of, which moved them
to this rebellion, as sometime they did in
France, the which did much hurt, for by
such incidents the realm of France hat
been greatly grieved.
j It was a marvellous thing and of pc
'^foundation that this mischief began
jEngland, and to give ensample to
^manner of people I will speak thereof .
fit was done, as I was informed, and of tl
•incidents thereof. There was an usage in
England, and yet is in divers countries,
that the noblemen hath great franchisji
over the commons and keepeth them ifll
servage, that is to say, their tenants oughpl
by custom to labour the lords' lands, to
gather and bring home their corns, and
some to thresh and to fan, and by servage
to make their hay and to hew their wood
and bring it home. All these things they
ought to do by servage, and there be more
of these people in England than in any
other realm. Thus the noblemen and pre-
lates are served by them, and specially in
the county of Kent, Essex, Sussex and
Bedford. These unhappy people of these
WAT TYLER'S INSURRECTION, 1381
251
said countries began to stir, because they
said they were kept in great servage, and
in the beginning of the world, they said,
there were no bondmen, wherefore they
maintained that none ought to be bond,
without he did treason to his lord, as Luci-
fer did to God ; but they said they could
have no such battle,^ for they were neither
angels nor spirits, but men formed to the
similitude of their lords, saying why should
they then be kept so under like beasts ;
the which they said they would no longer
suffer, for they would be all one, and if
they laboured or did anything for their
lords, they would have wages therefor as
well as other. And of this imagination
was a foolish priest in the country of Kent
called John Ball, for the which foolish
words he had been three times in the
bishop of Canterbury's prison : for this
priest used oftentimes on the Sundays after
mass, when the people were going out of
the minster, to go into the cloister and
preach, and made the people to assemble
about him, and would say thus : * Ah, ye
good people, the matters goeth not well
to pass in England, nor shall not do till
everything be common, and that there be
no villains nor gentlemen, but that we may
be all unied together, and that the lords be
no greater masters than we be. What
have we deserved, or why should we be
kept thus in servage? We.be all come
from one father and one mother, Adam and
Eve : whereby can they say or shew that
they be greater lords than we be, saving
by that they cause us to win and labour for
that they dispend? They are clothed in
velvet and camlet furred with grise, and we
be vestured with poor cloth : they have
their wines, spices and good bread, and we
have the drawing out of the chaffs and
drink water : they dwell in fair houses, and
we have the pain and travail, rain and wind
in the fields ; and by that that cometh of
our labours they keep and maintain their
estates : we be called their bondmen, and
without we do readily them service, we be
beaten ; and we have no sovereign to whom
we may complain, nor that will hear us nor
1 The true text is, * Mais ils n'avoient pas cette
taille,' 'but they were not of that nature.' The
translator found the corruption ' bataille ' for ' taille.'
2 Froissart says ' le seigle, le retrait et la paille,'
'the rye, the bran and the straw.' The translator's
French text had ' le seigle, le retraict de la paille.'
do us right. Let us go to the king, he is
young, and shew him what servage we be
in, and shew him how we will have it
otherwise, or else we will provide us of
some remedy ; and if we go together, all
manner of people that be now in any bond-
age will follow us to the intent to be made
free ; and when the king seeth us, we shall
have some remedy, either by fairness or
otherwise.' Thus John Ball said on Sun-
days, when the people issued out of the
churches in the villages ; wherefore many
of the mean people loved him, and such as
intended to no goodness said how he said
truth ; and so they would murmur one with
another in the fields and in the ways as
they went together, affirming how John
Ball said truth.
The archbishop of Canterbury, who was
informed of the saying of this John Ball,
caused him to be taken and put in prison a
two or three months to chastise him : how-
beit, it had been much better at the be-
ginning that he had been condemned to
perpetual prison or else to have died, rather
than to have suffered him to have been
again delivered out of prison ; but the
bishop had conscience to let him die. And
when this John Ball was out of prison, he
returned again to his error, as he did before.
Of his words and deeds there were much
people in London informed, such as had
great envy at them that were rich and such
as were noble ; and then they began to
speak among them and said how the realm
of England was right evil governed, and
how that gold and silver was taken from
them by them that were named noblemen :
so thus these unhappy men of London be-
gan to rebel and assembled them together,
and sent word to the foresaid countries that
they should come to London and bring
their people with them, promising them
how they should find London open to
receive them and the commons of the city
to be of the same accord, saying how they
would do so much to the king that there
should not be one bondman in all England.
This promise moved so them of Kent, of
Essex, of Sussex, of Bedford and of the
countries about, that they rose and came
towards London to the number of sixty
thousand. And they had a captain called
Water Tyler, and with him in company was
Jack Straw and John Ball : these three were
252
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
\
chief sovereign captains, but the head of
all was Water Tyler, and he was indeed a
tiler of houses, an ungracious patron. When
these unhappy men began thus to stir, they
of London, except such as were of their
band, were greatly affrayed. Then the
mayor of London and the rich men of the
city took counsel together, and when they
saw the people thus coming on every side,
they caused the gates of the city to be closed
and would suffer no man to enter into the
city. But when they had well imagined,
they advised not so to do, for they thought
they should thereby put their suburbs in
great peril to be brent ; and so they opened
again the city, and there entered in at the
gates in some place a hundred, two hundred,
by twenty and by thirty, and so when they
came to London, they entered and lodged :
and yet of truth the third part ^ of these
people could not tell what to ask or de-
mand, but followed each other like beasts,
as the shepherds ^ did of old time, saying
how they would go conquer the Holy Land,
and at last all came to nothing. In like
wise these villains and poor people came to
London, a hundred mile off, sixty mile,
fifty mile, forty mile and twenty mile off,
and from all countries about London, but
the most part came from the countries be-
fore named, and as they came they de-
manded ever for the king. The gentlemen
of the countries, knights and squires, began
to doubt, when they saw the people began
to rebel ; and though they were in doubt,
it was good reason ; for a less occasion they
might have been affrayed. So the gentle-
men drew together as well as they might.
The same day that these unhappy people
of Kent were coming to London, there re-
turned from Canterbury the king's mother,
princess of Wales, coming from her pil-
grimage. She was in great jeopardy to
have been lost, for these people came to
her chare and dealt rudely with her, where-
of the good lady was in great doubt lest
they would have done some villany to her
or to her damosels. Howbeit, God kept
her, and she came in one day from Canter-
bury to London, for she never durst tarry
1 ' Bien les trois pars,' i.e. 'three-fourths.'
2 «Les pastoureaulx.' The reference no doubt is
to the Pastoureaux of 1320, who were destroyed at
Aigues-Mortes when attempting to obtain a passage
to the Holy Land.
by the way. The same time king Richar
her son was at the Tower of London : then
his mother found him, and with him there'
was the earl of Salisbury, the archbishop of
Canterbury, sir Robert of Namur, the lord
of Gommegnies and divers other, who were
in doubt of these people that thus gathered
together, and wist not what they demanded.
This rebellion was well known in the king's
court, or any of these people began to stir
out of their houses ; but the king nor his
council did provide no remedy therefor,
•which was great marvel. And to the in-
'tent that all lords and good people and
such as would nothing but good should
vtake ensample to correct them that be evil
land rebellious, I shall shew you plainly all
Vhe matter, as it was.
CHAPTER CCCLXXXH
The evil deeds that these commons of Eng-
land did to the king's officers, and how
they sent a knight to speak with the king.
The Monday before the feast of Corpus
Christi the year of our Lord God a thousand
three hundred and eighty-one these people
issued out of their houses to come to Lon-
don to speak with the king to be made free,
for they would have had no bondman in
England. And so first they came to Saint
Thomas of Canterbury, and there John
Ball had thought to have found the bishop
of Canterbury, but he was at London with
the king. When Wat Tyler and Jack
Straw entered into Canterbury, all th^j
com.mon people made great feast, for afll
the town was of their assent ; and there
they took counsel to go to London to the
king, and to send some of their companj
over the river of Thames into Essex, inti
Sussex and into the counties of Stafford an^
Bedford, to speak to the people that the
should all come to the farther side of Loni
don and thereby to close London roun<
about, so that the king should not stc
their passages, and that they should all met
together on Corpus Christi day. They tha
were at Canterbury entered into Sail
Thomas' church and did there much hui
and robbed and brake up the bishopl^
chamber, and in robbing and bearing out
their pillage they said : ' Ah, this chancelloi
THE COMMONS AT BLACKHEATH
253
of England hath had a good market to get
together all this riches : he shall give us
now account of the revenues of England
and of the great profits that he hath
gathered sith the king's coronation.' When
they had this Monday thus broken the
abbey of Saint Vincent, they departed in
the morning and all the people of Canter-
bury with them, and so took the way to
Rochester and sent their people to the
villages about. And in their going they
beat down and robbed houses of advocates
and procurers of the* king's court and of the
archbishop, and had mercy of none. And
when they were come to Rochester, they
had there good cheer ; for the people of
that town tarried for them, for they were
of the same sect, and then they went to the
castle there and took the knight that had
the rule thereof, he was called sir John
Newton, and they said to him : * Sir, it
behoveth you to go with us and you shall
be our sovereign captain and to do that we
will have you.' The knight excused him-
self honestly and shewed them divers con-
siderations and excuses, but all availed him
nothing, for they said unto him : ' vSir John,
if ye do not as we will have you, ye are but
dead.' The knight, seeing these people in
that fury and ready to slay him, he then
doubted death and agreed to them, and so
they took him with them against his inward
will ; and in like wise did they of other
countries in England, as Essex, Sussex,
Stafford, Bedford and Warwick, even to
Lincoln ; for they brought the knights and
gentlemen into such obeisance, that they
caused them to go with them, whether they
would or not, as the lord Moylays, a great
baron, sir Stephen of Hales and sir Thomas
of Cosington and other.
Now behold the great fortune. If they
might have come to their intents, they
would have destroyed all the noblemen of
England, and thereafter all other nations
would have followed the same and have
taken foot and ensample by them and by
them of Gaunt and Flanders, who rebelled
against their lord. The same year the
Parisians rebelled in like wise and found
out the mallets of iron, of whom there were
more than twenty thousand, as ye shall
hear after in this history ; but first we will
speak of them of England.
When these people thus lodged at
Rochester departed, and passed the river
and came to Brentford, alway keeping still
their opinions, beating down before them
and all about the places and houses of ad-
vocates and procurers, and striking off the
heads of divers persons. And so long they
went forward till they came within a four
mile of London, and there lodged on a hill
called Blackheath ; and as they went, they
said ever they were the king's men and the
noble commons of England : ^ and when
they of London knew that they were come
so near to them, the mayor, as ye have
heard before, closed the gates and kept
straitly all the passages. This order caused
the mayor, who was called Nicholas Wal-
worth,^ and divers other rich burgesses of
the city, who were not of their sect ; but
there were in London of their unhappy
opinions more than thirty thousand.
Then these people thus being lodged on
Blackheath determined to send their knight
to speak with the king and to shew him
how all that they have done or will do is
for him and his honour, and how the realm
of England hath not been well governed
a great space for the honour of the realm
nor for the common profit by his uncles
and by the clergy, and specially by the
archbishop of Canterbury his chancellor ;
whereof they would have account. This
knight durst do none otherwise, but so
came by the river of Thames to the Tower.
The king and they that were with him in
the Tower, desiring to hear tidings, seeing
this knight coming made him way, and was
brought before the king into a chamber ;
and with the king was the princess his
mother and his two brethren, the earl of
Kent and the lord John Holland, the earl of
Salisbury, the earl of Warwick, the earl of
Oxford, the archbishop of Canterbury, the
lord of Saint John's,^ sir Robert of Namur,
the lord of Vertaing, the lord of Gom-
megnies, sir Henry of Senzeille, the mayor
of London and divers other notable bur-
gesses. This knight sir John Newton,
who was well known among them, for he
was one of the king's officers, he kneeled
down before the king and said : ' My right
1 'That they were for the king and the noble
commons (or commonwealih) of England.'
2 Froissart calls him John : his name was really
William.
3 That is, the grand prior of the Hospital.
254
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
redoubted lord, let it not displease your
grace the message that I must needs shew
you, for, dear sir, it is by force and against
my will.' * Sir John,' said the king, 'say
what ye will : I hold you excused. ' ' Sir,
the commons of this your realm hath sent
me to you to desire you to come and speak
with them on Blackheath ; for they desire to
have none but you : and, sir, ye need not
to have any doubt of your person, for they
will do you no hurt ; for they hold and will
hold you for their king. But, sir, they say
they will shew you divers things, the which
shall be right necessary for you to take
heed of, when they speak with you ; of the
which things, sir, I have no charge to shew
you : but, sir, an it may please you to
give me an answer such as may appease
them and that they may know for truth that
I have spoken with you ; for they have my
children in hostage till I return again to
them, and without I return again, they will
slay my children incontinent.'
Then the king made him an answer and
said : ' Sir, ye shall have an answer shortly. '
Then the king took counsel what was best
for him to do, and it was anon determined
that the next morning the king should go
down the river by water and without fail to
speak with them. And when sir John
Newton heard that answer, he desired
nothing else and so took his leave of the
king and of the lords and returned again
into his vessel, and passed the Thames and
went to Blackheath, where he had left
more than threescore thousand men. And
there he answered them that the next
morning they should send some of their
council to the Thames, and there the king
would come and speak with them. This
answer greatly pleased them, and so passed
that night as well as they might, and the
fourth part of them^ fasted for lack of
victual, for they had none, wherewith they
were sore displeased, which was good reason.
All this season the earl of Buckingham
was in Wales, for there he had fair heritages
by reason of his wife, who was daughter to
the earl of Northumberland and Hereford ;
but the voice was all through London how
he was among these people. And some
said certainly how they had seen him there
among them ; and all was because there
was one Thomas in their company, a man
1 ' Les quatre pars d'eux,' ' four-fifths of them.'
of the county of Cambridge, that was very
like the earl. Also the lords that lay at
Plymouth to go into Portugal were well
informed of this rebellion and of the people
that thus began to rise ; wherefore they
doubted lest their viage should have been
broken, or else they feared lest the commons
about Hampton, Winchester and Arundel
would have come on them : wherefore they
weighed up their anchors and issued out of
the haven with great pain, for the wind was
sore against them, and so took the sea and
there cast anchor abiding for the wind.
And the duke of Lancaster, who was in the
marches of Scotland between Moorlane
and Roxburgh entreating with the Scots,
where it was shewed him of the rebellion,
whereof he was in doubt, for he knew well
he was but little beloved with the commons
of England ; howbeit, for all those tidings,
yet he did sagely demean himself as touch-
ing the treaty with the Scots. The earl
Douglas, the earl of Moray, the earl of
Sutherland and the earl Thomas Versy, and
the Scots that were there for the treaty
knew right well the rebellion in England,
how the common people in every part began
to rebel against the noblemen ; wherefore
the Scots thought that England was in great
danger to be lost, and therefore in their
treaties they were the more stiffer again
the duke of Lancaster and his council.
Now let us speak of the commons oi
England and how they persevered.
CHAPTER CCCLXXXIII
How the commons of England entered into
London, and of the great evil that they
did, and of the death of the bishop oi
Canterbury and divers other.
In the morning on Corpus Christi dan
king Richard heard mass in the Tower
I^ondon, and all his lords, and then he tool
his barge with the earl of Salisbury, the
earl of Warwick, the earl of Oxford anc
certain knights, and so rowed down alon|
the Thames to Rotherhithe, whereas W3
descended down the hill a ten thousand]
men to see the king and to speak with him.jj
And when they saw the king's barge com*
ing, they began to shout, and made such
«ry, as though all the devils of hell hac
been among them. And they had brought]
\
THE COMMONS IN LONDON
255
with them sir John Newton to the intent
that, if the king had not come, they would
have stricken him all to pieces, and so they
had promised him. And when the king and
his lords saw the demeanour of the people,
the best assured of them were in dread ; and
so the king was counselled by his barons not
to take any landing there, but so rowed up
and down the river. And the king de-
manded of them what they would, and said
how he was come thither to speak with
them, and they said all with one voice :
' We would that ye should come aland, and
then we shall shew you what we lack.'
Then the earl of Salisbury answered for the
king and said : * Sirs, ye be not in such
order nor array that the king ought to
speak with you. ' And so with those words
no more said : and then the king was
counselled to return again to the Tower of
London, and so he did.
And when these people saw that, they
were inflamed with ire and returned to the
hill where the great band was, and there
shewed them what answer they had and
how the king was returned to the Tower of
London. Then they cried all with one
voice, * Let us go to London,' and so they
took their way thither ; and in their going
they beat down abbeys and houses of advo-
cates and of men of the court, and so came
into the suburbs of London, which were
great and fair, and there beat down divers
fair houses, and specially they brake up
the king's prisons, as the Marshalsea and
other, and delivered out all the prisoners
that were within : and there they did much
hurt, and at the bridge foot they threat
them of London because the. gates of the
bridge were closed, saying how they would
bren all the suburbs and so conquer London
by force, and to slay and bren all the
commons of the city. There were many
within the city- of their accord, and so
they drew together and said : * Why do we
not let these good people enter into the
city? they are our fellows, and that that
they do is for us.' So therewith the gates
were opened, and then these people en-
tered into the city and went into houses
and sat down to eat and drink. They
desired nothing but it was incontinent
brought to them, for every man was ready
to make them good cheer and to give them
meat and drink to appease them.
Then the captains, as John Ball, Jack
Straw and Wat Tyler, went throughout
London and a twenty thousand with them,
and so came to the Savoy in the way to
Westminster, which was a goodly house
and it pertained to the duke of Lancaster.
And when they entered, they slew the
keepers thereof and robbed and pilled the
house, and when they had so done, then
they set fire on it and clean destroyed and
brent it. And when they had done that
outrage, they left not therewith, but went
straight to the fair hospital of the Rhodes
called Saint John's,^ and there they brent
house, hospital, minster and all. Then they
went from street to street and slew all the
Flemings that they could find in church or
in any other place, there was none respited
from death. And they brake up divers
houses of the Lombards and robbed them
and took their goods at their pleasure, for
there was none that durst say them nay.
And they slew in the city a rich merchant
called Richard Lyon, to whom before that
time Wat Tyler had done service in France ;
and on a time this Richard Lyon had
beaten him, while he was his varlet, the
which Wat Tyler then remembered, and so
came to his house and strake off his head
and caused it to be borne on a spear-point
before him all about the city. Thus these
ungracious people demeaned themselves
like people enraged and wood, and so that
day they did much sorrow in London.
And so against night they went to lodge
at Saint Katherine's before the Tower of
London, saying how they would never de-
part thence till they had the king at their
pleasure and till he had accorded to them
all [they would ask, and] that they would
ask accounts of the chancellor of England,
to know where all the good was become
that he had levied through the realm, and
without he made a good account to them
thereof, it should not be for his profit. And
so when they had done all these evils to the
strangers all the day, at night they lodged
before the Tower.
Ye may well know and believe that it
was great pity for the danger that the king
1 This is called afterwards 'I'Ospital de Saint
Jehan du Temple,' and therefore would probably
be the Temple, to which the Hospitallers had
succeeded. They had, however, another house at
Clerkenwell, which also had been once the property
of the Templars.
256
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
and such as were with him were in. For
some time these unhappy people shouted
and cried so loud, as though all the devils of
hell had been among them. In this evening
the king was counselled by his brethren
and lords and by sir Nicholas Walworth,
mayor of London, and divers other notable
and rich burgesses, that in the night time
they should issue out of the Tower and
enter into the city, and so to slay all these
unhappy people, while they were at their
rest and asleep ; for it was thought that
many of them were drunken, whereby they
should be slain like flies ; also of twenty of
them there was scant one in harness. And
, surely the good men of London might well
have done this at their ease, for they had
in their houses secretly their friends and
servants ready in harness, and also sir
Robert Knolles was in his lodging keeping
his treasure with a sixscore ready at his
commandment ; in like wise was sir Perducas
d'Albret, who was as then in London, in-
somuch that there might well [have] as-
sembled together an eight thousand men
ready in harness. Howbeit, there was
nothing done, for the residue of the com-
mons of the city were sore doubted, lest
they should rise also, and the commons
before were a threescore thousand or more.
Then the earl of Salisbury and the wise
men about the king said : ' Sir, if ye can
appease them with fairness, it were best
and most profitable, and to grant them
everything that they desire, for if we should
begin a thing the which we could not
achieve, we should never recover it again,
but we and our heirs ever to be disherited. '
So this counsel was taken and the mayor
countermanded, and so commanded that
he should not stir ; and he did as he was
commanded, as reason was. And in the
city with the mayor there were twelve alder-
men, whereof nine of them held with the
king and the other three took part with
these ungracious people, as it was after well
known, the which they full dearly bought.
And on the Friday in the morning the
people, being at Saint Katherine's near to
the Tower, began to apparel themselves
and to cry and shout, and said, without the
king would come out and speak with them,
they would assail the Tower and take it by
force, and slay all them that were within.
Then the king doubted these words and so
was counselled that he should issue out
speak with them : and then the king ser
to them that they should all draw to a fai_
plain place called Mile-end, whereas the
people of the city did sport them in the
summer season, and there the king to grant
them that they desired ; and there it was
cried in the king's name, that whosoever
would speak with the king let him go to
the said place, and there he should not fail
to find the king. Then the people began
to depart, specially the commons of the
villages, and went to the same place : but
all went not thither, for they were not all
of one condition ; for there were some that
desired nothing but riches and the utter
destruction of the noblemen and to have
London robbed and pilled ; that was the
principal matter of their beginning, the
which they well shewed ; for as soon as the
Tower gate opened and that the king was
issued out with his two brethren and the
earl of Salisbury, the earl of Warwick, the
earl of Oxford, sir Robert of Namur, the
lord of Vertaing, the lord Gommegnies and
divers other, then Wat Tyler, Jack Straw
and John Ball and more than four hundred
entered into the Tower and brake up
chamber after chamber, and at last found
the archbishop of Canterbury, called Simon,
a valiant man and a wise, and chief chan-
cellor of England, and a little before he
had said mass before the king. These
gluttons took him and strake off his head,
and also they beheaded the lord of Saint
John's and a friar minor, master in medicine,
pertaining to the duke of Lancaster, they
slew him in despite of his master, and a
sergeant at arms called John Leg ; and
these four heads were set on four long
spears and they made them to be borne
before them through the streets of London
and at last set them a -high on London
bridge, as though they had been traitors to
the icing and to the realm. Also these glut-
tons entered into the princess' chamber and
brake her bed, whereby she was so sore
affrayed that she swooned ; and there she
was taken up and borne to the water side
and put into a barge and covered, and so
conveyed to a place called the Queen's
Wardrobe ; ^ and there she was all that
1 The Queen's Wardrobe was in the ' Royal '
(called by Froissart or his copyist ' la R^ole ')i
palace near Blackfriars.
THE COMMONS IN LONDON
257
day and night like a woman half dead, till
she was comforted with the king her son,
as ye shall hear after.
CHAPTER CCCLXXXIV
How the nobles of England were in great
peril to have been destroyed, and how
• these rebels were punished and sent home
to their own houses.
When the king came to the said place of
Mile-end without London, he put out of
his company his two brethren, the earl of
Kent and sir John Holland, and the lord
of Gommegnies, for they durst not appear
before the people : and when the king and
his other lords were there, he found there
a threescore thousand men of divers villages
and of sundry countries in England ; so the
king entered in among them and said to
them sweetly : ' Ah, ye good people, I am
your king : what lack ye ? what will ye
say ? ' Then such as understood him said :
*We will that ye make us free for ever,
ourselves, our heirs and our lands, and
that we be called no more bond nor so
reputed.' * Sirs,' said the king, * I am well
agreed thereto. Withdraw you home into
your own houses and into such villages as
ye came from, and leave behind you of
every village two or three, and I shall
cause writings to be made and seal them
with my seal, the which they shall have
with them, containing everything that ye
demand ; and to the intent that ye shall be
the better assured, I shall cause my banners
to be delivered into every bailiwick, shire
and countries.'
These words appeased well the common
people, such as were simple and good plain
men, that were come thither and wist not
why. They said, ' It was well said, we desire
no better. ' Thus these people began to be
appeased and began to withdraw them into
the city of London. And the king also
said a word, the which greatly contented
them. He said : ' Sirs, among you good
men of Kent ye shall have one of my ban-
ners with you, and ye of Essex another, and
ye of Sussex, of Bedford, of Cambridge, of
Yarmouth, of Stafford and of Lynn, each
of you one ; and also I pardon everything
that ye have done hitherto, so that ye
follow my banners and return home to
s
your houses. ' They all answered how they
would so do : thus these people departed
and went into London. Then the king
ordained more than thirty clerks the same
Friday, to write with all diligence letter
patents and sealed with the king's seal, and
delivered them to these people ; and when
they had received the writing, they departed
and returned into their own countries : but
the great venom remained still behind, for
Wat Tyler, Jack Straw and John Ball
said, for all that these people were thus
appeased, yet they would not depart so,
and they had of their accord more than
thirty thousand. So they abode still and
made no press to have the king's writing
nor seal, for all their intents was to put the
city to trouble in such wise as to slay all
the rich and honest persons and to rob and
pill their houses. They of London were
in great fear of this, wherefore they kept
their houses privily with their friends and
such servants as they had, every man ac-
cording to his puissance. And when these
said people were this Friday thus somewhat
appeased, and that they should depart as
soon as they had their writings, every man
home into his own country, then king
Richard came into the Royal, where the
queen his mother was, right sore affrayed :
so he comforted her as well as he could and
tarried there with her all that night.
Yet I shall shew you of an adventure
that fell by these ungracious people before
the city of Norwich, by a captain among
them called Guilliam Lister of Stafford.
The same day of Corpus Christi that these
people entered into London and brent the
duke of Lancaster's house, called the vSavoy,
and the hospital of Saint John's and brake
up the king's prisons and did all this hurt,
as ye have heard before, the same time
there assembled together they of Stafford,
of Lynn, of Cambridge, of Bedford and of
Yarmouth ; and as they were coming to-
wards London, they had a captain among
them called Lister. And as they came,
they rested them before Norwich, and in
their coming they caused every man to rise
with them, so that they left no villains
behind them. The cause why they rested
before Norwich I shall shew you. There
was a knight, captain of the town, called sir
Robert Sale. He was no gentleman born,
but he had the grace to be reputed sage and
258
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
valiant in arms, and for his valiantness king
Edward made him knight. He was of his
body one of the biggest knights in all
England. Lister and his company thought
to haye had this knight with them and to
make him their chief captain, to the intent
to be the more feared and beloved : so
they sent to him that he should come and
speak with them in the field, or else they
would bren the town. The knight con-
sidered that it was better for him to go and
speak with them rather than they should
do that outrage to the town : then he
mounted on his horse and issued out of the
town all alone, and so came to speak with
them. And when they saw him, they made
him great cheer and honoured him much,
desiring him to alight off his horse and to
speak with them, and so he did : wherein
he did great folly ; for when he was alighted,
they came round about him and began to
speak fair to him and said : ' Sir Robert,
ye are a knight and a man greatly beloved
in this country and renowned a valiant
man ; and though ye be thus, yet we know
you well, ye be no gentleman born, but
son to a villain such as we be. Therefore
come you with us and be our master, and
we shall make you so great a lord, that one
quarter of England shall be under your
obeisance.' When the knight heard them
speak thus, it was greatly contrarious to his
mind, for he thought never to make any
such bargain, and answered them with a
felonous regard : ' Fly away, ye ungracious
people, false and evil traitors that ye be :
would you that I should forsake my natural
lord for such a company of knaves as ye be,
to my dishonour for ever ? I had rather
ye were all hanged, as ye shall be ; for
that shall be your end.' And with those
words he had thought to have leapt again
upon his horse, but he failed of the stirrup
and the horse started away. Then they
cried all at him and said : ' Slay him with-
out mercy.' When he heard those words,
he let his horse go and drew out a good
sword and began to scrimmish with them,
and made a great place about him, that it
was pleasure to behold him. There was
none that durst approach near him : there
were some that approached near him, but
at every stroke that he gave he cut off
other leg, head or arm : there was none
so hardy but that they feared him : he did
there such deeds of arms that it was marvel
to regard. But there were more than forty
thousand of these unhappy people : they
shot and cast at him, and he was unarmed :
to say truth, if he had been of iron or steel,
yet he must needs have been slain ; but
yet, or he died, he slew twelve out of hand,
beside them that he hurt. Finally he was
stricken to the earth, and they cut off his
arms and legs and then strake his body all
to pieces. This was the end of sir Robert
Sale, which was great damage ; for which
deed afterward all the knights and squires
of England were angry and sore displeased
when they heard thereof.
Now let us return to the king. The
Saturday the king departed from the Ward-
robe in the Royal and went to Westminster
and heard mass in the church there, and
all his lords with him. And beside the
church there was a little chapel with an
image of our Lady, which did great miracles
and in whom the kings of England had
ever great trust and confidence. The king
made his orisons before this image and did
there his offering ; and then he leapt on his
horse, and all his lords, and so the king
rode toward London ; and when he had
ridden a little way, on the left hand there
was a way to pass without London.^
The same proper morning Wat Tyler,
Jack Straw and John Ball had assembled
their- company to common together in a
place called Smithfield, whereas every
Friday there is a market of horses ; and
there were together all of affinity more than
twenty thousand, and yet there were many
still in the town, drinking and making
merry in the taverns and paid nothing, for
they were happy that made them best cheer.
And these people in Smithfield had with
them the king's banners, the which were
delivered them the day before, and all
these gluttons were in mind to overrun and
to rob London the same day ; for their
captains said how they had done nothing as
yet. ' These liberties that the king hath
given us is to us but a small profit : there-
fore let us be all of one accord and let us
overrun this rich and puissant city, or they
of Essex, of Sussex, of Cambridge, of Bed-
ford, of Arundel, of Wa-rwick, of Reading,
of Oxford, of Guildford, of Lynn, of Staf-
1 Or rather, ' he found a place on the left hand
to pass without London.'
DEATH OF WAT TYLER {June 15)
259
ford, of Yarmouth, of Lincoln, of York
and of Durham do come hither. For all
these will come hither ; Baker and Lister
will bring them hither ; and if we be first
lords of London and have the possession of
the riches that is therein, we shall not
repent us ; for if we leave it, they that
come after will have it from us.'
To this counsel they all agreed ; and
therewith the king came the same way
unware of them, for he had thought to
have passed that way without London, and
with him a forty horse. And when he
came before the abbey of Saint Bartholo-
mew and beheld all these people, then the
king rested and said how he would go no
farther till he knew what these people
ailed, saying, if they were in any trouble,
how he would rappease them again. The
lords that were with him tarried also, as
reason was when they saw the king tarry.
And when Wat Tyler saw the king tarry,
he said to his people : * Sirs, yonder is the
king : I will go and speak with him. Stir
not from hence, without I make you a sign ;
and when I make you that sign, come on
and slay all them except the king ; but do
the king no hurt, he is young, we shall do
with him as we list and shall lead him with
us all about England, and so sliall we be
lords of all the realm without doubt. ' And
there was a doublet -maker of London
called John Tycle, and he had brought to
these gluttons a sixty doublets, the which
they ware : then he demanded of these
captains who should pay him for his
doublets ; he demanded thirty mark. Wat
Tyler answered him and said : ' Friend,
appease yourself, thou shalt be well paid
or this day be ended. Keep thee near me ;
I shall be thy creditor.' And therewith he
spurred his horse and departed from his
company and came to the king, so near
him that his horse head touched the croup
of the king's horse, and the first word that
he said was this : ' Sir king, seest thou all
yonder people?' 'Yea truly,' said the
king, ' wherefore sayest thou ? ' * Because,'
said he, ' they be all at my commandment
and have sworn to me faith and truth, to
do all that I will have them.' ' In a good
time,' said the king, ' I will well it be so.'
Then Wat Tyler said, as he that nothing
demanded but riot : ' What believest thou,
king, that these people and as many more
as be in London at my commandment,
that they will depart from thee thus with-
out having thy letters?' 'No,' said the
king, ' ye shall have them : they be or-
dained for you and shall be delivered every
one each after other. Wherefore, good
fellows, withdraw fair and easily to your
people and cause them to depart out of
London ; for it is our intent that each of
you by villages and townships shall have
letters patents, as I have promised you.'
With those words Wat Tyler cast his
eyen on a squire that was there with the
king bearing the king's sword, and Wat
Tyler hated greatly the same squire, for
the same squire had displeased him before
for words between them. 'What,' said
Tyler, 'art thou there? Give me thy
dagger.' 'Nay,' said the squire, 'that
will I not do : wherefore should I give it
thee?' The king beheld the squire and
said : ' Give it him ; let him have it.' And
so the squire took it him sore against his
will. And when this Wat Tyler had it, he
began to play therewith and turned it in
his hand, and said again to the squire :
'Give me also that sword.' * Nay,' said
the squire, ' it is the king's sword : thou
art not worthy to have it, for thou art but
a knave ; and if there were no more here
but thou and I, thou durst not speak those
words for as much gold in quantity as all
yonder abbey.' ^ ' By my faith,' said Wat
Tyler, * I shall never eat meat till I have
thy head ' : and with those words the
mayor of London came to the king with a
twelve horses well armed under their coats,
and so he brake the press and saw and
heard how Wat Tyler demeaned himself,
and said to him : ' Ha, thou knave, how
art thou so hardy in the king's presence to
speak such words? It is too much for
thee so to do.' Then the king began to
chafe and said to the mayor : ' Set hands
on him.' And while the king said so,
Tyler said to the mayor : ' A God's name
what have I said to displease thee ? ' ' Yes
truly,' quoth the mayor, 'thou false stinking
knave, shalt thou speak thus in the pres-
ence of the king my natural lord? I com-
mit never to live, without thou shalt dearly
abye it.'^ And with those words the
1 The full text has, 'for as much gold as that
minster of Saint Paul is great.'
2 ' Jamais je veux vivre, si tu ne le compares.'
26o
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
mayor drew out his sword and strake Tyler
so great a stroke on the head, that he fell
down at the feet of his horse, and as soon
as he was fallen, they environed him all
about, whereby he was not seen of his
company. Then a squire of the king's
alighted, called John Standish, and he drew
out his sword and put it into Wat Tyler's
belly, and so he died.
Then the ungracious people there as-
sembled, perceiving their captain slain,
began to murmur among themselves and
said : ' Ah, our captain is slain, let us go
and slay them all ' : and therewith they
arranged themselves on the place in
manner of battle, and their bows before
them. Thus the king began a great out-
rage ; ^ howbeit, all turned to the best : for
as soon as Tyler was on the earth, the
king departed from all his company and all
alone he rode to these people, and said to
his own men : ' Sirs, none of you follow
me ; let me alone.' And so when he came
before these ungracious people, who put
themselves in ordinance to revenge their
captain, then the king said to them : ' Sirs,
what aileth you ? Ye shall have no captain
but me : I am your king : be all in rest
and peace. ' And so the most part of the
people that heard the king speak and saw
him among them, were shamefast and began
to wax peaceable and to depart ; but some,
such as were malicious and evil, would not
depart, but made semblant as though they
would do somewhat.
Then the king returned to his own com-
pany and demanded of them what was best
to be done. Then he was counselled to draw
into the field, for to fly away was no boot.
Then said the mayor : * It is good that we
do so, for I think surely we shall have shortly
some comfort of them of London and of such
good men as be of our part, who are pur-
veyed and have their friends and men
ready armed in their houses.' And in the
mean time voice and bruit ran through
London how these unhappy people were
likely to slay the king and the mayor in
Smith field ; through the which noise all
manner of good men of the king's party
issued out of their houses and lodgings
well armed, and so came all to Smithfield
1 'Outrage' here means 'act of boldness,' as
elsewhere, e.g. 'si fist une grant apertise d'armes
et un grant outrage.'
and to the field where the king was, at
they were anon to the number of seven
eight thousand men well armed. An<
first thither came sir Robert Knolles anj!
sir Perducas d'Albret, well accompaniec
and divers of the aldermen of London, an4
with them a six hundred men in harness
and a puissant man of the city, who wa^
the king's draper,^ called Nicholas Bramber,
and he brought with him a great company ;
and ever as they came, they ranged them
afoot in order of battle : and on the
other part these unhappy people were
ready ranged, making semblance to give
battle, and they had with them divers of
the king's banners. There the king made
three knights, the one the mayor of Lon-
don sir Nicholas Walworth, sir John
Standish and sir Nicholas Bramber. Then
the lords said among themselves : ' What
shall we do? We see here our enemies,
who would gladly slay us, if they might
have the better hand of us.' Sir Robert
Knolles counselled to go and fight witl;
them and slay them all ; yet the kit
would not consent thereto, but said : ' Nai
I will not so : I will send to them cor
manding them to send me again
banners, and thereby we shall see wh^
they will do. Howbeit, other by fairness
or otherwise, I will have them.' 'That is
well said, sir,' quoth the earl of Salisbury.
Then these new knights were sent to them^
and these knights made token to them nc
to shoot at them, and when they came
near them that their speech might be hearc
they said : ' Sirs, the king commandet
you to send to him again his banners, an^
we think he will have mercy of you. ' And
incontinent they delivered again the
banners and sent them to the king. Also
they were commanded on pain of their
heads, that all such as had letters of the
king to bring them forth and to send them
again to the king ; and so many of them
delivered their letters, but not all. Then
the king made them to be all to-torn in
their presence ; and as soon as the king's
banners were delivered again, these un-
happy people kept none array, but the
most part of them did cast down their bows,
and so brake their array and returned into
1 'Qui estoit des draps du roy.> He owned
large estates in Essex and also shops in London.
He became one of the councillors of Richard II.
PUNISHMENT OF THE REBELS
261
London. Sir Robert KnoUes was sore
displeased in that he might not go to slay
them all : but the king would not consent
thereto, but said he would be revenged of
them well enough ; and so he was after.
Thus these foolish people departed, some
one way and some another ; and the king
and his lords and all his company right
ordinately entered into London with great
joy. And the first journey that the king
made he went to the lady princess his
mother, who was in a castle in the Royal
called the Queen's Wardrobe, and there
she had tarried two days and two nights
right sore abashed, as she had good reason ;
and when she saw the king her son, she
was greatly rejoiced and said : ' Ah, fair
son, what pain and great sorrow that I
have suffered for you this day ! ' Then the
king answered and said : * Certainly,
madam, I know it well ; but now rejoice
yourself and thank God, for now it is time.
I have this day recovered mine heritage
and the realm of England, the which I had
near lost.' Thus the king tarried that day
with his mother, and every lord went peace-
ably to their own lodgings. Then there
was a cry made in every street in the king's
name, that all manner of men, not being of
the city of London and have not dwelt
there the space of one year, to depart ; and
if any such be found there the Sunday by
the sun-rising, that they should be taken as
traitors to the king and to lose their heads.
This cry thus made, there was none that
durst brake it, and so all manner of people
departed and sparkled abroad every man
to their own places. John Ball and Jack
Straw were found in an old house hidden,
thinking to have stolen away, but they
could not, for they were accused by their
own men. Of the taking of them the king
and his lords were glad, and then strake off
their heads and Wat Tyler's also, and they
were set on London bridge, and the
valiant men's heads taken down that they
had set on the Thursday before. These
tidings anon spread abroad, so that the
people of the strange countries, which were
coming towards London, returned back
again to their own houses and durst come
no farther.
CHAPTER CCCLXXXV
How the duke of Lancaster kept himself still
in Scotland for fear of this rebellion, and
how the king punished of these traitors the
chief masters.
SUMMARY. — The duke of Lancaster
concluded the treaty with the Scots and re-
turned. On his way he was refused ad-
mittance to the town of Berwick, and
hearing bad news of the rebellion, returned
into Scotland to wait till better tidings came.
He was singularly hated by the rebels, who
spread abroad that he was a traitor to the
realm.
The chapter continues thus : —
Now I shall shew you the vengeance that
the king of England took of these un-
gracious people in the mean season, while
the duke of Lancaster was in Scotland.
When these people were rappeased and
that Baker was executed to death, and
Lister of Stafford,^ Wat Tyler, Jack Straw,
John Ball and divers other at London, then
the king was counselled to go visit his
realm, through every shire, bailiwick and
village, to purge and punish all the said
evil-doers, and to get again all such letters
as by force he had given them in divers
places, and so to bring again his realm in
good order. Then the king sent secretly
for a certain number of men of arms to
come to him at a day appointed, and so
they did to the number of a five hundred
spears and as many archers ; and when they
were all come as the king had devised, the
king departed from London with his house-
hold-men all only and took the way into
Kent, whereas first these ungracious people
began to stir : and these foresaid men of war
followed after the king and coasted him, but
they rode not in his company. The king
entered into Kent and came to a village
called Ospringe, and called the mayor and
all the men of the town before him. And
when they were all come into a fair place,
the king made to be shewed them by one
of his council how they had erred against
the king, and how they had near turned all
England to tribulation and to loss. And
because that the king knew well that this
1 The true reading is 'at Stafford.'
262
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
business was begun by some of them
and not by all, wherefore it were better
that some did bear the blame than all,
therefore he commanded them that they
should shew what they were that were
culpable, on pain to be for ever in the
king's indignation and to be reputed as
traitors against him. And when they that
were there assembled heard that request and
saw well that such as were culpable should
excuse all the other, then they beheld each
other and at last said : * Sir, behold him
here by whom this town was first moved.'
Incontinent he was taken and hanged, and
so there were hanged to the number of
seven ; and the letters that the king had
given them were demanded again, and so
they were delivered again, and torn and
broken before all the people. And it was
said to them all : ' Sirs, ye that be here
assembled, we command you in the king's
name on pain of death every man to go
home to his own house peaceably, and
never to grudge nor rise against the king
nor none of his officers ; and this trespass
that ye have done the king doth pardon
you thereof. ' Then they cried all with one
voice : 'God thank the king's grace and
all his council ! '
In like manner as the king did at Os-
pringe, he did at Canterbury, at Sandwich,
at Yarmouth, at Orwell and in other places
in Kent : ^ in like wise he did in all other
places of his realm, whereas any rebellion
had been ; and there were hanged and
beheaded more than fifteen hundred. Then
the king was counselled to send for his
uncle the duke of Lancaster out of Scot-
land : so the king sent for him by a knight
of his house called sir Nicholas Carnefell.
The knight rode so long that he came to
Edinbro', and there he found the duke and
his company and delivered his letters of
credence from the king. The duke obeyed,
as it was reason, and also gladly he would
return into England to his own heritage, and
so took his way to come to Roxburgh ; and
at his departing he thanked the lords of
vScotland of the comfort that they had done to
him, as in sustaining him in their realm as
1 ' In Kent ' is added by the translator, who
knows even less about the geography than Froissart.
This is due partly to the corruption of the names,
for he writes ' Germeney ' and ' Coneulle ' for
Yarmouth and Orwell.
long as it pleased him. The earl Douglas,
the earl Moray and other of Scotland
brought him to the abbey of Melrose.
Thus the duke came to Roxburgh and to
Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and so to Durham
and to York, and in every place he found]
cities and towns ready apparelled, as it was]
reason.
And the same season there died in London !
a knight called sir Guichard d' Angle, earlj
of Huntingdon and master to the king. He |
was reverently buried in the Friars preachers I
in London. And on the day of his obsequy
there was the king, his two brethren, the
princess his mother and a great number of
prelates, barons and ladies of England, and
there did him great honour. And truly
this gentle knight was well worthy to have ]
honour ; for in his time he had all noble
virtues that a knight ought to have. He
was merry, true, amorous, sage, secret,
large, prewe, hardy, adventurous and chiv-
alrous. Thus ended this gentle knight sir
Guichard d 'Angle.
CHAPTER CCCLXXXVI
The evil will that the duke of Lancaster con-
ceived in his courage for the refuse that]
was made him at Berwick : and how thej
earl of Cambridge arrived in Portugal.
SUMMAR Y.—The duke of Lancaster had '
words with the earl of Northtiniherland ^
because he was refused admission ioBenvick,
but the king and other lords made peace\
between them.
The earl of Cambridge with his fleet ar-\
rived at Lisbon after suffering great peril
on the sea.
Philip d'Arteveldtnade himself feared at
beloved in Ghent. The earl of Flanders laid\
siege to Ghent, but finally, the young lord\
d'Enghien being slain by an ambush, he]
raised the siege and returned to Brtcges.l
A council was held at Harlebecque, to\
which twelve notables of Ghent were senty
to make peace zuith the earl, and certain\
terms were privately agreed to.
DEATH OF GRUTERE AND BETTE, 1382
263
CHAPTER CCCLXXXVII
How two valiant men of Gaunt were slain
by Peter du Bois iind by Philip d' Arteveld.
And of the rebellion at Paris against the
French king.
It is said most commonly, ' If it be as he
doth, it is as he saith. ' ^ Peter du Bois, who
thought himself not well assured of his life
and had his spies about to hear every new
tidings ; and such as had been at this said
treaty had reported in the town how that
this treaty was brought about by Gilbert
Grutere and Simon Eette. And when
Peter du Bois understood it, he was mad
in his mind therefor, and took the matter to
himself and said : * If any be corrected for
this war, yet I shall not be the first, for
the matter shall not go all as they ween.
Shall they that have been at this treaty nile
everything as they list ? Mayhap nay ; I
purpose not yet to die : I think the war
hath not endured so long as it shall do : as
yet such as were my good masters, John
Lyon and William Craffort, their deaths is
not yet well revenged. If the matters be
now in trouble, yet I will bring them into
more trouble. ' And so he did : I shall shew
you how.
The same proper evening that the coun-
cil should have been the next day in the
council-hall, there to hear reported the
treaty that was taken at liarlebecque, Peter
du Bois came the same evening to Philip
d'Arteveld's house and found him in his
chamber, lying in a window musing and
studying. And the first word he spake he
said : ' Philip d'Arteveld, hear you any
tidings ? ' ' Nay truly,' quoth he, ' but that
I hear say our men are returned from the
council at Harlebecque, and to-morrow we
shall hear in the hall what tidings they have
brought.' ' That is true,' quoth Peter, ' but
I know already what ways they have taken
and purpose to take ; for such as have been
there hath shewed it to some of my friends.
Certainly, Philip, the treaty that they have
made and would make lieth on the jeopardy
of our heads ; for if there be peace taken
between the earl and this town, know for
truth that you and I and the lord of
1 The original is, ' S'il est qui fait, il est qui dit,'
' Where there is one to do, there is one to tell.'
Herselle and all such captains as have
aided us in this war shall be the first that
shall die, and the rich men shall go quit :
they will bring us into danger and go them-
selves free, and this was ever the opinion
of John Lyon my master. Always the earl
hath these marmosets about' him, as Gilbert
Mahew and his brethren and the provost of
Harlebecque, who is of the lineage of the
alderman of the mean crafts,* who fled away
with them. We ought wisely to look on
this matter and to see what were best to
do.' Philip answered and said : * Peter, I
shall shew you my mind. Let us give
knowledge of this to all our aldermen and
captains, that they be to-morrow all ready
apparelled in the market-place, and then
let us two enter into the hall with a hun-
dred with us, to hear the content of the
treaty ; and then let me alone, so ye will
avow my deed and abide puissantly by me :
for without we be feared among the com-
mons, it is nothing.' And so they agreed.
Then Peter du Bois departed and sent to
all rulers and captains under him, com-
manding them and all their men to be
ready in the morning in the market-place
to hear tidings. They all obeyed, they
durst do none otherwise, and also they were
ever ready to do evil.
The next morning about the hour of nine
the mayor and aldermen nnd rich men of
the town came into the market-place and
entered into the hall, and thither came
they that had been at the treaty at Harle-
becque. Then thither came Peter du Bois
and Philip d'Arteveld and such of their sect,
well accompanied. And when they were
all assembled and set, such as would sit,
then the lord of Herselle was missed, for
he was not there ; and so he was sent for,
but he excused himself, because he was
sick and not well at ease. ' Say what ye
will,' quoth Peter du Bois, ' for I am here in
his stead : here be enow ; let us hear what
they will say that hath been at Harlebecque. '
Then there rose up two of the notablest men
of the company, Gilbert Grutere and Simon
Bette, and one of them said : ' Lords of
Gaunt, we have been at the parliament at
Harlebecque and have had much pain
and travail, and also so had the good men
of Brabant, of Liege and of Hainault, to
1 'And the provost of Harlebecque, who is of
their lineage, and the dean of the small crafts.'
264
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
make accord and agreement between our
lord the earl of Flanders and us of Gaunt.
Finally at their requests and by the help
of my lady of Brabant, who sent thither
her council and the duke Aubert his,
so that by their means the good town of
Gaunt is come to a peace and to agreement
with our lord the earl in this manner, that
two hundred men of ours, such as he shall
send us their names in writing within
fifteen days, we must send them into the
earl's prison at Lille, to put them clearly
to his mercy and pleasure. He is so free
and so noble, that it is no doubt but that
he will have mercy on them.' With those
words Peter du Bois stept forth and said :
' Gilbert Grutere, how durst you be so bold
to make such agreement as to send two
hundred of our men of Gaunt into the town
of our enemy in great rebuke and shame to
all the town of Gaunt? It were better
Gaunt were turned up-se-down, than they of
Gaunt should have such reproach as to make
war and end it so shamefully. We that
have heard you may well know that ye shall
be none of the two hundred prisoners, nor
also Simon Bette. Ye have chosen for
yourself ; now then we will choose for our-
self. On forth, Philip d'Arteveld, set
hands on these false traitors, that would
betray and dishonour the town of Gaunt.'
Therewith Peter du Bois drew out his
dagger and came to Gilbert Grutere and
strake him into the belly, and so he fell
down dead. And Philip d'Arteveld drew
out his dagger and he strake Simon Bette
and slew him in like wise, and then they
cried, ' Treason, treason ! ' And they that
were slain had of their men above and
beneath, for they were men of great lineage
and the richest men of the town ; but they
gat themselves out of the town to save
themselves, so that there was no more done
but they two slain : but to appease the
people and to bring them to their belief they
sent out of their men crying and saying :
* These false traitors, Gilbert Grutere and
Simon Bette, would have betrayed the
town of Gaunt.' Thus the matter passed ;
these two notable men were slain and no
man to revenge them.
And when the earl of Flanders, being at
Bruges, heard of these tidings, he was sore
displeased and said : ' At the desire of my
cousins of Brabant I lightly agreed to have
peace with them of Gaunt, and now and
before this time they have wrought falsely ;j
but I will they know that they shall never |
have peace again with me, but I will have '
them at my pleasure.'
Thus there was slain in the town oil
Gaunt these two valiant men, rich andl
sage : they might each of them spend of]
their own patrimony two thousand franks f
yearly. They were sore bemoaned privily,
but none durst speak of them openly.
Thus the war was more fiercer thanj
it was before ; for they of the garrisons]
about Gaunt were night and day busy!
to stop all provision coming to Gaunt, sol
that they of Brabant nor of Hainault dursti
not adventure to bring anything to Gaunt ;i
for if the earl's men met any victuallers,
they would slay their horses and bring
them prisoners into Oudenarde or Ter-;
monde, so that all victuallers feared the]
peril thereof.
SUMMARY.— The commons of Paris
made rebellion, breaking up prisons and\
robbing houses. The king and his uncles\
sent the lord of Coucy to appease them.
CHAPTERS CCCLXXXVHI-CCCXCVl
SUMMAR Y. — The lord of Coucy made a
treaty with the Parisians, that instead of the
taxes of which they complaifted they should
pay 10,000 franks weekly to a receiver, to
be spent on paying men of war ; and the
commons of Rouen, tvho also rose, came to a
like treaty.
The king of England was married to the
lady Anne of Bohemia.
The duke of Anjou passed into Italy with
thirty thousand men and entered into Puglia
and Calabria.
In the mean time the English and Gas-
cons continued to fight and plunder in Spain,
until peace was made against their will, and
the king of Castile was married to the
daughter of the king of Portugal.
FAMINE AT GHENT, 1382
265
CHAPTER CCCXCVI
Of the great necessity of victuals that they
of Gaunt endured, and how they were
succoured by them of Liege.
All the season after the destruction and
brenning of the town of Grammont and of
the raising of the siege of Gaunt because
of the displeasure that the earl of Flanders
had for the death of his cousin the young
lord d'Enghien, slain by the ambushment of
the Gauntois, as ye have heard herebefore,
the knights and squires nor good towns
made no war to them of Gaunt but by garri-
sons ; so that all the country held with the
earl against Gaunt except the Four Mestiers,
and so by them some victual came into
Gaunt, and some victual came into Gaunt
out of the county of Alost ; but the earl of
Flanders, as soon as he knew that, he found
remedy ; for incontinent he sent to the
garrison of Termonde commanding them
to overrun and to bren all the plain country
of the county of Alost, which was done at
his commandment, so that the poor folks
with their beasts were fain to fly away into
Brabant and into Hainault, and the most
part to go a-begging. Yet there was a
country pertaining to the Four Mestiers,^
from whom there came ever some aid or
victual into Gaunt. Thus all this winter
the earl and they of Flanders constrained
so sore them of Gaunt, that they could
have nothing come to them nother by land
nor by water. The earl had so won his
cousins, the duke of Brabant and duke
Aubert, that their countries were kept close
against them of Gaunt, so that nothing
came to them from thence, without it were
by stealth and by great adventure and peril
for them that did it. The sage men said
how it could not long endure, but that they
must die for famine ; for all their garners
were void and the people could get no
bread for no money, and when any bread
was baken in the town, they were fain to
keep it by strong hand, or else the common
people that died for hunger would have
taken it by force. It was great pity to see
and to hear the poor people, both men,
women and children, yea, such as were
right notable fell in this danger, and every
1 ' Yet there remained one country, that which is
called the Quatre-Meticrs.'
day increased the complaints, weepings and
cries made to Philip d'Arteveld their sove-
reign captain, who had of them great pity
and compassion and made many good
orders, whereof he was greatly praised :
for he caused the garners of the abbeys to
be opened, and of rich men, and set a rea-
sonable price of the corn, whereby the
town was greatly comforted. And some
corn there came to them by stealth out
of Holland and Zealand, and tuns full of
flour and biscuit bread, the which greatly
comforted them ; for they had been long
discomfited before, if they had not been
comforted by these said countries. It was
defended in all Brabant by the duke that
on pain of death they should carry anything
to Gaunt, but if they of Gaunt would jeopard
to fetch any, then they might give them or
sell to them at their pleasure.
And when the time of Lent came, then
were they in great distress, for they had no
lenten stuff". Then there departed out of
the town a twelve thousand of soldiers and
such as had nothing to live by but were
overcome with famine, and so they came
to the town of Bnissels. The town closed
their gates against them, for they feared
them, they knew not their thoughts.
When they were near to Brussels, they sent
a certain of their company unarmed to the
gate of the town, and there they desired
them of the town for God's sake to have
pity of them, as to suflfer them to have
victual for their money, saying how they
died for hunger, and sware how they
thought none evil to them nor to the country
about. The good men of Brussels had pity
on them and brought them victual for their
money, and so they passed their time about
in the country the space of three weeks,
but they could enter into no good town ;
and so they came to Louvain, who had pity
on them and did them much good and re-
freshing : their captain and leader was
Francis Ackerman, he made the treaties for
them with the good towns.
And in this season, while they of Gaunt
lay in the marches of Louvain, their captain
spake with the masters of the city of Liege,
and they had compassion on them and so
had the bishop of Liege, sir Arnold d'Arcle,^
1 John d'Arckel bishop of Liege died in 1378,
and was succeeded by Arnold de Homes, who was
bishop at this time.
266
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
and promised them to send to the earl of
Flanders and to do so much as to make
their peace, saying unto them : ' Ah, ye
good men of Gaunt, if the country of Liege
were as near to you as Brabant is, or Hai-
nault, ye should be otherwise comforted by
us than ye be by them, to maintain your
franchise. Howbeit, we shall aid you as
much as we may : we will that ye that be
merchants and use merchandise may go and
come through the country, as it is reason,
to the sum of five or six hundred carts laded
with corn, so that the owners of the corn
may be truly paid therefor. They will
suffer our merchandise to pass through
Brabant, they and we are at a peace, and
though it be so that Brussels be closed, we
know it well it is more for fear than for any
evil will, for they have of you great com-
passion ; but the duke of Brabant and the
duchess at the desire of their cousin the
earl of Flanders inclineth rather to his part
than to yours, as it is reason, for always
great lords will hold each with other.' Of
these offers and love that the Liegeois
offered to the Gauntois they were thereof
greatly rejoiced and thanked them heartily,
and said how of such people and friends
the Gauntois had great need.
Francis Ackerman and the burgesses of
Gaunt that were in the city of Liege took
leave of the masters of Liege, who ordained
certain men to go with them into the
country to get them chares ; and so in two
days they had a six hundred charged with
corn, whereof they had most need. And
so they went forth with their carriage and
passed between Louvain and Brussels ; and
when Francis Ackerman came to his com-
pany, he shewed them the love and courtesy
that they of Liege had offered them and
offereth yet to do, and moreover he said
how he would go to Brussels to speak with
the duchess of Brabant and to desire her to
find some means how the good town of
Gaunt might have peace with the earl of
Flanders. And so he sent unto her to
know her pleasure, and she was content
that he should come and speak with her,
and so he went to Brussels.
The same time the duke of Brabant was
at Luxembourg, and so this Francis and
three with him ^ entered into Brussels, and
so came to the duchess to her lodging at
1 ' Lui troisieme,' 'and two with him.'
Codeberg. The duchess had part of hef
council about her : then Francis Acker-
man kneeled down before her and said :•
' Right honourable and dear lady, through"
your benign grace may it please you to have
pity and compassion of them of Gaunt,
who can come to no mercy with the earl of j
Flanders by no means. Right dear lady,
if by your means ye could cause my lord]
the earl to descend to some reason and to
have pity of these poor men of Gaunt, yej
should do herein a great alms-deed, and,
madam, they of Liege would gladly helj
thereto to the best of their powers.' Thenj
the lady answered right humbly and said
how that the dissension between her cousin
the earl and them of Gaunt displeased her;
right greatly, and how that long or that I
time she would gladly there had been a
peace between them, if she could have]
found any means how : but also she said
' Ah, ye sirs of Gaunt, ye have so ofttimes
displeased him and have holden so marvel-
lous opinions against him, which hath causedl
him to sustain still his displeasure against
you. Howbeit, for God's sake and for]
pity I shall employ me herein to do th<
best I can. I shall send to him desiring
that he will come to Tournay, and there
shall be my council, and do you so mucl;
that ye may have there the council of Hain
nault and of Liege, as ye say they will."
' Yea truly, madam,' quoth he, ' so thej
have promised us.' 'Well,' quoth th(
duchess, ' and ye shall see that I shall do'
the best I can.' 'Madam,' quoth they,
' God reward you both bodily and ghostly.'
And so took their leave and departed fromJ
Brussels, and so came to their company and!
chariots, who tarried for them, and then|
they did so much that they came to theii
town of Gaunt.
When the tidings came to Gaunt that
their men were returned and had brought
with them more than six hundred chares
with victual, they were right joyful. How-
beit, all that they brought would not suffice
the town of Gaunt the space of fifteen days,
yet to them that were discomforted it was
a great comfort. And so there went against
this carriage much people in manner of
procession, and kneeled and held up their
hands to the merchants that brought it,
saying : ' Ah, ye good people, ye have done
great alms thus to comfort the mean people
CONFERENCE AT TOURNAY
267
of Gaunt, who had nothing to live by, if ye
had not come. First laud and praise be to
God, and then to you.' And so these chares
were conveyed into the market-place and
there discharged ; and so this corn was
divided and delivered by weight to them
that had most need, and so five thousand
of them of Gaunt conveyed again these
chares into Brabant out of danger.
All this knew well the carl of Flanders,
being at Bruges, and knew well they of
Gaunt were so sore constrained, that they
could not long endure. He was nothing
sorry of their poverty, no more were his
council, who would gladly have seen the
destruction of the town, as Gilbert Mahew
and his brethren with other. All this fell
in the Lent in the month of March and
April the year of our Lord God a thousand
three hundred fourscore and one.^ The
earl of Flanders was in purpose to come
more puissantly than ever he did to lay
siege before Gaunt, and was determined to
enter on the Four Mestiers and to bren all
before him, because they had aided Gaunt
with victual. The earl sent his mind and
intent to all the good towns of Flanders,
commanding them to be ready, for the pro-
cession day once past at Bruges, he said he
would depart to go and lay siege before
Gaunt, and also he wrote to all knights
and squires that held of him in Hainault,
that they should be with him at Bruges
within eight days after.
CHAPTER CCCXCVH
The hard answer that the earl of Flanders
made to them of Gaunt. And of the
number of men of arms that were then at
Paris in France.
For all the summons that the earl of
Flanders made, yet the duchess of Brabant
and the duke Aubert and the bishop of
Liege travailed so much with the earl, that
a day was set that their council should meet
to treat for a peace in the city of Tournay.
Though the earl were loath thereto, yet at
the desire of these lords he agreed to have
a council for that matter in the city of
Tournay the week after Easter the year of
our Lord a thousand three hundred four-
score and two, and to be there himself.
\ The year is reckoned, as usual by Froissart, to
begin at Easter, which fell on 6th April.
At this day assigned, thither came the
bishop of Liege, and of the good towns to
the number of twelve, and sir Lambert of
Oupey, a right sage knight. Also the
duchess of Brabant sent thither the most
notablest persons of her council and cer-
tain of every good town. Also duke Aubert
sent thither out of the county of Hainault
his council, as sir Simon de Lalain his
bailiff and divers other. All these came to
Tournay in Easter week : and they of
Gaunt sent thither twelve notable persons,
whereof Philip d'Arteveld was chief; and
all they of Gaunt were agreed, whatsoever
end these twelve made, so that none of
them should suffer death, if it pleased the
earl they were content to be banished
Gaunt and the county of Flanders for ever,
and so hereupon they were concluded.
And Philip d'Arteveld had so much pity
of the common people, that for all the dis-
pleasure that he had done to the earl, yet
he was content to put himself into the
earl's mercy. And so when he dej arted
from Gaunt to go to Tournay, men, women
and children fell down on their knees before
him holding up their hands, desiring him,
whatsoever mischief they endured, that he
would bring them peace ; of the which cry
he had such pity, that he was determined
to do as it is shewed before.
When they of Liege, of Hainault and of
Brabant had been in Tournay the space of
three days after the day appointed was
past, and saw that the earl came not nor
was not coming, they had great marvel and
then took counsel together and determined
to send to Bruges to him, and so they
did. And they sent to him sir Lambert of
Oupey, and of Brabant the lord of Crupe-
lant, and of Hainault sir William of
Herimez, and six burgesses of the three
countries. And when the earl saw these
three knights, he made them great cheer,
as it was reason, and when he knew their
message, he answered them how it was not
his ease to come to Tournay as at that
time ; howbeit, he said, because they were
come and travailed to have him to Tour-
nay, and for the honour of such as were
come thither, and at the instance of my lady
of Brabant his sister and of duke Aubert
his cousin and the bishop of Liege, he said
he was content to send hastily to Tournay
a final answer by some of his council.
268
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
These three knights could have none other
answer of him as at that time, and so they
returned again to Tournay and shewed how
the earl answered them. And a six days
after there came to Tournay from the earl
the lord of Ramseflies and the lord of Grut-
huse and sir John Vilain and the provost of
Harlebecque, and they excused the earl
because he came not ; and then they de-
clared the earl's full intent as touching the
peace, saying how they of Gaunt can have
no peace with the earl without that they
w ill generally, all manner of men in Gaunt
of the ages between fifteen and sixty, come
out of the town of Gaunt in their shirts,
bare-headed, with halters about their necks,
and so meet the earl between Bruges and
Gaunt, and the earl to do with them his
pleasure, other to let them live or to put
them all to death at his pleasure.
When this answer was made and the re-
lation thereof declared to them of Gaunt
by the councils of these three countries,
then they were more abashed than ever
they were before. Then the bailiff of Hai-
nault said to them : * Sirs, ye be in great
peril : every man take heed to himself. I
think, if ye take this way and put your-
selves at his will, he will not put all to
death that he seeth in his presence ; per-
adventure some he will, as such as hath dis-
pleased him more than other; I think he
shall have such means of pity, that per-
adventure such as weeneth himself to be
most in peril may hap to come to pardon
and mercy. Therefore, sirs, I would coun-
sel you to takelihis offer and refuse it not ;
for if ye do, I think it will be long or ye
recover again such another offer.' 'Sir,'
quoth Philip d'Arteveld, * we have no such
charge to go so far as to bring the good
people of Gaunt into that point ; for I
ensure you they will not so do. For, sir,
when we be come again to Gaunt and have
shewed them the earl's pleasure, know for
truth they will not do it : if they will, I
ensure you they shall not be let for us.
Sir, we thank you for the travail and good
diligence that ye have had in this matter. '
And so then they of Gaunt took their leave
of the councils of these three countries and
made well semblant that they would in no
wise agree to this purpose, and so departed
and returned to Gaunt through Brabant.
So thus brake up this council at Tournay
and every man went home. Then the earl
of Flanders demanded what answer they of i
Gaunt made, and it was shewed him. The
earl as then set little price by them, for he
knew well they had endured and suffered
so much that they could never suffer noj
longer : wherefore he thought he should
have shortly an honourable end of the war,
and to bring Gaunt into that point that all ;
other towns should take ensample by it.
The same season the commons of Paris i
began again to murmur because the king!
came not thither, and they feared lest the
king would have come suddenly on them
with a certain men of war and overrun the
city, and to have put to death whom he had
list : and for doubt of that peril they made -
great watch every night in the streets and |
market-places and raised up their chains,
that no man should ride nor enter in among I
them, and if any person were found abroadj
after nine of the clock, without he were well
known among them, he was but dead. S(
they were in Paris rich men and other men|
of arms to the number of thirty thousand,
as well harnessed at all pieces as any knightj
ought to be ; and also they had servants
right well harnessed, bearing great mallets
of iron and steel to confound helms, an('
when they were numbered and viewed,
they thought themselves able to fight witl
the greatest prince in all the world. These
people were called the routs and mallets ^
of Paris.
CHAPTER CCCXCVIII
How that a five thousand Gauntois issuec
out of Gaunt to fight with the earl ant
with them of Bruges after the answer that
Philip dArteveld had shewed them.
When Philip d'Arteveld and his company
entered again into Gaunt, a great numbel
of the common people desiring nothing bu^
peace were right joyful of their coming,;
trusting to hear some good tidings. The)
came against him and could not restrain,
but demanded tidings, saying : ' Ah, deal
sir Philip d'Arteveld, rejoice us with somel
good word, let us know how ye have sped ' :
to which demands Philip gave none answer,
1 ' Les routes a mailletz,' ' the companies with
the mallets,' etc.
SPEECH OF PHILIP D'ARTEVELD {April 30)
269
but passed by holding down his head. The
more he held his peace, the more the people
followed him, pressing to hear some tidings,
and once or twice as he rode to his lodging-
ward, he said to them that followed him :
* Sirs, return to your houses : for this day
God aid you, and to-morrow at nine of the
clock come into the market-place, and
then ye shall hear the tidings that I can
shew you.' Other answer could they have
none of him, whereof every man was greatly
abashed.
And when Philip d'Arteveld was alighted
at his lodging, and such as had been at
Tournay with him, and every man gone to
their own lodgings, then Peter du Bois,
who desired to hear some tidings, came in
the evening to Philip's house, and so then
they two went together into a chamber.
Then Peter demanded of him how he had
sped, and Philip, who would hide nothing
from him, said : ' By my faith, Peter, by
that the earl of Flanders hath answered by
his council sent to Tournay, he will take
no manner of person within the town of
Gaunt to mercy, no more one than another. '
'By my faith,' quoth Peter, *to say the
truth, he doth but right to do so ; he is
well counselled to be of that opinion, for
they be all part -takers, as well one as
another. Now the matter is come even
after mine intent, and also it was the intent
of my good master John Lyon that is dead ;
for now the town will be so troubled, that
it will be hard ever to appease it again.
Now it is time to take bridle in the teeth :
now it shall be seen who is sage and who is
hardy in the town of Gaunt : other shortly
the town of Gaunt shall be the most hon-
oured town in Christendom, or else the
most desolate : at the least if we die in this
quarrel, we shall not die all alone. There-
fore, Philip, remember yourself well this
night, how ye may make relation to-morrow
to the people of the determination of your
council holden now at Tournay, and that
ye may shew it in such manner, that the
people may be content with you : for ye
have already the grace of the people for
two causes : one is because of your name,
for sometime Jaques d'Arteveld your father
was marvellously well beloved ; the other
cause is, ye entreat the people meekly and
sagely, as the common saying is throughout
the town, wherefore the people will believe
you, to live or die : and at the end shew
them your counsel and say how ye will do
thus and thus, and they will all say the
same. Therefore it behoveth you to take
good advice in shewing words, whereon
lieth your honour.' * Truly,' quoth Philip,
' ye say truth : and I trust so to speak and
shew the besynes of Gaunt, that we who are
now governours and captains shall other
live or die with honour.' So thus they
departed for that night each from other :
Peter du Bois went home to his house, and
Philip d'Arteveld abode still in his.
Ye may well know and believe that when
the day desired was come, that Philip
d'Arteveld should generally report the
effect of the council holden at Tournay, all
the people of the town of Gaunt drew them
to the market-place, on a Wednesday in
the morning ; and about nine of the bell
Philip d'Arteveld, Peter du Bois, Peter de
Wintere, Francis Ackerman and the other
captains came thither and entered up into
the common hall. Then Philip leaned
out at a window and began to speak, and
said : * O all ye good people, it is of truth
that at the desire of the right honourable
lady my lady of Brabant and the right
noble duke Aubert, bailiff^ of Hainault,
Holland and Zealand, and of my lord the
bishop of Liege, there was a council agreed
and accorded to be at Tournay, and thereat
to be personally the earl of Flanders, and
so he certified to these said lords, who
have nobly acquitted themselves, for they
sent thither right notable councillors and
knights and burgesses of good towns. And
so they and we of this good town of Gaunt
were there at the day assigned looking and
abiding for the earl of Flanders, who came
not nor would not come : and when they
saw that he came not nor was not coming,
then they sent to him to Bruges three knights
for the three countries and burgesses for
the good towns, and they travailed so much
for our sakes that they went to him to Bruges,
and there they found him, who made them
great cheer, as they said, and heard well
their message ; but he answered them and
said that for the honour of their lords and
for the love of his sister the lady of Brabant,
he said, he would send his council to
Tournay within five or six days after, so
well instructed by him that they should
1 That IS, 'ruler.'
270
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
\
plainly shew the full of his intention and
mind. Other answer could they none
have, and so they returned again to us to
Tournay. And then the day assigned by
the earl there came from him to Tournay
the lord of Ramseflies, the lord of Gruthuse,
sir John Vilain and the provost of Harle-
becque ; and there they shewed graciously
their lord's will and certain arrest of this
war, how the peace might be had between
the earl and the town of Gaunt. First,
determinately they said, the earl will that
every man in the town of Gaunt except
prelates of churches and religious, all that
be above the age of fifteen year and under
the age of sixty, that they all in their shirts,
bare-headed and bare-footed, with halters
about their necks, avoid the town of Gaunt
and so go a twelve mile thence into the
plain of Buscampfeld, and there they shall
meet the earl of Flanders accompanied with
such as it shall please him : and so when
he seeth us in that case, holding up our
hands and crying for mercy, then he shall
have pity and compassion on us, if it please
him : but, sirs, I cannot know by the re-
lation of any of his council but that by
shameful punition of justice there shall
suffer death the most part of the people
that shall appear there that day. Now,
sirs, consider well if ye will come to peace
by this means or not.'
When Philip d' Arte veld had spoken
these words, it was great pity to see men,
women and children weep and wring their
hands for love of their fathers, brethren,
husbands and neighbours. And after this
torment and noise Philip d'Arteveld began
again to speak and said : ' Peace, sirs,
peace ! ' and incontinent every man was
still. Then he began to speak and said :
' Ah, ye good people of Gaunt, ye be here
now assembled the most part, and ye have
heard what I have said. Sirs, I see none
other remedy but short counsel, for ye
know well what necessity we be in for lack
of victual : I am sure there be thirty
thousand in this town that did eat no bread
this fifteen days past. Sirs, of three things
we must of necessity do the one. The first
is, if ye will let us enclose ourselves in this
town and mure up all our gates, and then
confess us clean to God and let us enter
into the churches and minsters, and so let
us die for famine repentant of our sins, like
martyrs and such people as no man will
have mercy of : yet in this estate God shall
have mercy of our souls, and it shall be
said in every place where it shall be heard,
that we be dead valiantly and like true
people. Or else secondly let us all, men,
women and children, go with halters about
our necks, in our shirts, and cry mercy to
my lord the earl of Flanders : I think his
heart will not be so indurate, as when he
seeth us in that estate, but that his heart
will mollify and take mercy of his people ;
and as for myself I will be the first of all to
appease his displeasure, I shall present my
head and be content to die for them of
Gaunt. Or else thirdly let us choose out
in this town five or six thousand men of the
most able and best appointed, and let us
go hastily and assail the earl at Bruges and
fight with him ; and if we die in this voyage,
at the least it shall be honourable and God
shall have pity of us and all the world shall
say that valiantly and truly we have kept and
maintained our quarrel. And in this battle,
if God will have pity of us, as anciently he
put his puissance into the hands of [Judith,
as our fathers tell us, who slew Holofernes
that was under] ^ Nabugodonosor, duke
and master of his chivalry, by whom the
Assyrians were discomfited, then shall we
be reputed the most honourable people that
hath reigned sith the days of the Romans.
Now, sirs, take good heed which of these
three ways ye will take, for one of them
must ye needs take.'
Then such as were next him and had
heard him best said : ' Ah, sir, all we have
our trust in you to counsel us, and, sir, look,
as ye counsel us, so shall we fojlow. ' ' By
my faith,' quoth Philip, ' then I counsel
you, let us go with an army of men against
the earl : we shall find him at Bruges, and
as soon as he shall know of our coming, he
will issue out to fight with us by the pride
of them of Bruges and of such as be about
him, who night and day informeth andi
stirreth him to fight with us. And if God
will by his grace that we have the victory
and discomfit our enemies, then shall we
be recovered for ever and the most honoured
people of the world ; and if we be discom-
fited, we shall die honourably and God
shall have pity of us and thereby all the
1 The words in brackets were omitted in the
translator's French text.
MARCH TOWARDS BRUGES
271
other people in Gaunt shall escape and the
earl will have mercy on them.' And there-
with they all answered with one voice :
' We will do thus, we will do thus, we will
make none other end.' Then Philip an-
swered and said : * Sirs, if it be your wills
to do thus, then return home to your houses
and make ready your harness, for to-morrow
some time of the day I will that we depart
out of Gaunt and go toward Bruges, for the
abiding here is nothing for us profitable ;
and within five days we shall know if we
shall die or live with honour : and I shall
send the constables of every parish from
house to house to choose out the most able
and best appointed men.'
In this estate every man departed out of
the market - place and made them ready ;
and this Wednesday they kept the town so
close, that nother man nor woman entered
nor issued out of the town till the Thursday
in the morning, that every man was ready,
such as should depart ; and they were to
the number of five thousand men and not
past, and they had with them two hundred
chares of ordnance and artillery, and but
seven carts of victual, five of biscuit bread
and two tun of wine, for in all they had but
two tun and left no more behind them in
the town. This was a hard departing,
and they that were left behind were hardly
bestead. It was pity to behold them that
went forth, and they that abode behind
said to them : * Sirs, now at your departure
ye know what ye leave behind you, but
never think to come hither again without
ye come with honour ; for if it be other-
wise, ye shall find here nothing, for as soon
as we hear tidings that ye be other slain or
discomfited, we shall set the town afire and
destroy ourselves like people despaired.'
Then they that went forth said to comfort
them : * Sirs, pray to God for us, for we
trust he shall help us and you also, or we
return again.' Thus these five thousand
departed from Gaunt with their small pro-
vision, and that Thursday they went and
lay a mile ^ without Gaunt, and brake not up
their provision but passed that night with
such things as they found abroad in the
country ; and the Friday they went forth,
not touching as yet their victual, for the
foragers found somewhat in the country.
^ ' A league ' : but the best reading
et demie.'
une heure
wherewith they passed that day, and so
lodged a seven mile^ from Bruges, and
there rested and took a place of ground
at their device, abiding their enemies ; and
before them there was a great plash of
standing water, wherewith they fortified
themselves on the one part, and on the
other part with their carriages. And so
they passed that night.
CHAPTER CCCXCIX
Of the order of the battle of the Gauntois,
and how they discomfited the earl and
them of Bruges, and by what means.
And when it came to the Saturday in the
morning, the weather was fair and clear
and a holiday called in Bruges, for that
day of custom they made processions. ^
Then tidings came to them how the
Gauntois were come thither. And then ye
should have seen great murmurings in
Bruges, so that at last word thereof came
to the earl and to his company, whereof
the earl had great marvel and said : ' Be-
hold yonder ungracious people of Gaunt ;
I trow the devil hath brought them to their
destruction : now is the time come to have
an end of this war.' And so then his
knights and squires came to him, and he
received them graciously and said to them :
' We shall go fight with yonder unhappy
people of Gaunt : yet,' quoth the earl,
' they had rather die by the sword than by
famine.' Then the earl was counselled to
send three men of arms into the field to see
the demeanour of his enemies. And so
then the marshal of Flanders appointed
out three squires, vafiant men of arms, to
go and see the behaving of the Gauntois,
as Lambert of Lambres, Damas of Bussy
and John of Bourc, and so they three de-
parted from Bruges and rode toward their
enemies. And in the mean time, while
these three went forth, they of Bruges made
them ready to issue out to go and fight
with the Gauntois. Of whom I shall shew
somewhat of their order.
This Saturday in the morning Philip
d'Arteveld ordained and commanded that
1 ' A une grande lieue.'
2 The day was 3d May, Invention of the Cross,
' le jour Saint-Helaine,' as Froissart calls it.
272
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
every man should make him ready to God,
and caused masses to be sung in divers
places by certain friars that were with him,
and so every man confessed him and prayed
to God for grace and mercy. And there
were certain sermons made enduring an
hour and a half, and there it was shewed
to people by these friars and clerks, figur-
ing them to the people of Israel, whom
king Pharaon kept long in servitude, and
how after by the grace of God they were
delivered and led into the land of behest
by Moses and Aaron, and king Pharaon
and the Egyptians slain and taken. ' In
like wise,' quoth these friars, *ye good
people, ye be kept in servitude by your
lord the earl of Flanders and by your neigh-
bours of Bruges, before whom now ye be
come and shall be fought with by all likeli-
hood, for your enemies have great will to
fight with you, for they fear little your puis-
sance. But, sirs, take no heed to that, for
God, who knoweth and seeth all thing, shall
have mercy on you ; nor think nothing of
that ye have left behind you, for ye may
well know it is without recoverance, if ye
be discomfited : therefore sell your lives
valiantly and die, if there be none other
remedy honourably. And be not dismayed,
though great puissance of people issue out
of Bruges against you, for victory lieth not
in puissance of people, but it is all only in
God, and by his grace it hath been often-
times seen, as well by the Maccabees as by
the Romans, that a small people of good
will trusting in the grace of God hath dis-
comfited a great number of people. And,
sirs, in this quarrel ye have good right and
a just cause, and therefore by many reasons
ye ought to be hardy and of good comfort. '
Thus with such words and other these
friars preached to the people that morning,
wherewith they were well content. And
three parts of the host were houselled, shew-
ing themselves to have great trust in God.
And after these masses sung, then they
assembled together on a little hill, and
there Philip d' Arteveld by great sentence ^
shewed them from point to point the right
that they thought they had in their quarrel,
and how that oftentimes the town of Gaunt
had required their lord the earl to have
1 'Parla de grand sentement,' 'spoke with great
earnestness ' : ' sentement ' usually means ' know-
ledge' or 'conviction.'
mercy on them, but they could never cora^
to no point with him, but to the great cor
fusion and damage of the town of Gaui
and to the inhabitants thereof : also sayinj
how they were then come so far forth, thai
to recule again they could not, and also'
then to return, all things considered, they
could win nothing thereby, for they had
left nothing behind them but poverty and
heaviness ; and moreover he said : ' Sirs,
think nother of your wives nor children,
but think of your honour.' Thus such fair
words Philip d'Arteveld shewed among
them, for he was well languaged and could
speak right well, and well it became him ;
and finally he said : ' Now, fair lords, let
us truly and equally depart our victual each
to other like brethren, without any manner
of outrage ; for when this is spent, it must
behove us to seek for new, if we think to
live.' And so then right humbly the chares
were discharged and the bread was divided
by the constables, and the two tuns of
wine the bottoms were set upward, and so
there they dined with the bread and with
the wine, and were content with their small
repast for that time, and felt themselves
better disposed both in courage and in their
members than an they had eaten more
meat. And when this dinner was past,
then they set themselves in order and drew
themselves within their ribaudeux, the
which were high stakes bound with iron
and sharp pointed, which they used ever to
bear with them in their war, and so they
set them before their battle and closed
themselves within them, and in this estate
the three squires that were sent from the
earl to see their demeaning found them ; for
they approached so near that they might well
aview them, for they came just to their stakes :
but the Gauntois never stirred for all them,
but let them alone and made semblant tha^l
they were right joyful of their coming. fll
Then these currours rode to Bruges to
the earl, and found him in his lodging with
a great number of knights and squires with
him : so they came through the press to the
earl, and they spake out aloud, because the
earl would they should be heard ; and so
there they shewed how they had ridden so
near to the Gauntois, that they might have
shot at them if they had list, but they
suffered them to pass peaceably, and also
they shewed how they had seen their
VICTORY OF THE GAUNTOIS {May z)
273
banners. Then the earl demanded what
number of people they were by estimation :
they answered that surely, as far as they
could descry, they passed not a five or six
thousand. Then the earl said : ' Well, let
every man apparel himself ; I will go fight
with them : they shall not depart without
battle.' And therewith the trumpets did
sown through Bruges, and then every man
armed him and assembled in the market-
place, and set themselves in order with their
banners, as was the usage. And before the
earl's lodging assembled lords, knights and
squires.
When everything was ready, then the
earl went to the market-place and saw
there great number of people well ordered
and arranged, whereof he rejoiced ; and so
at his commandment every man drew in
bone order into the fields. It was great
pleasure to behold them ; they were a forty
thousand armed men, and so, what a-horse-
back and afoot, they came near to the
place where the Gauntois were, and there
they rested ; and by that time that the earl
was come thither, it was past noon and the
sun began to decline. Then some said to
the earl : * Sir, ye see yonder your enemies :
they be but a handful of men, as to the
regard of your company, and, sir, they
cannot fly away. We would counsel you
not to fight with them this night ; let them
alone till to-morrow : and, sir, thereby ye
shall see what they will do ; they shall be
feebler than they be now, for they have
nothing to eat.' The earl accorded well to
that counsel, and would that it should so
have been done ; but they of Bruges were
so hot and hasty to fight, that they would
not abide, but said, ' Set on them, they
shall not long endure ' ; and so then they
of Bruges began to shoot guns at them :
and then they of Gaunt discharged at once
three hundred gims at one shot, and so
turned about the plash of water and caused
the sun to be in the eyen of them of Bruges,
the which grieved them sore, and so entered
in among them and cried ' Gaunt ! ' And
as soon as they of Bruges heard them cry
' Gaunt ! ' and heard so many guns come
in among them, and saw how they set full
front on them, like false-hearted people and
of evil courage they gave way to the
Gauntois to enter in among them ; and so
without any defence they cast down their
T
weapons and turned their backs. Then
the Gauntois, seeing well how their enemies
were discomfited, kept themselves still
close together and beat down on both sides
and before them, and ever went forth crying
' Gaunt ! ' saying also, ' Follow, follow, our
enemies are discomfited, and let us enter
into Bruges with them : God hath regarded
us this evening by his pity.' And as they
said, so they did ; for they pursued them of
Bruges sharply, and as they overtook them
they slew them, and tarried not but kept
on still their way, and ever they of Bruges
fled on before. There were many slain
and beaten down, for among them of
Bruges there was no defence. I trow there
was never so unhappy people nor more re-
creantly maintained themselves, for all the
great pride and bobance that they were of
before. Some would think and suppose by
imagination that there had been some
treason, the which was not so : it was
none other but their simple defence and
evil fortune that fell on them.
CHAPTER CCCC
How the town of Bruges was taken by the
Gauntois, and how the earl of Flanders
saved himself in a poor woman's house in
the town of Bruges.
When the earl of Flanders and the com-
pany that was about him saw the evil order
and rule of them of Bruges, and saw how
they were discomfited by their own folly,
and could see no recoverance, for they
fled away before the Gauntois, the earl then
was abashed and all they that were about
him, and so discomfited that they fle*d away
every man to save himself. Of a truth, if
they of Bruges would have returned again
and assailed the Gauntois with their help,
they had been likely to have recovered all
again ; but they saw no remedy, for they
fled toward Bruges as fast as they might,
the father tarried not for the son nor the
son for the father. So then the men of
arms and all brake their array, but they
had no list to take the way to Bruges :
the press was so great in the way toward
Bruges, that it was marvel to see, and
to hear the clamour and cry of them that
were slain and hurt, and the Gauntois
274
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
following them of Bruges crying, ' Gaunt,
Gaunt ! ' still going forward and beating
down of people. The most part of the
men of arms would not put themselves in
that peril : howbeit, the earl was counselled
to draw to Bruges and to be one of the
first that should enter, and then to close
the gates, to the intent that the Gauntois
should not be lords of Bruges. The earl
seeing none other remedy, nor no recover-
ance by abiding in the field, for he saw
well every man fled and also it was dark
night, wherefore he believed the counsel
that was given him and so took the way
toward Bruges with his banner before him,
and so came to the gate and entered with
the first, and a forty with him : then he set
men to keep the gate, and to close it if the
Gauntois did follow. Then the earl rode
to his own lodging and sent all about the
town commanding every man on pain of
death to draw to the market-place. The
intention of the earl was to recover the
town by that means ; but he did not, as ye
shall hear after.
In the mean time that the earl was at his
lodging and sent forth the clerks of every
ward from street to street, to have every
man to draw to the market-place to recover
the town, the Gauntois pursued so fiercely
their enemies, that they entered into the
town with them of Bruges ; and as soon as
they were within the town, the first thing
they did they went straight to the market-
place and there set themselves in array.
The earl as then had sent a knight of his
called sir Robert Marescal to the gate, to
see what the Gauntois did, and when he
came to the gate, he found the gate beaten
down ^nd the Gauntois masters thereof;
and some of them of Bruges met with him
and said : ' Sir Robert, return and save
yourself if ye can, for the town is won by
them of Gaunt.' Then the knight returned
to the earl as fast as he might, who was
coming out of his lodging a-horseback with
a great number of cressets and lights with
him, and was going to the market-place.
Then the knight shewed the earl all that
he knew : howbeit, the earl, willing to re-
cover the town, drew to the market-place ;
and as he was entering, such as were before
him, seeing the place all ranged with the
Gauntois, said to the earl : * Sir, return
again : if ye go any farther, ye are but
;ed
i
dead or taken with your enemies, for th^
are ranged on the market-place and d
abide for you.' They shewed him truth
and when the Gauntois saw the clearne:
of the lights coming down the street, th
said : ' Yonder cometh the earl : he sh
come into our hands.' And Philip d'Art
veld had commanded from street to street
as he went,^ that if the earl came among
them, that no man should do to him any
bodily harm, but take him alive and then
to have him to Gaunt, and so to make their
peace as they list. The earl, who trusted
to have recovered all, came right near t
the place whereas the Gauntois were. The
divers of his men said : ' Sir, go no farthei
for the Gauntois are lords of the mark
place and of the town : if ye enter into t
market-place, ye are in danger to be slain
or taken : a great number of the Gauntois
are going from street to street seeking for
their enemies : they have certain of them
of the town with them to bring them from
house to house, whereas they would
And, sir, out at any of the gates ye cann(
issue, for the Gauntois are lords thereol
nor to your own lodging ye cannot retu
for a great number of the Gauntois
going thither.'
And when the earl heard those tidin
which were right hard to him, as it
reason, he was greatly then abashed a
imagined what peril he was in. Then
believed the counsel and would go
farther, but to save himself if he might, a
so took his own counsel. He command
to put out all the lights, and said to th
that were about him : ' I see well there is
recovery : let every man depart and sa^
himself as well as he may ' : and as he co:
manded it was done ; the lights wei
quenched and cast into the streets, and so
every man departed. The earl then went
into a back lane and made a varlet of his
to unarm him, and did cast away his
armour and put on an old cloak of his
varlet's, and then said to him : ' Go thy
way from me and save thyself if thou canst ;
and have a good tongue, an thou fall in the
hands of thine enemies, and if they ask thee
anything of me, be not beknown that I am
in the town.' He answered and said:
' Sir, to die therefor I will speak no word
1 The better reading is 'from rank to rank ' of
his men.
BRUGES TAKEN
275
I you.' Thus abode there the earl of
.■ landers all alone : he might then well say
iliat he was in great danger and hard ad-
venture, for at that time, if he had fallen in
llie hands of his enemies, he had been in
danger of death ; for the Gauntois went
) from house to house searching for the earl's
friends, and ever as they found any they
brought them into the market-place, and
there without remedy before Philip d'Arte-
veld and the captains they were put to
death. So God was friend to the earl, to
save him out of that peril : he was never in
such danger before in his life, nor never
after, as ye shall hear after in this history.
Thus about the hour of midnight the earl
went from street to street and by back
lanes, so that at last he was fain to take a
house, or else he had been found by them
of Gaunt ; and so, as he went about the
town, he entered into a poor woman's
house, the which was not meet for such a
lord : there was nother hall, palace nor
chamber, it was but a poor smoky house,
there was nothing but a poor hall, black
with smoke, and above a small plancher and
a ladder of seven steps to mount upon, and
on the plancher there was a poor couch,
whereas the poor woman's children lay.
Then the earl, sore abashed and trembling,
at his entering said : * O good woman, save
me : I am thy lord the earl of Flanders ;
but now I must hide me, for mine enemies
chase me, and if ye do me good now, I shall
reward you hereafter therefor.' The poor
woman knew him well, for she had been
oftentimes at his gate to fetch alms, and had
often seen him as he went in and out
a-sporting ; and so incontinent, as hap was,
she answered, for if she had made any de-
lay, he had been taken talking with her by
the fire. Then she said : ' Sir, mount up
this ladder and lay yourself under the bed
that ye find, thereas my children sleep':
and so in the mean time the woman sate
down by the fire with another child that
she had in her arms. So the earl mounted
up the plancher as well as he might, and
crept in between the couch and the straw
and lay as flat as he could : and even there-
with some of the rutters of Gaunt entered
into the same house, for some of them said
how they had seen a man enter into the
house before them ; and so they found the
woman sitting by the fire with her child.
Then they said ; ' Good woman, where is
the man that we saw enter before us into
this house, and did shut the door after
him ? ' ' Sirs, ' quoth she, ' I saw no man
enter into this house this night. I went
out right now and cast out a little water
and did close my door again. If any were
here, I could not tell how to hide him : ye
see all the easement that I have in this
house : here ye may see my bed, and here
above this plancher lieth my poor children.'
Then one of them took a candle and mounted
up the ladder and put up his head above
the plancher, and saw there none other thing
but the poor couch, where her children lay
and slept, and so he looked all about and
then said to his company : ' Go we hence ;
we lose the more for the less : the poor
woman saith truth ; here is no creature but
she and her children ' : and then they de-
parted out of the house. After that there
was none entered to do any hurt. All
these words the earl heard right well,
whereas he lay under the poor couch : ye
may well imagine then that he was in great
fear of his life : he might well say, * I am
as now one of the poorest princes of the
world,' and might well say that the fortunes
of the world are nothing stable.^ Yet it
was a good hap that he scaped with his
life : howbeit, this hard and perilous ad-
venture might well be to him a spectacle
all his life after and an ensample to all
other.
Now let us leave the earl of Flanders in
this hard estate and speak of them of
Bruges, and how the Gauntois persevered.
CHAPTER CCCCI
How they of Gaunt spared the merchants
strangers ; and how the earl parted from
Bruges and went to Lille, and how he was
received there joyously,
Francis Ackerman was one of the chief
captains of these rutters : he was sent by
Philip d'Arteveld and by Peter du Bois to
seek about Bruges for their enemies and to
1 The French text was corrupt, but it required
no Bentley to amend it. ' In the morning he might
well say, I am one of the greatest {text poorest)
princes in the Christian world, and on the night
following he found himself in this case : thus he
might well say that the fortunes," etc.
276
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
keep the market-place all night till the
next day, that they might see that they
were lords of all the town : and they were
straitly commanded that they should do no
hurt to any merchant stranger being then in
Bruges, saying how it were no reason that
they should take hurt for their war. This
commandment was well kept. The chief
occasion fell on the four mestiers,^ for they
had always been favourable to the earl be-
fore Oudenarde and in other places. The
Gauntois went all about searching for them,
and as they were found they were slain
without mercy. The same night there
were slain more than twelve hundred, what
of one and other, with many other robberies
and evil deeds, the which came not all to
knowledge, as divers houses robbed and
pilled, women defoiled and destroyed, and
coffers broken up, so that the most poorest
of Gaunt were then become rich.
The Sunday in the morning the joyful
tidings came to the town of Gaunt, how that
their company had discomfited the earl and
all his chivalry and were lords and masters
of Bruges. Ye may well believe and know
that this tidings greatly rejoiced the people,
being before in tribulation, and so for joy
they made divers processions lauding God
in that he had so regarded them with his
eye of pity, and so comforted them as to
give them victory of their enemies, and so
always there came fresh tidings to them of
their victory, whereby they were so rejoiced,
that they wist not what to do. The lord
of Herselle, who was as then abiding in
Gaunt, if he had taken the same Sunday
or the Monday after a three or four thou-
sand men in harness and gone to Oude-
narde, he had taken the town at his
pleasure ; for they of the town were so
abashed when they heard the tidings, that
nigh for fear they had fled out of the town
into Hainault or into other places to have
saved themselves. Thereto they were ready
apparelled, but when they saw that they of
Gaunt came not to them- ward, then courage
came to them, and also such knights as
came thither did comfort them, as sir John
Baronaige, sir Thierry d'Anvaing and sir
1 ' The pursuit of the Gauntois was directed upon
the four crafts of Bruges, brokers, glass-makers,
butchers and fishmongers, to slay all without delay,
as many as might be found.' But for 'verriers'
we ought to read ' vieswariers,' a word of uncer-
tain meaning.
Florent of Heule, these three knights com;
forted them of Oudenarde unto such time
as sir Daniel of Halewyn come thither from
the earl, as ye shall hear after.
There were never people that did with
their enemies as they of Gaunt did with
them of Bruges : they did hurt no man 01
any of the small crafts of the town, without
he were sore accused. When Philip d'Arte-
veld and the captains of Gaunt saw how
they were lords of Bruges, and all at their
commandment and under their obeisance,
then they made a cry that every man on
pain of death should draw to their lodgings
and not to rob nor pill nor to make no de-
bate, without they were commanded. Then
it was enquired if any man knew where the
earl was become : some said how he was
fled the Saturday, and some other said how
he was still in the town hid, and could not
be found. The captains of Gaunt took little
heed thereof, for they were so rejoiced with
their victory that they cared for nothing,^
nother for earl, baron, knight nor other i^fl
all Flanders : they reputed themselves sfl
great that they thought to have all under
their obeisance. Then Philip d'Arteveld
and Peter du Bois remembered that when
they departed from Gaunt they left no
victual nor other purveyance in the town
therefore they sent straight a certain nui
ber of men to Damme and to Sluys, to th^
intent to be lords thereof and of the victuj
in them ; and when such as were sent car
to Damme, they opened the gates to thei
and all that was in the town was put intJ
their hands, and everything at their cor
mandment. Then there was taken out
the fair cellars the good wines of Poitoi
of Gascony and of Rochelle and of othe
far countries, a five or six thousand tuns
and it was laid into ships and into cartS
and conveyed to Gaunt, what by land and
by water : and then they went farther and
came to Sluys, which town incontinent was
opened to them and put under their obei-
sance ; and there they found great quantity
of corn and meal in ships and cellars of
merchants strangers ; so all was bought
and paid for and sent to Gaunt by water
and by land. Thus the town of Gaunt was
refreshed and delivered from misery by the
grace of God ; otherwise it could not have
been done. The Gauntois then ought well
to remember that God plainly had holpen
ESCAPE OF THE EARL OF FLANDERS
277
them, seeing that five thousand men near
famished discomfited forty thousand men
at home at their own doors. The captains
nor they had no cause to be proud thereof ;
but they were so proud thereof, that God
was displeased with them, and that was
well seen or the year passed, as ye shall
hear after in the story, to give ensample to
all people.
I was informed, and I believe it well,
that the Sunday at night the earl of Flanders
issued out of the town of Bruges, by what
means I cannot say. If any did help him
to make his way I cannot tell, but I believe,
yes. He issued out afoot all alone in an
old simple cloak ; and when he was in the
fields, he was joyful, for then he might well
say how he had escaped a dangerous pas-
sage ; and so went forth at adventure and
went to a thick bush ^ to see what way he
might take, for he knew not well the ways,
nor he was not wont to go afoot. And as
he stood under a thick bush in the night,
he heard by adventure a man speak as he
came by, and it was a knight of his, who
had married his bastard daughter, and he
was called sir Robert Marescal. The earl
knew him well by his words, and as he
passed by, he said : ' Rol^ert, are ye there ? '
The knight, who knew the earl well by his
speech, said : ' Ah, sir, ye have made me
this day to seek in many places for you
about Bruges. How are ye got out ? '
* Let us go our way,' quoth the earl, *it is
no time to tell our adventures. I pray you
let us do so much that I may have a horse,
for I am sore weary with going afoot, and
I pray you let us take the way to Lille, an
ye know it.' * Yes, sir,' quoth the knight,
* I know it well': and so they went forth
all that night, till it was the next morning,
or they could get a horse ; and yet they
could get none, but the first that they found
was a mare, the which they took from a
poor man in a village. So the earl leapt
on her without saddle or panel and at
night came to Lille, where the most part of
his knights that fled out of the field were
come thither, some afoot, some a-horse-
back, and some were gone into Holland
and into Zealand, as sir Guy of Ghistelles ;
he arrived at a good port, for he found in
Zealand in a town there the earl Guy of
Blois, who made him good cheer and de-
1 ' Into a thicket.'
parted largely with him ^ and willed him to
tarry there with him as long as it should
please him. Thus they that were desolate
were recomforted by the lords that they
resorted unto, who had pity on them, as it
was reason, for nobleness and gentleness
ought to be aided by nobles and gentles.
CHAPTER CCCCH
Of the great riches that the Gauntois found
in Bruges, and how all the towns of
Flanders yielded them to Gaunt, except
Oudenarde.
The tidings spread abroad into divers
countries of the discomfiture of them of
Bruges and of the earl their lord, done by
the Gauntois, wherewith there were divers
people rejoiced and specially commonalties.
All the good towns about Gaunt and in the
bishopric of Liege were as joyful as though
the matter had been their own : in like wise
so were they of Rouen and Paris in France,
if they durst have spoken it. And when
pope Clement heard thereof, he bethought
him a little, and said surely this discom-
fiture was a stroke of God to give ensample
to the earl, and that God had sent him
that tribulation because he was rebel against
his opinions. Also other great lords in
France and in other places said how the
earl's adversity was not greatly to be com-
plained, for he had well deserved to bear
it, for he had been so presumptuous that he
loved no lord neighbour, French king nor
other, wherefore they complained less his
persecutions : howbeit, it is an old saying,
' He that hath any evil fortune, men will
speak the worst thereof. '^ And specially
they of the town of Louvain were greatly
rejoiced with the victory of the Gauntois
and of the earl's trouble ; for they were but
in hard case with the duke of Brabant their
lord, who was in purpose to make them war
and to beat down their gates, to keep them
thereby the rather under. Also it was said
in the town of Louvain, that if Gaunt had
been as near them as Brussels was, they
would have joined together and have been
all one. Of all their words and devices
the duke and duchess of Brabant were in-
1 ' Imparted to him largely of his goods.'
2 ' Men will speak ill of him.'
278
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
1
formed ; but it behoved them as at that
thne to close their eyen and to hold down
their heads, for it was no time for them
then to speak.
Thus they of Gaunt, being in Bruges,
devised many new things, and among other
they devised to beat down two gates that
were toward Gaunt and to fill the dikes, to
the intent that they of Bruges should never
rebel after against Gaunt ; and when they
should depart, to take with them a five
hundred men of them of Bruges, to the in-
tent to keep them in the more fear and
subjection. Thus in the mean season, while
these captains were at Bruges beating down
gates and walls and filling of dikes, they
sent to Ypres, to Courtray, to Bergues, to
Cassel, to Poperinghe, to Bourbourg and to
all the towns and castles of Flanders on the
sea coast, that they should be all under the
obeisance of them, and to send them the
keys of their towns and castles, submitting
themselves to their obeisance and service :
and so they all obeyed, none durst say
against it, but came all to Bruges putting
themselves under the obeisance of Philip
d'Arteveld and Peter du Bois ; for these
two named and wrote themselves sovereign
captains of all other, and specially Philip
d'Arteveld was he that most busied himself
with the charge of all Flanders : and as
long as he abode in Bruges, he kept the
estate of a prince, for every day he had
playing at his lodging door minstrels dinner
and supper, and was served in vessel of
silver, as though he had been the earl of
Inlanders ; and well he might keep then
that estate, for he had all the earl's vessel,
gold and silver, and all his jewels found
in his house at Bruges, there was nothing
saved. Also there was sent a certain num-
ber of Gauntois to Male, a fair house of the
earl's standing half a mile^ from Bruges.
They that went thither did much hurt, for
they brake down all the house and brake
down the font wherein the earl was christ-
ened, and laid in chariots all the gold and
silver jewels and other things that they
found there, and sent it to Gaunt. The
term of fifteen days there was going and
coming with carriages from Bruges to Gaunt
with their pillage that they had got that
journey : it was hard to esteem the profit
that they gat there.
1 ' Half a league.'
And when they of Gaunt had done all
their will and pleasure in the town of
Bruges, they sent a five hundred of the
notablest burgesses of the town to Gaunt,
to lie there in hostage ; and Francis Acker-
man and Peter de Wintere and a thousand
of their men conveyed them thither, and
Peter du Bois abode as captain of Bruges,
till the gates and walls were beaten down
and the dikes filled. And PhiHp d'Arte-
veld departed with four thousand men and
went to Ypres, and there all manner of
people came out against him and received
him as honourably as though he had been
their own natural lord that had come first
to his land : and there they all did put
themselves under his obeisance, and there
he made new mayors and aldermen and
made new laws ; and to him came thither
they of Cassel, of Bergues, of Bourbourg
and of Poperinghe, they all submitted
themselves under his obeisance and sware
to him faith and troth, and to hold of him
as to their lord the earl of Flanders. And
when he had thus done and taken the
assurance of them and had tarried at Ypres
the space of eight days, then he departed
and came to Courtray, whereas he was also
received with great joy, and there he tarried
three days ; and then he sent messengers
and letters to Oudenarde, commandin;
them to come to him and to be under h;
obeisance, seeing how all the country wi
turned to them of Gaunt, and how th
were behind and did not as other did
wherefore he sent them word surely th;
the Gauntois should lay siege to them a
not to depart till they had the town an(
slain all them within. When these tidings
and message came to Oudenarde sent from
Philip d'Arteveld, then the three knighi "
answered hotly and said how they set bi
little by the rtienacing of a son of a brewi
of honey, nor that the heritage of the e;
their lord should be so soon given to h
nor to none such, saying how they would
defend it to die in the quarrel. Thus the
messengers returned again to Courtray.
om
lirff
SIEGE OF OUDENARDE
279
CHAPTER CCCCIII
How the earl of Flanders was at Lille, and
how Oudenarde was besieged by the
Gauntois and Flemings.
When Philip d'Arteveld heard his messen-
ger speak and report how they of the garri-
son of Oudenarde set nothing by him, then
he sware that, whatsoever it cost him or the
country of Flanders, he would nothing in-
tend till he had taken that town and cast it
down to the earth, he was so sore dis-
pleased. He thought this to do had been
well in his puissance, seeingthat all Flanders
was inclined to him. When he had so-
journed a six days at Courtray and had
renewed their law and had taken fealty and
homage of them, as though he had been
earl of Flanders, then he returned to Gaunt,
and there he was met with procession with
so great joy that the earl their natural lord
was never so honourably received. The
people worshipped him like their god,
because he gave the counsel whereby their
town recovered their estate and puissance ;
for it could not be esteemed the great riches
and wealth that came daily to them by
water and by land from Bruges, from
Damme and from Sluys, and the loaf of
bread that in three weeks together was
worth an old groat was then worth but four
mites, and the wine that was worth twenty-
four groats was then valued but at two
groats. As then everything in Gaunt was
better cheap than at Tournay or at Valen-
ciennes. Philip d'Arteveld then kept a
great stable of good horses like a great
prince, and he was as well stuffed in all
thing in his house as though he had been
earl of Flanders, and better than the earl
was appointed at Lille : and also he had
through all Flanders his officers, ' bailiffs,
constables, receivers and other, who daily
brought him substance, whereby he main-
tained his estate ; and he ware scarlet
gowns furred with miniver, like as the duke
of Brabant or earl of Hainault did : also he
had his chamber of account to pay and
to reckon for everj'thing, as the earl had.
And he gave divers suppers and banquets
to ladies and damosels in like manner as
the earl had done before, and spared nother
gold nor silver for his pleasure. And he
wrote and called himself Philip d'Arteveld,
the Regard and overlooker of Flanders.'^
The earl of Flanders being at Lille had
much to think on when he saw his country
so sore rebelled against him, and could not
see that he was of puissance as of himself
ever to recover it again : for all the towns
were in unity and of one accord against
him, the which he could never fordo but by
great force and puissance ; for all the
country spake no more of him nor did him
no more honour nor would not know him
for their lord, no more than he had never
been so. Then the alliance that he had
with the duke of Burgoyne, who had married
his daughter the lady Margaret, by whom
the duke had two fair sons, this alliance
stood the earl as then in good stead : it was
happy also then for him that king Charles
was dead and that the young king as then
was under the governing of his uncle the
duke of Burgoyne, who might lead the king
at his pleasure ; and also the king was young
and had good will to the war, wherefore it
was the less mastery to stir him thereto,
and the earl hoped that the duke of Bur-
goyne would soon set him thereon, if he
would shew him how he is bound to aid
his men, when their men will rebel against
them. But some thought that if king
Charles had lived still till that time, that he
would have done nothing ; and if he had,
men supposed that he would thereby [have]
annexed the county of Flanders to the
crown of France ; for the earl of Flanders
was not so well in his grace that he would
have done anything for him, without he
had known well why.
Now let us leave to speak of these devices,
till time be that we return thereto again ;
but let us shew how the earl of Flanders,
being at Lille after the great loss that he
had at Bruges, he understood how sir
Thierry d'Anvaing and sir Florent de
Heule kept still the town of Oudenarde
and had kept it ever sith the besynes before
Bruges, and knew well that these knights
were not able to resist against the puissance
of Flanders, if they came to lay siege
thereto, as it was thought that they would
do shortly. Then to refresh the town the
1 ' Regart de Flandres,' 'ruler of Flanders.' The
words ' and overlooker ' are added by the trans-
lator as an explanation of ' regard.' The word is
the same as the Flemish 'rewaert.'
28o
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
earl called to him sir Daniel of Halewyn
and said : ' Sir, I will ye go to Oudenarde
and be sovereign captain there, and take
with you a hundred and fifty spears, a
hundred cross-bows, and two hundred other
varlets with spears and pavises ; and take
ye heed to that garrison, I give you the
charge thereof, and new victual it with
corn, wheat and oats and salt flesh and
with wine out from our friends and neigh-
bours of Tournay : they will not fail us at
this need.' *Sir,' quoth the knight, 'all
this shall be done : and, sir, I shall take as
good heed to the town as I can, sith it
please you that I shall do so ; there shall
none evil come thereto by my fault.'
* Daniel,' quoth the earl, * of that I am
sure.' And so the knight took leave of
the earl and went to Oudenarde, and there
refreshed the town with new men of war,
victual and other things necessary.
When Philip d'Arteveld being in Gaunt
understood the tidings how they of Oude-
narde were refreshed with new men, then
he said he would provide for remedy,
saying how it was not to be suffered, for it
was greatly to the prejudice and dishonour
of the country of Flanders that this town
held so against them : wherefore he said
he would go and lay siege thereto, and not
to depart thence till he had beaten it down
and put to death all those that were within,
knights and other. Then he sent his com-
mandment through the country of Flanders
that every man should be ready the ninth
day of June to be with him before Oude-
narde. There was none that durst disobey
his commandment, so the men of all the
good towns in Flanders and they of the
Franc of Bruges made them ready and
came and laid siege before Oudenarde, and
lay abroad in the fields in meadows and in
marshes and thereabout. And there was
Philip d'Arteveld their captain, by whom
they were all ordered, who held a great
estate before Oudenarde. Then he reared
a taillage in Flanders, every fire every week
to pay four groats, the rich to bear out the
feeble, whereby he gat together much
money, for there was none excused, but
all paid. For he had servants for the
nonce through all the country, who made
every man to pay, poor and rich, whether
they would or not. It was said he had at
the siege more than a hundred thousand
men, and the Flemings had piled in the
river of I'Escault great piles of great timber,|
so that no ship could come from Tourna]
to Oudenarde ; and they had in their hosti
all things plentiful, market with cloth, furs'
and other mercery ; and every Saturday
they had a market, and all the villages
thereabout brought thither fruits, butter,
milk, cheese, puUen and other things ; and
they had taverns as plenteous with wine as
though they had been in Brussels, both
Rhenish wine, wine of Poitou and of
France, malvoisies and other wines of
strange countries, and good cheap. Every
man might go and come, pass and repass,
without any peril, they of Hainault, of"
Brabant, of Almaine and of Liege, but
none out of France.
CHAPTER CCCCIV
How the Gauntois assailed the town
Oudenarde divers times, and how thej
ran before Lille and in the country aboi
on the realm of France.
SUMMARY. — The siege of Oiidenan
was carried on all the summer, and ti
Gauntois used great engines and guns b.
could not take the town. A body of Gaun
tois overran all the country destroying
gentleme7i s houses, attd burnt also some
villages in France, upon which the duke Oj
Burgundy wrote to the king and the duh
of Berry to fitid some remedy. The earl Oj
Flanders visited the duke of Burgundy at
Bapauvie and obtained a promise of aid.
te
CHAPTER CCCCV
Of the request that the duke of Burgoyne
made to the French king, and why th«
king took on him to bear the flyinj
hart.
The duke of Burgoyne forgat not the
covenant he made with his father - in
law the earl of Planders, and so he de-
parted from the town of Bapaume and
with him sir Guy of Tremouille and sir
John of Vienne, who was admiral of
France, who did all his pain to comfort
the earl, and they two were chief of council
FRENCH INTERVENTION
28]
with the duke ; and so the duke and his
company came to Senlis, whereas the king
was, and his two uncles with him, the
dukes of Berry and of Bourbon, and so
there the duke of Burgoyne was received
with great joy and he was demanded
tidings of Flanders and of the siege of
Oudenarde, and the duke answered them
right sagely and shewed all the matter.
And when he saw his time, he took apart
the duke of Berry and shewed him how the
Gauntois full of pride had done their devoir
and pain to destroy all nobleness, and also
he shewed how they had brent and pilled
on the realm of France, the which was a
thing prejudicial and to the confusion and
shame of the realm of France, saying how
it ought not so to be suffered. * Fair
brother,' quoth the duke of Berry, * we
will speak with the king in this matter :
we two are chief of his council, so that if
we inform the king thereof, there is none
shall say against our intents. Howbeit, to
move war between France and Flanders,
the which hath been long in peace, it
behoveth that we have some lawful title
and that the other barons and lords of
France be joined and agreed thereto, or
else peradventure we might be blamed and
bear all the fault, if it fortuned not well.
For the king is young and every man
knoweth that he will soon agree to that we
counsel him : if the matter do well, then
well shall come thereof, and if any evil
come thereby, we shall then bear the charge
and be more blamed than any other, and
good cause why ; for every man shall say :
" Behold yonder the king's uncles, the duke
of Berry and of Burgoyne, how evil they
have counselled the king : they have
brought the realm of France into war,
whereas it needed not." Wherefore, dear
brother, I say, let us call together the most
part of the prelates and nobles of the realm
of France, and then let us shew them all
the matter in the presence of the king, to
whom the matter personally toucheth ^ be-
cause of the heritage of Flanders, and so
thereby we shall hear generally every man's
will and opinion.' 'Ye say right well,'
quoth the duke of Burgoyne, 'and as ye
have devised, so shall it be done.'
And with those same words the king
1 ' You personally laying it before them, since the
matter toucheth you. '
entered into the same chamber with an
hawk on his hand, and so he spake merrily
to his uncles and said : ' Ah, my fair uncles,
what matter is that ye speak of in so great
counsel? I would gladly know it, if I
might.' * Sir,' quoth the duke of Berry,
'ye may know it right well, for it per-
taineth greatly to you. Sir, behold here
your uncle the duke of Burgoyne, who com-
plaineth greatly of them of Flanders ; for
the false villains of Flanders hath put out of
his heritage the earl their natural lord and
all noblemen, and as now they lie at siege
before Oudenarde with more than a hundred
thousand Flemings, wherein they have
besieged a great number of gentlemen.
And these Flemings have a captain called
Philip d'Arteveld, pure English in his
courage,^ and he hath sworn never to de-
part thence till he have his will of the town
and of them that be within it, without so
be that your power of France raise him
from the siege, the which he hath reserved
in his oath. Therefore, sir, how say you ?
Will ye aid your cousin of Flanders and
conquer again his heritage, the which these
proud villains hath taken from him ? ' * By
my faith,' quoth the king, ' fair uncles, I
have great will thereto, and for God's sake
let us do it. I desire none other thing
but to be armed, for as yet I never bare
armour : it behoveth me, if I think to reign
in puissance and honour, to learn the feats
of arms.' These two dukes each of them
regarded other and had great pleasure of
the king's words. Then the duke of Berry
spake again and said : ' Sir, ye have said
passingly well, and thus to do, sir, ye are
bound for divers reasons. Sir, the county
of Flanders is of the demain of France, and
ye have sworn, and we for you, to keep and
maintain in their right all your liege men :
and also, sir, the earl of Flanders is your
cousin, wherefore ye ought to love him.
And therefore, sir, sith ye be in this good
mind, keep you so still, and answer there-
after to every person that speaketh to you
thereof: and, sir, we shall assemble hastily
the prelates and barons of your realm and
shall shew them all the matter in your pre-
sence ; and, sir, then if ye will speak as
1 'Pure English at heart' ; that is, desiring an
alliance with England : so also in the next chapter :
'This Philip d'Arteveld had ever his courage more
English than French.'
. 282
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
I
heartily as ye do now to us, then every man
Avill say, we have a king of high enter-
prise and of noble will and courage. ' ' By
my faith,' quoth the king, 'fair uncles, I
would we should be ready to-morrow next
to go to that journey ; for from henceforth
the greatest pleasure that I desire is to go
into Flanders to abate the pride of the
Flemings.' Of the which words the two
dukes had great joy. Then came to them
the duke of Bourbon, and they shewed him
all the matter, as ye have heard before, and
of the great desire that the king had to go
into Flanders, whereof the duke of Bourbon
had great joy.
Thus the matter hanged in this estate ;
and the king and his uncles wrote letters to
the lords of the council of France, desiring
them to come at a day assigned to Com-
piegne, to a parliament that should be there
holden for certain business of the realm of
France ; and so every man obeyed, as it
was reason, and the king was right glad of
that tidings. His mind was so sore there-
of, that no man could set him therefrom,
and the king said ofttimes that there was
too great delays made in the matter : for
he said that he thought, if one should enter-
prise a great matter, it should not be long
delayed, for in the delay the enemies take
advice to their advantage : and also when
the perils of war was laid to him, then
would he answer and say : ' Yea, he that
never enterpriseth, little or nothing
achieveth.' Thus the young king oft-
times devised ^ with the knights and squires
of his chamber.
CHAPTER CCCCVI
Now shall I shew you a dream that for-
tuned to the king in the same season,
while he lay at Senlis, by occasion of
which dream he ordained the device of the
flying hart, as I was then informed.
It fortuned while the king lay at Senlis, on
a night, as he lay in his bed asleep, he had
a vision. It seemed to him properly that
he was in the city of Arras, whereas he had
never been before, and with him all the
chivalry of the realm of France ; and he
so often elsewhere
1 ' Se devisoit,' ' conversed '
in this translation.
thought that thither came to him the earl
of Flanders and did set on his fist a fair
falcon pelerin, saying to him thus : * Sir, I
give you this falcon for the best that eveJI
I saw, the best flying and beater down ol^
fowls.' Of which present the king thought '
he had great joy and said : ' Fair cousin, I
thank you.' And therewith he thought he
regarded the constable of France, sir Oliver
Clisson, and said unto him : ' Sir Oliver,
let us two go into the fields to prove this
gentle falcon that my cousin of Flanders
hath given me, ' And then he thought the
constable answered him and said : ' Sir,
let us go when it pleaseth you ' : and so hi
then he thought that they took their horses^l
they two alone, and went into the fieldsH
and found plenty of herons to fly at. Then
the king said : ' Constable, let the falcon
fly, and we shall see how she will chase"
her game.' Then the constable cast off
the falcon, and she mounted so high into
the air that they could scant see her, and
the king thought she took her way straight
into Flanders. Then the king said : ' Let
us ride after my bird ; I would not lose
her ' : and so he thought they rode after,
till they came to a great marish and to
thick wood. Then the king said : ' Let
light afoot, for we cannot pass this wo
a-horseback ' : and so they alighted, an
then he thought that varlets came to them
and took their horses. And so the king
and the constable entered in the wood with
great pain, and travelled so long that they ,
came to a fair great laund, and there tb
king thought he saw his falcon chasini
herons and fighting with them and the
with him : and it seemed to the king that
his falcon chased so the herons that at last
he lost the sight of her, wherewith h
thought he was sore displeased, seeing tha
he could not follow his hawk ; and though
he said to the constable : ' Ah, I fear me
shall lose my falcon, whereof I am sorry,
and I have no lure nor nothing else, where
with to call her again.' And at this poini
the king thought that there appeared sud
denly before him a great hart with win
and inclined himself before him, whereoi
he had great joy and thought how he sai
to the constable : ' Sir, abide you here, an(
I will mount on this hart and so follow
my falcon. ' And so the king thought he
mounted on this flying hart, and how th
ose '.
I
md"
i
THE FLYING HART
283
hart according at the king's desire did bear
him over all the great woods and trees, and
there he saw how his falcon beat down
great plenty of fowls, so that it was marvel
to behold ; and then it seemed to the king,
when his falcon had long flown and beaten
down many herons, then he thought he
called to her, and incontinent the falcon
came and sat her down on his fist : and
then the hart flew again over the woods
and brought the king to the same laund,
whereas the constable tarried for him, who
had great joy of his coming. And as soon
as he was alighted, he thought the hart de-
parted, and then never saw him after : and
so there the king thought how he shewed
to the constable how that the hart had
borne him easily, he never rode so easily
before, and also he thought he shewed him
of the bounty of his falcon. And therewith
it seemed to him that his varlets came to
them and brought them their horses, and so
they mounted and took the high way, and
so came again to Arras. And therewith
the king awoke and had great marvel of
that vision, and he remembered everything
thereof right well and shewed it to them of
his chamber that were about him ; and the
figure of this hart pleased him so much,
that all his imagination was set thereon.
And this was one of tl>e first incidents that
when he went into Flanders to fight with
the Flemings, he took to his device to bear
the flying hart.
Philip d'Arteveld, for all his good adven-
ture at the beginning of his battle against
them of Bruges, and for all the good fortune
that he had in the discomfiture of the earl
and of them of Bruges, yet for all that he
was no subtle man of war, nother in as-
saulting nor laying of siege ; for he had not
been brought up therein in his youth ; he
had been more used to fish with an angle
rod in the river of I'Escault : the which well
appeared while he lay at siege before
Oudenarde, for he could not get the town.
He thought by presumption that the sight
of him should have made them of Oude-
narde to have yielded them to him ; but
they were nothing so disposed, for they
bare themselves like valiant men and made
oftentimes scrimmishes at the barriers and
slew and hurt divers of the Flemings, and
drew again into their town without any
damage. And of such issues Lambert of
Lambres and Tristram his brother and the
lord of Levreghien bare the greatest re-
nown. The Flemings saw well how the
dikes of the town were large and full of
water, so that they could not approach to
assail it but with much pain and danger.
Then they determined among themselves
to get faggots and straw and so to fill the
dikes, to come to the walls to fight hand to
hand ; and as they ordained, so it was
done. Howbeit, they within made no
count of them, and said that, if there were
no treason among themselves nor in the
town, they would set nothing by the siege
that they saw laid to them. And so there-
fore sir Daniel of Halewyn, who was cap-
tain there, to bring everything out of doubt
kept himself day and night ever above them
of the town, and he so ordained that there
was none of them of the town should come
on the walls of the town without company
of some of the men of war : if they did,
they lost their heads for their labours.
Thus lay still this siege : the Flemings had
great plenty of victuals coming to them by
land and by water, for they were lords of
all the country of Flanders ; for always
for winning of money the countries of
Flanders, Holland, Zealand and Brabant,
and also part of Hainault by stealth,
brought ever victuals to their host. This
Philip d'Arteveld had ever his courage
more English than French, and would
gladly that he had been allied with the
king of England, whereby he thought that
if the French king or duke of Burgoyne
came on him with an army, that he should
be aided by the Englishmen. He had al-
ready in his host a two hundred archers of
England, the which were stolen out of the
garrison of Calais, and so took wages there
of him and were weekly paid.
CHAPTERS CCCCVn-CCCCX
SUMMARY.— Philip d' Arteveld wrote to
the king of France askitig him to vtediate
between the Flemings and their lord, but his
letters were laughed at and his messenger
kept in prison. Then he sent to ask for the
alliance of England, but also demanded re-
payment of a debt made in the timeofjaques
(TArteveid.
The French king sent commissaries to
284
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
Tournay to treat with the Flemings^ who
wrote to the principal towns of Flanders
asking for safe -conduct, to which Philip
replied in date October 20th, refusing
to treat unless the fortresses of Flanders
were opened to him. This letter was con-
veyed to the king of France and his council,
who were much offended thereby, and forth-
with issued summons to all the realm to
assemble at Arras.
CHAPTERS CCCCXI-CCCCXVIII
SUMMAR Y.— Philip d" Arteveld left Oude-
narde and canie to Bruges, to take order for
closing the passages into Flanders. Peter
du Bois was appointed to keep the passage of
the river Lys at Cotnmines and Peter de
Witttere at Warneton, and all the other
bridges were broken.
The FreJich after much debate decided to
attempt the passage at Comniines, but the
season and the rains made their advance
difficult. At Comniines they found the
bi'idge broken and a large force on the other
side. li^hile the constable and marshals
tuere in doubt what to do, certain knights
crossed the river in boats below Co??iftiines,
and before nightfall about four hundred men
of arms had passed without being perceived
by the Flemings. They then approached
Comniines, but the Flemings did not leave
their positions to fight with them. The
constcible was greatly dismayed for the safety
of his 7?ien on the other side, and renewed
the attempts to pass by the bridge. 71ie
Frenchvien on the other side passed the
night in the marshes with much discomfort,
and in the morning the Flemings coffiitig to
fight with them were defeated and forsook
the town. So the bridge was repaired and
the Frenchmen passed over.
Philip d^Arteveld, informed of this, wejtt
to Ghent to assemble more men, expecting
always to receive aidf-om England. He
met a herald who announced to him that
the alliance was consented to.
The French king crossed the river Lys
and lodged with his army on the mount of
Ypres. The towft of Ypres submitted to
him, and so did Cassel, Bergues atid other
towns of western Flanders. The king of
France heard of the rebellion of the commons
at Paris and in other to7vns.
The French king came to Ypres, an
Philip d'Arteveld marched to Corn-tray
with fifty thousand men. The French
army suffered tnuch from the bad weather\
and it would have been better for the Flem-
ings if they had not come to fight with thent^
but had remained and fortified themselve
before Oudenarde.
CHAPTER CCCCXIX
Of the marvels that came to the Flemings
the night, and how they ordained thei^
battle all in one company.
The Wednesday at night that the battl
was the next day, Philip d'Arteveld with
his puissance came and lodged in a fi
ground right strong between a dike and
little grove of wood with a strong hedgi
so that lightly no man could come well a'
them, and this was between the hill ^ and
Rosebeque, whereas the king lay. The
same night Philip d'Arteveld made
supper in his lodging to all his captai
right plenteous, for they had provisioi
enough following them, and after suppi
he said to them : ' Fair sirs, ye see well
be here in arms : I hope well to-morrc
we shall have some business, for the kini
who hath great desire to find us to fight,
lodged at Rosebeque. Now I requ
you all, keep faith and troth, and be n
abashed of anything that ye see or he;
for this that we do is in the upholding
our right ; and let us freely fight to mai;
tain the jurisdictions of Flanders. A
monish your people to do well their devoir,
and order them so well and wisely, that by
our good order and array we may have t
victory of the journey to-morrow. By tl
grace of God we shall find no lord tha'
dare fight against us in the field, and it
shall be more honour for us than though
we had comfort of the Englishmen, for if
they were in our company, they should
have the renown and not we. Also say to
your company that they save no person
alive, and so thereby we shall live in rest ;
for here is with the king all the flower of
France, there is none left behind : where-
fore I command on pain of death that no
man take any prisoner, without it be the
1 ' Le Mont d'Or.'
uy
i
BEFORE THE BATTLE OF ROSE BE QUE
28:
king himself ; for I would he were saved,
for he is but a child, he ought to be par-
doned ; he knoweth not yet what he doth,
but as he is led ; we shall bring him to
Gaunt to learn to speak Flemish. But as
for dukes, earls and other persons, slay
them all : the commons in France will not
be displeased therewith, for I am in surety
they would that none of them should re-
turn again into P'rance, and no more, I
trust, they shall.' All such as were with
Philip at this supper accorded to his
opinion, and so answered with one voice
and said : ' Sir, ye say well, and thus it
shall be done.' Then they took their leave
of him and returned to their lodgings to
their companies, to shew them as ye have
heard before. Thus passed the night in the
host with Philip d'Arteveld ; but about
midnight, as I was informed, there fell in
their host a marvellous thing, I never heard
of none like it in any manner.
Thus when the Flemings were at rest in
their lodgings, howbeit they knew well
their enemies were on the hill not past a
league from them, as I was informed,
Philip d'Arteveld had brought a damosel
with him out of Gaunt, and as Philip lay
and slept on a couch beside a little fire of
coals in a pavilion, this said damosel about
the hour of midnight issued out of the
pavilion to look out on the air and to see
what time of the night it was by likelihood,
for she could not sleep. She looked toward
Rosebeque and she saw in the sky divers
fumes and fire flying : it was of the fires
that the Frenchmen made under hedges
and bushes. This damosel hearkened ;
and, as she thought, she heard great bruit
between their host and the French host :
she thought she heard the French cries,
ci7ing, ' Montjoy, Saint Denis ! ' and
other cries, and this she thought was on
Mount d'Or between them and Rosebeque.
Of this thing she was sore affrayed, and so
entered into the pavilion and suddenly
awaked Philip and said : ' Sir, rise up
shortly and arm you, for I have heard a
great noise on the Mount d'Or : I believe
it be the Frenchmen that are coming to
assail you.'
With those words he rose and cast on a
gown and took his axe in his hand and
issued out of the pavilion to see what it
was : and as the damosel had shewed him,
he heard the same himself, and it seemed to
him that there was a great tournament on
the said hill. Then incontinent he entered
into his pavilion and caused his trumpet to
be blown. As soon as the trumpet had
blown, every man arose and armed them.
They of the watch sent incontinent to Philip
d'Arteveld to know for what cause he stirred
up the host, seeing there was no cause why,
shewing him how they had sent to their
enemies' host and there was no stirring.
'Why,' quoth Philip, 'whereof rose that
noise on the Mount d'Or?' 'Sir,' quoth
they, ' we heard the same noise and sent
thither to know what it was, and they that
went hath made report that when they came
there they heard nor saw nothing : and,
sir, because we found nothing, we made no
noise thereof for stirring up of your host :
if we should have stirred them without a
cause, we ought to have been blamed for
our labour. ' And when they of the watch
had shewed Philip these words, he ap-
peased himself and all the host : howbeit,
he had marvel in his mind what it might
be. Some said it was fiends of hell that
played and tourneyed, thereas the battle
should be the next day, for joy of the great
prey that they were likely to have there.
Ever after this sudden affray Philip
d'Arteveld and the Flemings were in doubt
of betraying : and so at good leisure they
armed them and made great fires and ate
meat and drank, whereof they had suffici'ent.
And an hour before day Philip said : ' Sirs,
it were good we drew into the field and
order our people, to the intent that, though
the Frenchmen come on us at the breaking
of the day, that we may be ready to receive
them. They all accorded to his saying,
and so issued out of their lodgings and came
into a heath without the wood. And be-
fore them there was a great large dike
newly made, and behind them full of
bushes of genepar ^ and other small bushes :
there they ordered their battle all in one
company, and by the report of their con-
stables they were to the number of fifty
thousand chosen men, who did set but
little by their lives ; also there were a three-
score archers, Englishmen, stolen away
from Calais, thinking to have more profit
by Philip d'Arteveld. So thus everything
1 The French word is 'genestres,' not juniper
but broom.
I
286
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
J
was ordered, their carriage, women and
varlets ; and Philip d'Arteveld had his
page by him on a good courser, worth to a
great lord five hundred florins. He had
him not by him to the intent to fly away or
to steal from his company, but it was the
greater thereby to shew his estate,^ and to
mount on him, if need were, to follow the
chase of the Frenchmen. He had of the
town of Gaunt about a nine thousand men
well armed, whom he kept ever about his
own person ; for he had more trust in them
than in any other. And he and they with
their banners were in the foremost front,
and they of Alost and Grammont next
them, and then they of Courtray, of Bruges,
of Damme, of Sluys and of [the] Franc,
who were armed the most part with malles
and chapeaus of steel and hocquetons and
gauntlets of steel and baleine, each of them
bearing a stake tipped with iron. These
towns had difference in arms and liveries,
to know one company from another : some
had coats of yellow and blue, some with
black bands on red coats, some bordered
with white on blue coats, some planted
with green and blue, some lozenged with
white and black, some quartered white and
red, some all blue and one quarter red,
some red cut upon white, ^ and their banners
according totheir crafts with great holmesses
hanging at their girdles. So thus they
tarried for the daylight, which was near
approaching. Now I shall shew you the
order of the Frenchmen.
CHAPTER CCCCXX
How the constable and admiral of France
and the bastard of Langres went to see the
Flemings, and how they fortified themselves.
The French king and the lords about him
knew right well how the Flemings ap-
1 * But for state and for grandeur.'
2 The heraldic terms are loosely rendered by the
translator. It should be : ' Some had coats of
yellow and of blue, some had a black band (bende)
on a red coat, some chevrons of white on blue
coats, some had green and blue in pales (plantez),
some a fess lozenged with white and black, some
had coats quartered of white and red, some all blue
with one quarter red, some cut with red above and
white below.' The better text has 'paletes' for
' plantes,' and after it this : ' some had coats
lozenged of blue and red, some a fess chequered
white and black.'
proached near to them, and saw well there
was no remedy but battle, for there was no
motion made of treaty of peace. Th
Wednesday there was a cry made in th^
town of Ypres, that all manner of people :
men of war should draw to the field to tl
king and to do as they ought to do. Ever
man obeyed the king's commandment,
reason was, and drew to the field, excej
such varlets as were commanded to keejT
their masters' horses : howbeit, in the
vaward they had many horses for the
adventurers and to discover the fields
Thus this Wednesday the Frenchmen kej
the fields near unto Rosebeque, and
night the king made a supper to his thre
uncles and to the constable of France anc
to the lord of Coucy and to other great
lords strangers of Brabant, of Hainault, of
Holland, of Zealand, of Almaine, of Lor-
raine and of Savoy, who were come thither
to serve the king, whereof he thankened
them greatly. The same night the earl of
Flanders kept the watch, and with him
six hundred spears and twelve hundre
men of other persons of war.
And after supper, when these lords wei
departed, the constable abode still to spes
with the king and his uncles. It w^
ordained by the king's council that tl
constable of France, sir Oliver of Clisson,
should leave his office for the next day,
because it was thought that they should
have battle, and that the lord of Coucy
should occupy the office for that time, anc
sir Oliver to be about the king's personi
and so, when he would have taken lea\
of the king, the king said to him rigt
sweetly and amiably : ' Sir constable,
would that ye render up your office intj
our hands for this night and to-morrow al
day : we have ordained another to occu]
the room, and we will that ye abide aboi
our person.' Of these words the constabl
had great marvel, and answered and saic
' Right dear sir, I know well I cannot ha\
so great honour as to aid to keep yoi
person ; but, sir, this should be right dis
pleasant to all my company and to all ther
of the vaward. If they have not me
their company, peradventure they may los
more thereby than win. Sir, I say it no!
because I should think myself so valiant^
that for lack of me they should not do well \
but, sir, saving the correction of youi
BEFORE THE BATTLE OF ROSEBEQUE
287
council, I say that all these fifteen days
past I have done none other thing but
pursued mine office to the honour of you
and of your people ; and, sir, I have shewed
every man what they should do ; and, sir,
if they fight to-morrow and see not me
among them, they will be abashed, whereby
I shall receive blame, and some will say
that I have devised many things and fly
away from the first strokes. Sir, I require
your grace, break not that hath been first
ordained. I ensure you ye shall have
profit thereby.' So the king and such as
were about him wist not what to say ; at
last the king right sagely said : ' Constable,
I know well ye have in all causes right well
acquitted yourself and shall do : the king
my father, that dead is, loved and trusted
you above all other, and for the great trust
and afBance that he had in you, therefore
I would have you about me in this business.'
'Right dear sir,' quoth the constable, 'ye
are so well accompanied and with so valiant
and so noble men, and are so ordered by
deliberation of wise counsel, that there is
nothing can be amended : wherefore, sir,
ye and your council ought to be content ;
and I therefore require you in God's behalf
to suffer me alone in mine office, and I
trust to-morrow ye shall have so good
fortune in your journey, that your friends
shall be glad and your enemies displeased.'
To the which words the king gave none
answer of a great space, but at last said :
' Constable, in the name of God and Saint
Denis exercise your office at your pleasure ;
I will speak no more thereof, for ye see
farther in this matter than I do, or such as
moved first the matter : be to-morrow with
me at my mass. ' ' Sir,' quoth the constable,
' with right a good will ' : and so took leave
of the king and returned to his lodging.
And on the Thursday in the morning
every man apparelled themselves ready
armed save their heads, for they knew well
by all likelihood that they should have
battle the same day. The French king
heard mass betimes in the morning, and all
the great lords, with great devotion praying
to God to send them honour that day.
The same morning there arose a great mist,
so that one could not see an acre of breadth
before him, whereof the lords were right
sore displeased, but they could not amend
it. And after mass the king and the con-
stable and other great lords went to council,
to determine what they should do ; and
there it was ordained that sir Oliver of
Clisson, constable of France, sir John de
Vienne, admiral of France, and sir William
of Poitiers, bastard of Langres, these three
should go and visit the demeanour of the
Flemings as near as they might, and to
come again and make report to the king
and to his uncles of the truth of everything,
and in the mean time the lord d'Albret and
sir Hugh of Chatillon should order the
battles. So thus these three departed from
the king mounted on good horses, and rode
straight whereas they thought to find their
enemies.
The same morning in the great mist the
Flemings rose and drew together in the
same strong place that they had fortified,
and so stood together all in one battle till
it was eight of the clock, and could hear
nothing of the Frenchmen ; and then by
great pride the captains said each to
other : ' What do we here thus standing
still on our feet and take cold ? Why do
we not go forth with great courage, sith we
have so great will to fight with our enemies?
We tarry here for nothing ; the Frenchmen
will never seek us here : let us go at the
least to the Mount d'Or and take the ad-
vantage of the hill.' These words so mul-
tiplied that they all agreed to advance
forth to take the hill that was between them
and the Frenchmen ; and so then to escape
from the dike that was before them, they
went about the little wood that was behind
them and took the plain fields. And as
they came about this wood, the foresaid
three knights advised them by great leisure,
and so rode in coasting their battle within
a bow-shot of them : and when they were
passed on the left side, then they rode again
on their right side, so that they well advised
their whole battle : the Flemings saw them
right well, but they brake none array for
all them.
Then Philip d'Arteveld said softly to
his captains : ' Let us dress us and make
us ready to the battle, for our enemies
are near us. I see right well the three
knights that have passed and repassed by
us have well aviewed our battle.' Then
they drew all into one battle, as they went
to the hill. Then Philip said aloud : ' Sirs,
when we come to the battle, let us think
288
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
1
on our enemies, how they were discomfited
at the battle of Bruges by reason that we
held ourselves close together. Let us be-
ware that we open not : every man bear
his weapon right before him and interlace
your staves over your arms, one within
another, whereby they shall not enter upon
us : ^ and let us go a good pace by leisure,
and nother turn on the left hand nor on
the right, and shoot our guns all at once
and shoot with our cross-bows, and thus we
shall abash our enemies.'
When Philip d'Arteveld had thus ordered
his men and set his battle in array and
shewed them what they should do, then he
made out a wing of part of his men, such
as he best trusted,^ and by him was his page
with his courser, to whom he said : ' Go
thy way with my horse behind yonder bush,
and when thou seest the Frenchmen fly,
then bring me my horse and cry my cry ;
then men will give thee room, to the in-
tent that I may follow in the chase with
the foremost.' The page did as he was
commanded. Then he set beside him on
a wing forty archers Englishmen, whom he
had in wages.
Now behold if Philip ordered himself
well or not. I think, and so did many
such as were expert in battles, that he did
not well nor wisely in one thing, and that
was when he departed in the morning out
of the strong place that he was in ; for it is
to be thought that the Frenchmen would
never have sought them there to have fought
with them, for they could not have done it
without great damage : but like fools they
thought to shew themselves valiant and
little fearing their enemies, and so they
were served thereafter.
CHAPTER CCCCXXI
The manner of the battle of Rosebeque, and
how the Flemings were discomfited by the
counsel of the three foresaid knights, who
had aviewed all their behaving.
vSo these three foresaid knights returned to
the king and to the battles, the which were
1 ' Let each bear his staff straight before him,
and interlace your arms, so that none may enter in
among you.'
2 ' He set himself on a wing formed of those of
his men in whom he had most trust.'
ready in good array as they ought to be :
for there were many noble and wise men
and well expert in arms both in the vaward
and in the rearguard and in the king's
battle, and they knew right well what ought
to be done, for there was the flower of
all the good chivalry of the world. So
thus every man gave these three knights
way to come to the king : the lord Clisson
spake first, inclining his body to the
king, doing off" his hat, and said : * Sir, be
merry : yonder people be all yours ; our
varlets shall beat them.' ' Constable,' quoth
the king, ' God grant it : let us go forward
then in the name of God and Saint Denis.' 91
Then such knights as were appointed to H
attend on the king's body were set in good "'
order ; and there the king made many new
knights, and so did every lord in his own
battle, and divers banners were new raised
up. Then it was ordained, that when they
should join to fight, that the king's battle
with the Oriflamme of France should be
in the forefront, and the vaward should
pass by aside on a wing on the one side of
the king, and the rearward to pass by a
little on the other side of the king, so that
all three battles might at once close about
the Flemings' battle, who came close to-
gether all in one battle. So the arearward
were shewed of this appointment, the earl
of Eu, the earl of Blois, the earl of Saint
Pol, the earl of Harcourt, the lord of
Chatillon and the lord Fere were chief of
that ward, and before the earl of Blois
there was made banneret the young lord
Havreth : ^ sir Thomas Diest and sir Jam^
Havreth, bastard, were made knights : there
were made the same day by the report of
the heralds four hundred threescore and
seven knights.
And so then the three knights departed
from the king and went into the vaward,
whereas their rooms were. Then incon-
tinent the Oriflamme was displayed, that
sir Peter of Villiers did bear, and some say,
as they have found written, that it was
never before seen displayed against Chris-
tian men. But then in that voyage there
was great question made whether it should
be displayed or not ; howbeit, divers reasons
considered, finally it was determined to
displayed as then, because the Flemin
1 ' And there on that day before the earl of Bloii
the young lord of Havreth raised his banner "
)isj
41
BATTLE OF ROSE BE QUE, 1382 {Nov. 27)
289
held the opinion contrary to pope Clement,
and therefore the Frenchmen called them
Urbanists ; wherefore they said they were
heretics and out of the true behef: that
was the chief cause that it was borne and
displayed in Flanders. This Oriflamme is
a precious banner and was sent first from
heaven for a great mystery, the which was
ever a great comfort to them that saw it.^
And the same day it shewed some of his
virtue, for all the morning there was a great
thick mist, that one could scant see another,
but as soon as it was displayed and lift up
on high, the mist brake away and the sky
was as clear as any time in the year before.
The lords of France were greatly rejoiced
when they saw the sun shine so clear that
they might see all about them : this greatly
did recomfort them. It was great beauty
then to regard the banners and streamers
wave with the wind, and [all were silent
nor none uttered a word, but] beheld well
the great battle of the Flemings, who ever
still approached fast joined together with
their staves upright, that it seemed ^ a little
grove of wood, there were so many of them.
CHAPTER CCCCXXII
How the Flemings were discomfited at the
battle of Rosebeque.
I WAS as then informed of the lord of
Sconnevorst, who shewed me how that he
was there and saw it, and so did divers
other, that when the Oriflamme was dis-
played and the mist gone away, there came
a dove and made divers flights over the
king's battle ; and a little before they fought,
she sat down on one of the king's banners,
the which every man took for a good token.
So thus approached the Flemings and began
to shoot guns and arrows feathered with
steel. Thus the battle began, the which
was right sharp and fierce at the first en-
countering ; for the Flemings set on proudly,
thrusting with their spears and shoulders
like wild boars, and they held themselves
so close together that they could not be
1 ' Was formerly sent from heaven by a great
mystery, and is a great comfort for the day to them
that see it.'
2 'And they came on at a good pace all close
together, their staves all held straight up on high
(contremont), and the lances seemed like,' etc.
U
opened. There was with the shot of the
guns at the first thrust slain of the French
part the lord de Wavrin, banneret, Morelet
of Halewyn and James d'Ere, and so there-
with the king's battle was reculed ; but the
vaward and the arearward passed on forth
and enclosed about the Flemings and held
them strait, I shall shew you how. On
these two wings the men of arms fiercely
assaulted, with their strong spears well
headed with heads of fine steel, wherewith
they pierced the Flemings' coats of mail
into the hard bones, so that the Flemings
were glad to eschew the strokes. So thus
these men of arms kept the Flemings so
short, that they could not well help them-
selves, nor put down their arms to give
any strokes ; so there were many that lost
their strength and breath and fell one upon
another, and so died for lack of breath
without striking of any stroke. And there
was Philip d'Arteveld wounded and beaten
down among his men of Gaunt, and when
his page with his horse saw the discomfiture
of his master, he departed and left his
master, for he could not help him, and so
rode to Courtray towards Gaunt.
Thus these battles assembled together.
So the Flemings' battle was enclosed on
both sides, so that they could pass no way :
then the king's battle came forth again, the
which was before a little drawn aback.
The men of arms beat down the Flemings
on every side : some had good axes of steel,
wherewith they brake asunder bassenets,
and some had malles of lead, wherewith
they gave such strokes that they beat all
down to the earth before them : and as the
Flemings were beaten down, there were
pages ready to cut their throats with great
knives, and so slew them without pity, as
though they had been but dogs. The
strokes on the bassenets were so great that
no man could hear other speak for noise :
I heard reported that though all the ar-
mourers of Paris and Brussels had been
working together, could not have made so
great a noise. There were some that ad-
vanced so sore into the press, that they
were slain and overcome for lack of breath,
as sir Louis of Cousan, a gentle knight of
Berry, and sir Floton of Revel and divers
other, which was great damage : but so
great a battle as the Flemings were could
not be overcome without great loss ; for
290
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
young knights and squires will lightly ad-
vance themselves to get honour, and the
press was so great and the business so
perilous, that when they were in the thick
of the press, they could not relieve them-
selves, but were trodden under foot to
death ; and so by that means there were
divers of the Frenchmen slain, but to no
great number. The Flemings were slain
by heaps, one upon another ; and when
they that were behind saw the discomfiture
of their company, they were abashed, and
cast down their pavises and armours and
turned and fled away toward Courtray and
other places, and had mind of nothing but
to save themselves ; and the Bretons and
Frenchmen chased them through dikes,
groves and bushes, and ever fought and
slew them downright : there were many
fled between Courtray and the battle, to go
to Gaunt. ^ This battle was on the Mount
d'Or between Courtray and Rosebeque in
the year of our Lord God a thousand three
hundred fourscore and two, the Thursday
nextbeforeAdvent, in November the twenty-
seventh day, the French king Charles then
being of fourteen year of age.
CHAPTER CCCCXXIII
How the body of Philip d'Arteveld was
brought to the king and so hanged up,
and how the town of Courtray was brent.
Thus, as ye have heard, the Flemings
were discomfited On the Mount d'Or, their
pride abated and PhiHp d'Arteveld slain ;
and of them of Gaunt and of their partners
slain with him in the field to the number
of nine thousand, according to the report
of the heralds, and in the chase twenty-five
thousand slain ; and the battle endured not
past half an hour, or it was discomfited.
And after this discomfiture, (the which ^ was
right honourable for all Christendom and
for all nobleness, for if these said villains
had achieved their intents, there had never
so great cruelty have been seen before in
all the world, for the commonties in divers
1 ' Whither they retreated to go to Gaunt' : but
another reading is 'whither they retreated for
safety ' (a sauf garant).
2 The words ' And after ' and ' the which ' spoil
the structure of the sentence and are not found in
the best text.
countries had rebelled, to have destroyed
all nobleness. What think you that they
of Paris would say when they knew of this
discomfiture? I think they were nothing
joyful thereof.
Thus when this battle was achieved, at
last they left the chase and trumpets sowned
the retreat : and so every man drew to his
lodging, and the vaward lodged forward,
thereas the Flemings had lien the night
before, and there took their ease and were
well refreshed, for new purveyance came
to them from Ypres ; and so that night
they made great fires with such pavises and
staves as the Flemings had brought to the
field. And when the king was in his
lodging, there was pight up a pavilion of
crimson sendal, right noble and rich, and
there the king's uncles unarmed him, and
divers other lords of France came thither
to see him, as reason required. Then the
king said to them that were about him :
' Sirs, if Philip d'Arteveld be alive or dead,
I would fain see him.' They answered how
they would do their pain that he should see
him. And then there was made a cry through
the host, that whosoever could find Philip
d'Arteveld should have a hundred franks^
for his labour. Then there were m
that went among the dead bodies, w!
were nigh despoiled of all their clothes :
last there was such search made that
was found and known by a varlet that h:
served him long time before, and he kn
him very well by divers tokens. So
was drawn and brought before the king's
pavilion, and the king beheld him a Ion:
space and so did all the other lords, and
was turned and returned to see what hu
or wounds he had, but they could see n'
wound whereby he should die ; but it was
judged that he fell in a little dike and a
great many of the Gauntois on him, where-
by he Avas pressed to death. And so when
they had well regarded him, then at last
he was taken from thence and hanged
upon a tree. This was the end of Philip
d'Arteveld.
Sir Daniel of Halewyn, who was within
Oudenarde with other knights and squires,
the which had kept the garrison right
honourably, the Wednesday before the
battle, because he knew well that the king
was in Flanders and should have battle
with the Flemings, late in the night he
AFTER THE BATTLE OF ROSEBEQUE
29]
caused four faggots to be set afire and cast
a-high out of the town, in tokening to them
that lay at the siege how their siege should
be raised. The Thursday tidings came to
the lord of Herselle how that their com-
pany were discomfited and Philip d'Arteveld
slain ; and as soon as these tidings were
known, they dislodged and took their way
to Gaunt and left behind them the most
part of their provision ; but they within
Oudenarde knew nothing thereof till the
next morning ; and when they knew there-
of, they issued out and brought in great
pillage that they found hidden thereabout.^
The same Thursday at night tidings came
to Bruges of the discomfiture of the battle,
whereof they were greatly abashed and
said : ' Lo, we may now see our own
destruction. If the Bretons come hither
and enter into our town, we shall all be
pilled and slain, for they will have of us no
mercy.' Then the burgesses and their
wives took all their best jewels and riches
and put it into ships to save it, to send it
by water into Holland and into Zealand :
in this case they were four days, so that
they left no dish nor cup of silver in all
Bruges, but all was put into ships for doubt
of the Bretons. When Peter du Bois, who
lay there sore wounded with the hurts that
he took at the passage of Commines, under-
stood the discomfiture of his company and
how that Philip d'Arteveld was dead and
slain, and how the people of Bruges were
so abashed, then he was in no surety of
himself, and so determined to depart and
to go to Gaunt, for he thought that they of
Gaunt would also be sore abashed, and so
made a litter to be dressed for him, for he
could not ride. Ye may know well, when
these tidings came to Gaunt of the loss
of their men and of the death of Philip
d'Arteveld, they were so sore discomfited,
that if the Frenchmen had come thither
the day of the battle or the next day after
or the Saturday after, or ever that Peter
du Bois came thither, they would have
suffered them to have entered into the
town without any resistance, to have done
what they had list. But the Frenchmen
1 ' Great pillage of knives and baggage-carts and
provisions, concealed (mucez) thus round about
there.' These last words, in which there is prob-
ably some corruption, are not found in the best
text, where we also read ' tents' for 'knives.'
took no heed thereto : they thought right
well to be lords thereof at their pleasure,
seeing that Philip d'Arteveld was dead ;
they thought surely that the people of
Gaunt would have yielded them to the
king's mercy : howbeit, they did not so,
for they" alone made greater war than ever
they did before, as ye shall hear after in
this history.
On the Friday the king dislodged from
Rosebeque because of the air of the dead
bodies, and he was counselled to go to
Courtray to refresh him there. T'iie Hase
and divers other knights and squires, such
as knew the country, leapt on their horses
and galloped straight to Courtray and
entered into the town, for there was made
no defence against them. The burgesses
and their wives and all other men, women
and children entered into cellars and into
the churches to fly from the death, so that
it was pity to see it. Such as entered first
into Courtray had great profit by pillage,
and so then after there entered the French-
men and Bretons, and every man took up
their lodging as they came ; and the king
entered the first day of December. Then
there was a new persecution made in the
town on the Flemings, such as were hidden
about ; for as they were found out they were
slain, for there was no man taken to mercy.
The Frenchmen and they of that town
hated each other mortally because of a
battle that was once fought before Court-
ray, whereas sir Robert Artois and a great
part of the flower of France were slain.
It was shewed the king how that there
was in Courtray in the church of our Lady
a chapel, wherein were five hundred gilt
spurs pertaining of old time to the lords
and knights of France, such as had been
slain at the said battle of Courtray, the
which was in the year of our Lord God
a thousand three hundred and two, and
they of Courtray once a year made thereof
a great triumph and solemnity. "Wherefore
the king said it should be dearly bought ;
and so it was after, for at his departing he
set the town afire, to the intent that it
should be known ever after how that the
French king had been there. And anon
after that the king [was] thus come to
Courtray, there came thither a fifty spears
from the garrison of Oudenarde with sir
Daniel of Halewyn to see the king, who
292
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
made them right good cheer and so did all
the lords ; and when they had been there
a day, then they returned to Oudenarde to
their company.
CHAPTERS CCCCXXIV, CCCCXXV
SUMMARY. — The town of Bruges was
spared from plunder, paying six score thou-
sand franks. The country of Hainault,
which was threatened by the Bretons because
the earl had not taken part in the war
against the Flemings, was saved by the earl
of Blois and others.
Peter du Bois persuaded the Gauntois to
shut their gates and defend themselves.
On hearing of the defeat of Rosebeque the
English broke off their treaty with the
Flemings.
The French king returned to Tournay,
the season being too late to lay siege to Ghent,
and many of the strange lords departed to
their homes.
CHAPTER CCCCXXVI
How the French king came to Paris, and
how he caused to be put down the chains
and harness in the town, and how the
Parisians were ransomed at his pleasure,
SUMMARY. —They of Ghent sent an
embassy to the king at Tournay, offering to
put themselves under his lordship, but not
willing to accept again the earl of Flanders
for their lord. After Christmas the king
went to Arras, leaving captains in the town
of Flanders and appointing the lord of
Ghistelles to be Regard of Flanders.
The text continues thus : —
The king tarried at Arras, and the city was
in a great adventure to have been overrun
and robbed with the Bretons, for there was
great wages owing to them ; also they had
endured great travail in that voyage and
they were not well content with the king,
it was great pain to refrain them from doing
evil. The constable and marshals of France
appeased them, promising how they should
be clearly paid of their wages, when they
came to Paris. So thus the king departed
and went to Peronne : the earl of Flanders
took leave of the king and went to Lille.
So long the king journeyed that he passed
Peronne, Noyon and Compiegne, and so
came to Senlis and there rested ; and all his
men of war were lodged in the villages
between Senlis and Meaux in Brie and on
the river of Marne and about Saint-Denis,
so that all the country was full of men of
war. And so then the king departed
from Senlis and went toward Paris ; and
he sent before his officers to prepare for
him his lodging at the castle of Louvre,
and also his three uncles sent of their ser-
vants to prepare their lodgings, and in like
wise so did other lords : and all this was done
for a cautel and wile, for the king nor his
lords were not determined to enter so
suddenly into Paris, for they doubted them
of Paris ; but they did this to prove what
countenance and order they of Paris would
make at the king's entry ; they thought
they would make this assay before. The
servants that went before were commanded
to say, if any man demanded of them if
the king were coming, that they would be
there incontinent : by the which the
Parisians advised among themselves to be
armed and to shew the king at his entry
what puissance they were of and what men
of war they were able to make to serve the
king, when it pleased him : but they had
been better to have sitten still in their
houses, for the shew that they made was
converted to their great servitude, as ye
shall hear after. They said they did it for
good, but it was taken to evil. And
whereas the king should have lodged at
Louvre, he made his lodging to be prepare "
at Bourget : and then voice ran through
Paris how the king was near at hand t
enter into Paris. Then more than twent
thousand Parisians armed them and issue
out into the fields and ordered themselve
in a fair battle between Saint- Lazare an
Paris toward Montmartre, and they ha(
with them cross-bows, pavises and mall
ready apparelled, as though they should
have fought incontinent in battle.
The king was as then at Bourget, and all
the lords, and thither to them was brought
all the tidings of all the demeanour of them
of Paris. Then the lords said : * Ah, ye
may see the pride of these ribalds : where-
fore do they now shew their estate? If
they would have served the king in the
I
THE KING'S RETURN TO PARIS
293
same point as they be in now, when the
king went into Flanders, then had they
done well ; but they had no mind so to do,
they rather prayed to God that we should
never return again. '~ The which words
divers that were there helped well forward
to the intent to grieve the Parisians, saying :
' If the king be well counselled, he shall
not adventure himself to come among such
people as cometh against him with an army
arranged in battle. They should rather
have come humbly with procession and
have rung all the bells in Paris in thanking
God of the victory that the king had in
Flanders.' Thus the lords were abashed
how they should maintain themselves.
Finally it was appointed that the con-
stable of France, the lord d'Albret, the lord
of Coucy, sir Guy of Tremouille and sir John
of Vienne should go and speak with them
and demand of them the cause why they be
issued out of Paris in so great a number
armed in order of battle against the king ;
the which thing was never seen before in
France : and upon their answer the lords
said the king should take advice : ^ they
were wise enough to order as great a matter
as that was and greater. So these said
lords departed from the king without har-
ness, and for the more surety of their
business they took with them three or four
heralds and sent them somewhat before to
the Parisians, and said : ' Sirs, go ye on
before to yonder people of Paris, and
demand of them a safe-conduct for us to go
and come, till we have spoken with them
from the king.'
These heralds departed and rode a great
pace and came to these people ; and when
the Parisians saw them coming, they thought
full little they had come to have spoken
with them, they thought they had but
ridden to Paris as other did. The heralds
had on their coat armours, and when they
approached near to the Parisians, they said
on high : ' Where be the masters ? Where
be the rulers ? Which of you be captains ?
We be come to you sent from the lords.'
Then some of them of Paris perceived well
by these words that they had not done
well : they cast down their heads and said :
' Here be no masters : we are all of one
accord and at the king's commandment and
the lords'. Therefore, sirs, say in God's
1 ' These lords were counselled to reply and speak.'
name what ye will to us.' 'Sirs,' quoth
the heralds, ' the lords that sent us hither,'
and named them, * they know not what ye
think or intend : they require you that they
may peaceably without peril come and
speak with you, and return again to the
king and shew him the answer that ye
make to them : otherwise they dare not
come to you.' * By our faiths, sirs,' quoth
they, ' they ought to say no such words to
us but of their gentleness : ^ we think ye
do but mock us.' ' Surely, sirs,' quoth the
heralds, *we speak it in good certainty.'
' Then,' quoth the Parisians, 'go your way
and say to them that they may come at
their pleasure to us without danger or peril ;
for they shall have no hurt for none of
us, for we are all ready to fulfil their
commandments. '
Then the heralds returned to the lords
and shewed them as ye have heard. Then
the four lords rode forth and their company,
and came to the Parisians, whom they
found in good array and order of battle,
and there were more than twenty thousand
nialles. And as the lords passed by them
and beheld them well, within themselves
they praised much their manner ; and also
as they passed by, ever the Parisians in-
clined themselves to them. And when
these lords were as in the midst among
them, then they rested and stood still, and
the constable spake a-high and said : ' Ye
people of Paris, what hath moved you to
issue out of the city in this order of battle ?
It seemeth ye will fight against the king
our sovereign lord, whose subjects ye be or
should be.' 'Sir,' quoth they, 'save your
grace, we were never of will to do anything
against the king ; but, sir, we be issued out
for none other cause but to shew the king
what puissance the Parisians be of. The
king is but young, he never as yet saw it ;
and without he see it he cannot know it,
nor how he may be served, if need be.'
' Sirs,' quoth the constable, 'ye speak well :
but we say unto you from the king that as
at this time he will not see you in this
manner, for this that ye have done sufficeth.-
Therefore we counsel you to return again
1 ' Ye ought not to say that to us, except it were
of their nobleness ' ; that is, unless the lords who
sent you said it.
'- ' That at this time he doth not desire to see it,
1 and that which ye have done sufficelh him. '
294
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
peaceably to Paris, every man to his own
lodging, and do off your harness, if ye
intend that the king shall come hither.'
' Sir,' quoth they, * we shall with right a
good will fulfil your commandment ' : and
so therewith they all returned into Paris,
every man to his own house to unarm him.
And the said four lords returned to the
king and shewed unto him all the words
that ye have heard before.
Then it was determined that the king, his
uncles and lords, and certain men of arms
with them, should enter into Paris, and the
great band to bide without the city round
about, to give the more fear to the Parisians,
And the lord of Coucy and the marshal of
vSancerre were ordained, that as soon as the
king were entered into Paris, that they
should take down the leaves of the gates of
the four principals of the city, toward
Saint-Denis and wSaint-Maur, so that the
gates might stand open day and night, for
all manner of men of war to enter in and
out at their pleasure, to the intent to master
them of Paris, if need were ; and also they
to take down all the chains in every street,
to ride in and out at their pleasure : and as
it was ordained, so it was done.
And so the king entered into Paris and
lodged at Louvre, and his uncles by him,
and the other lords in divers lodgings.
So thus the gates were taken out of the
gonds^ and laid down on the ground, and
the chains of every street taken down and
brought into the palace. Then the Parisians
were in great doubt and feared that they
should be overrun, so that none of them
durst look out into the street, nor open
door nor window : and thus they were a
three days in great peril and fear to receive
greater damage ; as they did, for it cost
many of them great finance and ransom ;
for they were called into the chamber of
council one after another, such as the lords
would have, and so there they were ran-
somed, some at six thousand franks, some
at three and some at one ; so that there was
levied in Paris to the king's profit, to his
uncles' and to his ministers', the sum of four
hundred thousand franks : there was nothing
demanded of the poor people, but of the
great masters and such as might bear it :
they were right happy that might escape
1 *Hors des gontz.' The word 'gouges' in the
translation is assumed to be a misprint for ' gondes.'
with paying of ransom. And every man
])y himself was fain to bring their harness in
sacks to the castle of Beaute, otherwise
called the castle of Vincennes, and there it
was closed in a great tower, and their
malles also. Thus the Parisians were dealt
withal, to give ensample to all other good
towns of France, and there were raised up
subsidies, gabelles, aids, fouages, douzimes,
treizimes and all other such things, and also
all the plain country about clean rifled.
CHAPTER CCCCXXVII
SUAIMARY.—Jean des Mares and many
others were executed at Paris ; and also in
other tozans, as Rouen, Rheims, Orleans,
many were either put to death or ransomed.
Francis Ackerman and the Gauntois took
and plundered Ardenbourg.
CHAPTER CCCCXXVni
Of the alliance that was purchased between
the Englishmen and the Flemings, and of
the bulls that -pope Urban sent into
England to destroy the Clementines.
The earl of Flanders, who lay at Lille,
understood how the Gauntois advanced
themselves to ride and to overrun the country
and to destroy that they might. He was
right sore displeased : he thought they had
not had the wit nor puissance so to do,
sith that Philip d'Arteveld was dead.
Howbeit, his council said to him : ' Sir, ye
know well and ye have always heard say
how the Gauntois are right subtle people,
the which they have well shewed and will
shew ; and also again they have been in
England and are returned again : and
specially Francis Ackerman, who was com-
panion to Philip d'Arteveld in all his feats,
as long as he liveth, ye shall have war with
them. Also, sir, we know well he hath
made great alliance with the king of
England for the town of Gaunt and hath a
certain pension out of England secretly by
John Salemon, who is pure EngHsh and
dwelleth under you in the town of Bruges,
and hath done the space of this twenty-four
year. And to verify that this is true, Rasse
of Vorde, Louis de Vos and John Scotelare
I
«
ENGLISH SYMPATHY WITH THE FLEMINGS
295
!
of Gaunt, and the clerk that procureth to
be bishop of Gaunt, all these are still
behind in England to perform this alliance :
and, sir, ye shall hear more truer tidings
than we can tell you, or the mid of May
be past.'
The earl of Flanders believed well all
these sayings to be true, and so they were
indeed. Then he began to imagine against
this John Salemon and on the Englishmen
dwelling in Bruges. Then he caused them
to be summoned to be at a certain day
assigned before the earl at Lille ; and so
the earl's servants came and summoned
John Salemon and divers other rich Eng-
lishmen, or they were ware thereof, com-
manding them the fifteenth day after to be
with the earl at his castle of Lille. When
the Englishmen heard thereof, they were
sore abashed and took counsel together,
having great marvel why the earl should
send for them. All things considered, they
doubted greatly, for they knew well the earl
was fierce and fell in his haste. Then they
said among themselves : ' He that keepeth
not his body, keepeth nothing : we doubt
lest the earl Idc informed sore against us ;
for with Francis Ackerman, who hath a
pension of the king of England, when he
was in England there was with him two
burgesses of this town of Bruges, and per-
adventure they have made some informa-
tion against us to the earl, for as now they
be on his part. ' So on this purpose rested
the Englishmen, that they durst not abide
the earl's judgment nor to go to Lille at the
day before limited : so they departed from
Bruges and went to Sluys and did so much
that they found a ship ready apparelled, and
so they bought it with their money and so
departed and sailed till they arrived at
London. And when the earl of Flanders
was informed of this matter and saw that
the Englishmen appeared not at their day,
he was sore displeased and sent incontinent
to Bruges and caused to be seized all that
ever could be found pertaining to the Eng-
lishmen, and all their heritages given and
sold, and John Salemon clean banished out
of Flanders for a hundred year and one day,
and his companions ; and such as were
taken were put in prison, whereas some
died and some recovered again all that ever
tj|iey had lost.
There is a common proverb, the which
is true, and that is how envy never dieth.
I say it because Englishmen are right I
envious of the wealth of other, and always
hath been. It was so that the king of
England and his uncles and the nobles of
England were right sore displeased of the
wealth and honour that was fallen to the
French king and to the nobles of France
at the battle of Rosebeque. And the
knights of England spake and said to each
other : ' Ah, Saint Mary, how the French-
men are now mounted in pride by the over-
throwing of a sort of rude villains. "Would
to God Philip d'Arteveld had had of our
men a two thousand spears and six thou-
sand archers : there had not then scaped
one Frenchman, but other slain or taken :
but an God will, this glory shall not long
endure them. Now we have a fair advan-
tage to enter into Flanders, for the country
is now conquered for the French king, and
we trust to conquer it again for the king of
England. It sheweth well at this time
that the earl of Flanders is greatly subject
to the French king and that he will please
him in all points, when our merchants
dwelling in Bruges, and have dwelt there
beyond this thirty year, be now banished
and chased out of Flanders. The time
hath been seen they durst not have done it ;
but now they dare do none otherwise for
fear of the Frenchmen : we trust it shall
not abide long in this point.' This was
the language among the Englishmen
through the realm of England ; therefore
it was to be supposed that this was done
but by envy.
In this season he that wrote himself pope
Urban the sixth came by the sea from
Rome to Genes, whereas he was well re-
ceived and reverently of the Genoways, and
there he kept his residence. Ye know well
how all England was obeisant to him, as
well the Church as the people, because the
French king was Clementine, and all
France. This Urban, on whom the Eng-
lishmen and divers other countries believed,
he being at Genes advised how he might
annoy the French king, and so he thought
to send into England for succour ; I shall
shew you by what manner. He sent his
bulls to the archbishops and bishops of
England, making mention how he assoiled
from pain and from sin all such as would
aid to destroy the Clementines ; for he
296
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
knew well how Clement his adversary had
done in like wise in the realm of France,
and doth daily, and they called the Urban-
ists in their faith and belief to be but dogs.
So this Urban saw well that the Clement-
ines would condemn and destroy him if
they might, and he saw well he could not
more grieve the Frenchmen than by the
Englishmen : but first he saw well he must
find the means to gather together great
riches ; for he knew well the nobles of
England, for all his absolutions, would not
ride forth in war without money, for men
of war live not by pardons, nor they set not
much thereby but in the article of death.
Then he determined beside these bulls to
send into England to the prelates, that they
should ordain a full dime on the churches,
the noblemen and men of war thereof to be
paid their wages without grieving of any
part of the king's treasure or of the com-
monty of the realm : the which thing the
pope thought the barons and knights of
England gladly would hearken unto. Then
he caused to be written and engrossed bulls,
as well to the king and his uncles as to the
prelates of England, of plain absolution
from pain and sin ; and beside that, he
granted to the king and to his uncles a
plain dime to be taken and levied through-
out all England, so that sir Henry Spenser,
bishop of Norwich, should be chief captain
of all the men of war ; because the goods
came from the Church, therefore the pope
would that one of the Church should be
chief governour, and to the intent that the
churches and commons of the realm should
the better believe the matter. And beside
that, because he knew the realm of Spain
contrary to his opinion and somewhat allied
with the French king, he advised ^ that
with part of the same gold and silver that
should be gathered in the realm of England,
that the duke of Lancaster, who reputed
himself king of Castile by the right of his
wife, that he in like wise should make
another army into Castile ; and also if the
duke of Lancaster take on him the said
viage, then the pope said he would grant
to the king of Portugal, who made new
war with king John of Castile, for king
Francis was dead, a plain dime throughout
all Portugal. Thus pope Urban ordained
all his business, and sent a thirty bulls into
1 ' II s'avisa,' 'he planned.'
England, the which were received witl
great joy.
Then the prelates in their jurisdiction!]
began to preach this voyage in manner of i
croisey, whereby the people of England^
who lightly believed, gave thereto great'
faith, and believed verily that they could
not go to Paradise ^ if they died that yeai
without they gave somewhat in pure alms.]
Toward this war at London and in the dio-i
cese there was gathered a tun-full of gold anc
silver, and according to the pope's bulls he
that most gave most pardon obtained ; andl
whosoever died in that season and gave hisi
goods to these pardons, was clean assoiled]
ifrom pain and from sin ; and according to]
the tenour of the bulls happy was he that
died in that season, for to have so nobU
absolution. Thus they gathered money all
the winter and Lent season, what by the
pardons and by the dimes, that as it ws
said it drew to the sum of twenty -five
hundred thousand franks.
CHAPTER CCCCXXIX
How the bishop of Norwich and the EnglishI
men issued out of England to run and tf
make war against all those that held witl
pope Clement.
When the king of England, his unch
and council understood what money wz
gathered, they were right joyous and sai(
how they had money enough to make war
against two realms, that was to say, against
France and Spain. To go into Spain
the name of the pope and of the prelates
England with the duke of Lancaster w£
ordained the bishop of London callec
Thomas, brother to the earl of Devonshire^
to be chief captain, and with him two thou-
sand spears and four thousand archers, anc'
they to have half of the money thus gathered^
But it was ordained that they should not
soon depart out of England as the bishop 0%
Norwich, because that army should arrive
at Calais and so to enter into France ;
they wist not what should fall therebyjj
nor whether the French king would rais
1 ' Thought that they could not issue from th^
year with honour nor ever enter paradise,' etc. Th|
words ' in pure alms ' belong properly to the ne;<
sentence.
CRUSADE OF THE BISHOP OF NORWICH, 1383
297
any puissance to fight with them or not.
Also there was another point contrary to
the duke of Lancaster, yet he had great joy
of that viage, for generally all the commonty
of England more inclined to be with the
bishop of Norwich than to go with the duke
of Lancaster : for a long season the duke
was not in the grace of the people ; and
also they thought the realm of France
to be [a] nearer journey than into Spain ;
and also some said that the duke of Lan-
caster for covetousness of the silver and
gold that was gathered of the Church and
of the pardons, whereof he should have his
part, that he did incline rather thereto for
the profit than for any devotion. But they
said how the bishop of Norwich represented
the pope and was by him instituted, whereby
the greatest part of England gave to him
great faith, and the king also.
And so there was ordained at the wages
of the Church to go with this bishop
Henry Spenser, divers good knights and
squires of England and of Gascoyne, as the
lord Beaumont, sir Hugh Calverley, sir
Thomas Trivet, sir "William Helmon, sir
John Ferrers, sir Hugh Spenser, cousin to
the bishop, son to his brother, sir William
Faringdon, sir Matthew Redman, captain
of Berwick ; all these were of England ; and
of Gascons there was the lord of Chateau-
neuf and sir John his brother, Raymond
Marsan, Guillonet de Pans, Garriot Vigier,
John de Cauchitan and divers other, and
all counted they were a five hundred spears
and fifteen hundred of other men, and a
great number of priests, because the matter
touched the Church and moved by the
pope.
These men of war provided themselves
for the matter, and passage was delivered
them at Dover and at Sandwich, and this
was about Easter ; and so they passed over
little and little, as they list : this voyage
was in the manner of a croisey. Thus they
passed the sea, or the bishop and other
captains were fully ready ; for the bishop
and sir Hugh Calverley, sir Thomas Trivet
and sir William Helmon were with the
king and his council, and there they sware
solemnly in the king's presence to bring
truly to an end their voyage, nor to fight
against no man nor country that held with
pope Urban, but to fight and make war
against them that were of the opinion of
Clement. Thus they sware, and then the
king by the advice of his council said to
them : ' Sir bishop and all ye, when ye
come to Calais, I will ye sojourn there in
that frontier the space of a month, and in
that term I shall refresh you with new men
of war, of arms and archers, and I shall
send you a good marshal, a valiant man,
sir William Beauchamp ; for I have sent
for him, he is in the march of Scotland,
whereas he keepeth frontier against the
Scots, for the truce between the Scots and
us falleth now at Saint John's tide : and
after his return ye shall have him in your
company without any fail. Therefore I
would ye should tarry for him, for he shall
be to you right necessary both for his
wisdom and good counsel.' The bishop
and his company promised the king so to
do, and thus they departed from the king
and took the sea at Dover and arrived at
Calais the twenty-third day of April, the
year of our Lord God a thousand three
hundred fourscore and three.
The same season there was captain at
Calais sir John Devereux, who received the
bishop and his company with great joy ;
and so they landed little and little, and all
their horses and baggage, and so lodged
in Calais and thereabout in bastides that
they made daily : and so there they tarried
till the fourth day of May, abiding for their
marshal sir William Beauchamp, who came
not of all that time. When the bishop of
Norwich, who was young and courageous
and desirous to be in arms, for he never
bare armour before but in Lombardy with
his brother, thus as he was at Calais and
saw how he was captain of so many men of
arms, he said one day to his company :
' Sirs, why do we sojourn here so long and
tarry for sir W^illiam Beauchamp, who
Cometh not? The king nor his uncles, I
trow, think little of us : let us do some
deeds of arms, sith we be ordained so to do :
let us employ the money of the Church
truly while that we live : let us conquer
somewhat of our enemies. ' ' That is well
said, sir,' quoth all those that heard him
speak : ' let us warn all our company that
we will ride forth within this three days,
and let us take advice which way we
shall draw. We cannot issue out of the
gates but we enter into the lands of our
enemies, for it is French all about on every
I
298
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
part. We were as good to go towards
Flanders as to Boulogne, for Flanders is a
land of conquest, conquered by the puis-
sance of the French king : we cannot be-
stow our time more honourably, all things
considered, than to conquer it again ; and
also the earl of Flanders hath done of late
a great despite to men of our country, for
without any title of reason he hath banished
and chased them out of Bruges and out of
all Flanders : it passeth not two year sith
that he would have been loath to have done
so, but as now he is fain to obey to the
pleasure of the French king.' ' Wherefore, '
quoth the bishop, 'if I may be believed,
the first journey that we shall make shall
be into Flanders. ' ' Sir, ' quoth sir Thomas
Trivet and sir William Helmon, ' ye shall
be well beheved : let us ride into that part
within this three days, for it is of the land
of our enemies.' To this counsel they all
agreed, and gave warning each to other.
CHAPTER CCCCXXX
How the Eng^lishmen took the town and
minster of Gravelines, and how the earl of
Flanders sent to speak with them.
At all this agreement was not sir Hugh
Calverley, for he was gone to see a cousin
of his, the captain of Guines, called sir John
Drayton, and so he was there all day and
returned again the next day. Then the
bishop sent for him to the castle, for the
knights had said to the bishop how they
would have the advice of sir Hugh Calver-
ley, or they did anything, because he had
most seen and used the war. Then the
bishop said to him as ye have heard before,
and commanded him to say his advice.
Then sir Hugh answered him and said :
' Sir, ye know well on what condition we
be departed out of England : our enterprise
toucheth nothing the war between the
kings, but all only against the Clementines;
for we be soldiers of pope Urban, who hath
clean assoiled us from all sin and pain, if
we do our power to destroy the Clementines.
If we go into Flanders, though the country
hath been conquered by the French king
and the duke of Burgoyne, yet for all that
we should do amiss ; for as I understand,
the earl of Flanders and all the Flemings
be as good Urbanists as we be. Also, sir.
we have not men enow to enter m
Flanders ; for they are all ready and us
in the war, and they are a great numb
of people : they have done nothing else bui
lived in war this three or four year, an
also it is a strong country to enter into
also the Flemings have done us no trespa;
But, sir, if we shall ride, let us ride int
France : there be our enemies in two ma;
ners. The king our lord's war is nc
open, and also the Frenchmen are go
Clementines, contrary to our belief ani
against our pope. Also, sir, we shouL
abide for our marshal sir William Beau
champ, who should hastily come to us wit
a good number of men, and the last won
that our king said was that he would sen
him to us. But, sir, my counsel is, if we
shall needs ride, let us draw towards Aire
or Montreuil : there is none, I think, as
yet, that will come against us, and always
men will come to us out of Flanders, who
hath lost all that they have : they will be
glad to go with us in hope to win somewhai
again : they bear evil will in their hearts t
the Frenchmen, who hath slain in the wa
their fathers, brethren, kinsmen and friend
Sir Hugh could scant speak these won
but that the bishop took the matter hot an
hasty and said : ' Ah, sir Hugh, ye have
so well learned to ride in France, th
ye cannot ride into none other place. WH
cannot better ride to our profit than ti
enter into the frontier of Flanders by t
sea coast, as to the town of Bourbourg,
Dunkirk, of Newport, of Bergues, of Casse!
of Ypres and of Poperinghe : in these sai
countries, as I am informed by the burgesse
of Gaunt, they had never war that grieved
them. Let us go thither and refresh us.
and abide there for our marshal, if he wii
come ; howbeit, we see not yet but litt
appearance of his coming.' When
Hugh Calverley saw that the bishop di
take him up so shortly, and he consider
well how he was their chief captain an(
that he was a great man and of gre
lineage, he held his peace ; for he saw wel
also how that his opinion should not
sustained neither by sir Thomas Trivet n
by sir William Helmon. Then he depart
and said : ' Sir, if ye ride forth, sir Hug]
Calverley shall ride with you, nor ye sha'
not go that way but that he dare well g(
the same.' 'I believe well,' quoth th
i
THE BISHOP OF NORWICH IN FLANDERS
299
bishop, 'ye have good will to ride forth :
therefore make you ready, for we will ride
to-morrow. '
On this purpose they were all agreed, and
their riding forth was published throughout
the town. And in the morning the trum-
pets sowned and every man departed into
the fields and took the way to Gravelines ;
and they were in number about a three
thousand men armed, and so they came to
the port of Gravelines. The sea was as
then but low, and so they passed forth and
assailed the minster, the which they of the
town had fortified. The town was closed
but with pales, the which could not long
endure, nor also the men of the town were
but seamen ; if there had been gentlemen, it
would have held longer than it did : nor also
the country was not ware thereof, for they
feared nothing the Englishmen. Thus the
Englishmen conquered the town of Grave-
lines and entered into it, and then drew to
the minster, whereunto the people of the
town were drawn and put therein all their
goods, on trust of the strength of the place,
and their wives and children, and made
round about it great dikes, so that the Eng-
lishmen could not have it at their ease ; for
they were there two days or they won it,
yet finally they won it and slew all them
that kept it with defence, and with the
residue they did what they list. Thus they
were lords and masters of Gravelines and
lodged together in the town and found
there plenty of provision. Then all the
country began to be afraid, and did put
their goods into the fortresses and send their
wives and children to Bergues, to Bour-
bourg and to Saint-Omer's.
The earl of Flanders, who lay at Lille,
when he understood these tidings, how that
the Englishmen made him war and had
taken Gravelines, then he began to doubt
of them of [the] Franc of Bruges, and called
his council to him and said : ' I have great
marvel of the Englishmen, that they run
thus on my land : they demanded never
nothing of me, and thus without any de-
fiance to enter into my land.' Some of his
council answered him and said : ' Sir, it is
a thing well to marvel of ; but it is to be
supposed that they repute you, the earl of
Flanders, to be French, because the French
king hath so ridden in this country that all
is yielded to him. ' * Why, ' quoth the earl,
'what is best then to be done?' 'Sir,'
quoth they, ' it were good that ye send sir
John Villain and sir John Moulin, who be
here present, and also they have a pension
of the king of England, into England to
speak with the king there from you, and to
shew him sagely all this business, and to
demand of him why he doth make you war.
We think, when he heareth your messengers
speak, he will not be content with them that
thus warreth against your country, but call
them back to their great blame.' 'Yea,'
quoth the earl, ' but in the mean time, while
they go into England, they that be now at
Gravelines will go farther and do great
damage to them of [the] Franc' 'Sir,'
quoth they, * then let them first go to them
at Gravelines and desire of them a safe-
conduct to go to Calais and so into Eng-
land, and to know of them what it is that
they demand of you. We think these two
knights are so well advised and will handle
them so wisely, that they shall set the
country in rest and peace. ' ' I am content
it be thus,' quoth the earl. Then these two
knights were informed by the earl and his
council what they should say to the bishop
of Norwich, and to shew him what charge
they have to go into England to shew the
matter to the king there and to his uncles.
In the mean season that these knights
prepared to go to Gravelines to speak with
the bishop of Norwich, all the country arose
about Bourbourg, Bergues, Cassel, Pope-
ringhe. Fumes, Newport and other towns,
and they came to Dunkirk and there abode
in the town, saying how they would shortly
issue out and defend their frontiers and
fight with the Englishmen. And these
men of Flanders had a captain called sir
John Sporkin, governour of all the lands of
the lady of Bar, the which land lieth in the
marches about Ypres : and this sir John
Sporkin knew nothing that the earl of
Flanders would send into England, for the
Hase of Flanders was newly come to him
with thirty spears and shewed him how that
the earl was at Lille about a marriage to
be had between his sister and the lord de
Wavrin. So these two knights did as much
as they could to stir the country to rise, so that
they were to the number of twelve thousand
pikes with pavises and coats of steel,
hocquetons, chapeaus, and bassenets, and
in a manner they were all of the land of the
300
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
lady of Bar between Gravelines and Dun-
kirk, as I was informed. And a three
leagues in the way there stood the town of
Mardyck, a great village on the sea side
unclosed, and thither came some of the
Englishmen and scrimmished. And so
thus came to Gravelines sir John Villain
and sir John du Moulin for the earl of
Flanders by a safe -conduct that he had
attained from the bishop, or he came from
Bourbourg. Then they came to the bishop
of Norwich, who made to them by semblant
right good cheer. He had with him at
dinner the same day all the lords of the
host ; for he knew well the earl's knights
should come to him the same time, and his
mind was how he would that they should
find them all together. Then these two
knights began to speak and said : ' Sir, we
be sent hither to you from the earl of
Flanders our lord. ' ' What lord ? ' quoth the
bishop. They answered again and said :
' From the earl : there is none other lord
of Flanders.' ' By the good Lord,' quoth
the bishop, 'we take for the lord of Flanders
the French king or else the duke of Bur-
goyne, our enemies, for by puissance but
late they have conquered all the country.'
' Sir, ' quoth the knights, ' saving your dis-
pleasure, the land was at Tournay clearly
rendered again and put into the hands and
governing of the earl of Flanders, who hath
sent us to you, desiring you that we two,
who have pension of the king of England,
may have a safe-conduct to go into England
to speak with the king, to know the cause
why without any defiance he maketh war
against the earl and his country of Flanders.'
'Sirs,' quoth the bishop, 'we shall take
advice and answer you to-morrow.' So
thus they went to their lodging and left the
Englishmen in council ; and so all that day
they took counsel together, and concluded
as ye shall hear.
CHAPTER CCCCXXXI
The answer that the bishop of Norwich
made to the knights of Flanders ; and of
the assembly that they of Cassel and of
the country about made against the
Englishmen.
All things considered and regarded, they
said they would grant no safe -conduct to
them to go into England, for it was too ii
off; for or they could return again, t'
country would be sore stirred and greatl;
fortified, and also the earl should by th '
time send word thereof to the French ki
and to the duke of Burgoyne, whereby
they might come with such number of
people against them that they should not
be able to resist them nor to fight with
them. So on this determination they
rested. Then it was demanded among
them what answer they should make to the
knights of Flanders the next day. Then
sir Hugh Calverley was commanded to
speak and to give his advice. Then he
said thus to the bishop : ' Sir, ye are our
chief captain : sir, ye may say to them how
ye be in the land of the duchess of Bar,
who is Clementine, and how for Urban ye
make war and for nobody else ; and offer
them that if this land with the churches and
abbeys will become good Urbanists, and to
ride with you and to bring you through
the country, ye will then cause all yoi
company to pass through the country pea^
ably and to pay for all that they shall tak
but as touching to give them safe-condui
to go into England, ye will not gra;
thereto in no wise ; for ye may say
your war toucheth nothing the war of Enj
land nor of France, but that we be soldii
of pope Urban. Sir, as I think, this answ
should suffice.' Every man agreed well
this, and especially the bishop, who had
mind of nothing that was said but to fight
and to war on the country.
Thus the matter abode all night, and
the morning after mass the two said knig
of the earl's, desiring to have an answ(
came to the bishop's lodging and abed
there till he came out to go to mass. And
so then they stepped forth before him, and
there he made them good cheer by semblant,
and devised with them a little of other
matters, to delay the time till his knights
were come about him : and when they were
all assembled together, then the bishop
said to them : ' Sirs, ye tarry for an answer
and ye shall have it on the request that ye
make for the earl of Flanders. I say unto
you, ye may return again when ye list to
the earl your master, or else to go to Calais
on your jeopardy, or into England : but as
for safe-conduct, ye get none of me, for I
am not the king of England, nor I have
1
)dP'
THE BISHOP OF NORWICH IN FLANDERS
301
not so far authority so to do. I and all my
company are but soldiers of pope Urban
and of wages of him, and take his money
to serve him truly : and now we be in the
land of the duchess of Bar, who is a
Clementine, and if the people be of that
opinion, we will make them war ; and if
they will go with us and take our part, they
shall have part of our pardons and absolu-
tions : for Urban our pope, for whom we
I are in voyage, hath assoiled us clean from
pain and from sin, and all those that will
aid to destroy the Clementines.'
When the knights heard these words, sir
John Villain said : * Sir, in that as touching
the pope, I think ye have not heard the
contrary but that my lord the earl of
Flanders hath been always good Urbanist ;
wherefore, sir, ye do evil to make war to
him or to his country, nor I think the king
of England, your lord, hath not charged you
so to do, for he is so noble, that if he would
have made him war, first he would have defied
him.' With those words the bishop began
to wax angry and said : ' Well, sirs, go to
your earl, and say unto him that he getteth
nothing else of us : and if ye will send into
England to know the king's pleasure, do as
ye list ; but as for this way nor by Calais
they shall not pass.' And 'when these
knights saw they could not attain to their
purpose none otherwise, they departed and
returned to their lodging and dined, and
after dinner departed and went the same
night to Saint-Omer's.
The same day that the knights departed,
there came tidings to the bishop that there
was at Dunkirk and thereabout a twelve
thousand men in harness, and the bastard
of Flanders in their company as their chief
captain, and divers other knights and
squires with them ; insomuch it was
shewed him that on the Thursday before
they had scrimmished with his company
and slain a hundred of them. * Lo,' quoth
the bishop, ' ye may see whether the earl
do meddle in this matter or not : it is he
that doth all ; he entreateth for peace with
the sword in his hand. Let us ride forth
to-morrow and go to Dunkirk and see what
people they be that be there gathered.'
Every man agreed thereto, and the same
day there came to the bishop two knights,
the one from Calais, the other from
Guines, and with them a thirty spears and
threescore archers. The knights were
called sir Nicholas Clifton and sir John
Drayton, captain of Guines. In the next
morning they made them ready to ride
forth and so drew into the field : they were
more than six hundred spears and sixteen
hundred archers, and so they rode toward
Mardyck and Dunkirk. The bishop made
to be borne before him the arms of the
Church, the banner of Saint Peter, field
gules, two keys silver, like soldiers of pope
Urban, and in his pennon he bare his own
arms, silver and azure quarterly, a fret gold
on the azure, a bend of gules on the silver,
and because he was the youngest of the
Spensers, he bare a border of gules for a
difference. There was also sir Hugh
Spenser his nephew with his pennon ; and
with banner and pennon there was the lord
Beaumont, sir Hugh Calverley, sir Thomas
Trivet and sir William Helmon ; and with
pennon without banner there was sir
William Drayton, sir John his brother, sir
Matthew Redman, sir John Ferrers, sir
William Faringdon, and sir John of Chateau-
neuf, Gascon. Thus these men of arms
rode towards Mardyck and there refreshed
them and drank, and so passed forth and
took the way to Dunkirk.
And the Flemings that were there as-
sembled were advertised that the English-
men would come that way ready apparelled
to fight with them ; so they determined
among themselves to draw into the field
and to be ready in good array to fight, if
need required, for they thought, to abide in
the town and to be closed therein should
be nothing to them profitable. And as
they ordained, so it was done : every man
armed himself in the town and issued out
into the field : then they set themselves in
good array on a little hill without the town ;
and they were in number a twelve thousand
or more.
And so therewith there came the Eng-
lishmen approaching to Dunkirk, and they
beheld the mountain on their right side
toward Bourbourg toward the sea side, and
there they saw the Flemings in a great
battle well ordered : then they tarried, for
it seemed to them that the Flemings would
give them battle. Then the lords drew
together to council, and there were divers
opinions ; and specially the bishop of Nor-
wich would that they should incontinent go
302
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
and fight with them, and other, as the lord
Beaumont and sir Hugh Calverley, said to
the contrary, laying divers reasons and
saying : ' Sir, ye know well the Flemings
that be yonder have done us no forfeit ;
and to say the truth, we have sent to the
earl of Flanders no defiance, and yet we be
here in his country. This is no courteous
war that we make ; we do nothing but
catch it an we may, without any reasonable
war. And also all this country that we be
in be as Urbanists as well as we be, and
holdeth the same opinion that we do. Be-
hold now therefore and see what just cause
we have to run thus on them.' Then the
bishop said : * How know we that they be
Urbanists or not ? ' 'In the name of God,'
quoth sir Hugh Calverley, * methink it
were good that we send to them an herald,
to know what thing they demand, thus to
be ranged in battle against us ; and let it be
demanded of what pope they hold of, and
if they answer and say how they be good
Urbanists, then require them, by the virtue
of the pope's bull that we have, that they
will go with us to Saint-Omer's, Aire or
Arras, or thither-as we will bring them ;
and when they be thus required, then
thereby we shall know their intention and
thereupon we may take advice and counsel.'
This purpose was holden, and an herald
called Montfort, pertaining . to the duke of
Bretayne, was commanded by all the lords
to go to the Flemings and to shew them as
ye have heard before. The herald obeyed
their commandment, as it was reason, and
so went to speak with them.
CHAPS. CCCCXXXn-CCCCXLHI
SUMMARY. — The herald being slain by
the Flemings, a battle began, in which the
Flemings were defeated, and the English
took Dunki7-k, Bourbourg, Cassel and other
towns, and laid siege to Ypres, aided by the
Gaunt ois. At length the French king
assembled a host and forced them to raise the
siege and abandon all their conquests.
In the mean time Francis Ackerman took
Oudenarde by a surprise, as in the same
season the castle of Mercceur in Aiivergiu
was taken by Amerigot Marcel. Negotia-
tions were long carried on for a peace be-
tween France and England, but it could
not be concluded. Finally a truce was made
to last till Michaelmas day of the year 1384,
and to include Spain and Scotland on the
French side and Ghent on the English.
The earl of Fla7iders died, and was buried
with great pojfip at Lille.
CHAPTERS CCCCXLIV-CCCCLI
SUMMARY.— Before the truce tuas pub-
lished in England and Scotland, hostilities
took place between those countries, so that
when the trtice was published the Scots at
first refused to accept it and made raids into
England against the will of the king of
Scots. At length the truce was accepted.
The lord of Escornay took Otidenarde by
surprise from the Gauntois, notwithstanding^
the truce.
The Gauntois requested the king of Eng
land to appoint one of his blood to be gover
nour of Ghent. lie appointed sir Joht
Bourchier.
The duke of Anjou died ^tear Naples.
The truce between England and Frai
was prolonged till the May following, ai
the French made preparations to invac
England from Scotland in the ensuin
summer.
A double marriage was arranged by th
dtichess of Brabant between the son c
daiighter of the duke of Burgundy and />
son and daughter of the duke Aubert
Hainault, notwithstandijig that the duke
Lancaster had intended a marriage betwee
Williai7i of Hainault and his daughte
Philippa. This double marriage was cele\
brated at Cambray after Easter in thi
year 1385.
Louis of Blois was betrothed to the lad^
Mary, daughter of the duke of Berry.
Meanwhile the truce expired and t)
French prepared, some to enter Limousin at
others to pass the sea into Scotland.
d)U0 entietlj tl)e fir^t tiolume of jsir 31oljan jf roijs^art, of tlje
cron^clegf of cEiifflade, jfraunce, »)papne, port^uffale, ^cot-.
laittie, ©retapiie, iflauner^, anti otljec placet atiio^npng: tran^^
lated out of frenclje into our matecnall englpjs^lje tonge, b?
3|ol)au ^Sourcljier, kuiffljt, lortie 25ecnec0, at t!)e comauntiement
of our moo0t ^iQ\)t reDouted ^oueuapffne lortie fepng l^enrp
tl)e bid. fepnge of (EnQ:lantie and of ifraunce, anti Ijpglj He--
fentier of t^e cl)rigJteri faitlje, etc. 3|niprinteti at ilontiott, m
iFlete^tcete, b^ Eicljactie l^?n0on, printer to tfte k^nge^ noble
g:race, anti entieti tl)e ;r;ri3uu tia? of January, tje jere of our
lortie 9^^m333U
Cum priuileffio a re^e intiulto*
THE SECOND VOLUME
and fourtlje bofee of 0pc 31o!jn jfroi00art of tlje cronp-
cle0 of (Cnglantje, fraunce, ^papgne, poctpngale,
»)Cotlantie, Breta^ne, flaunOeriS, and ottier places
atiiopnpno:, tran^lateti out of frenclje into enfflpjjjjjje
^1? lo^an Bourcljier, fenpgljt, lortie Berner^, tie=
putie ffenecall of tlje 1&pnge0 totone of Ca=
lai0 anti marclje^^e of t^e ^ame : at tlje com-
maunDement of our mo0t tjiffje retiouteti
jsfotjerapne lorUe fe^np ^znv^z tje
^Pff!)t, kpnge of (Cnglanti and of
fraunce anti Ijig^e defender
of tt)e Ct)rp0ten
faitlje, etc.
^^/<r. — The division of volumes made by the translator does not really correspond
to any division of the French text. His second volume begins before the end of the
second book of the Chronicles.
LORD BERNERS
Sith history (as I have in my preface upon the first volume of this chronicle
declared) is the witness of times, the light of truth, the life of remembrance,
the mistress of the life, the messenger of old season, whereof innumerable
commodities growen, I ne think the labours mispent that I, at the high com-
mandment of our most redoubted sovereign lord Henry the eight, king of
England and of France, high defender of the Christian faith, etc., have em-
ployed about the translation of now the four volumes of sir John Froissart out
of French into our English tongue. Certainly not the bounty of the same
chronicles, in whom are contained the wars of these parties, which wars (de-
scrived in French by sir John Froissart right ordinately),^ as many that have
great understanding in divers tongues in whom wars are written plainly say,
for knightly feats, manhood and humanity pass right much the wars of far
countries, nor the great pleasure that my noble countrymen of England take
in reading the worthy and knightly deeds of their valiant ancestors, encour-
ageth me half so much as the princely exhort, which of all earthly kings the very
worship and honour, our foresaid gracious sovereign, gave me. He who, for
the manifold royal virtues in his highness found, not of two or three small
realms, but is worthy to reign and be king over the universal world, delighteth
in nothing more than to have, as I said, the most famous deeds of his pre-
decessors and subjects set out with all diligence, so that it might appear to
every man's sight over what and how worthy people his ancestors have done,
and now his majesty with all kingly prudence reigneth ; and herein his high-
ness taketh singular pleasure to behold how his worthy subjects,, seeing in
history the very famous deeds, as it were images, represent their valiant!
ancestors, contend by vigorous virtue and manhood to follow, yea to pass
them, if they may. Truly the images, as they used in old time to erect in
worship and remembrance of them that were descended of noble blood, ne bear
half the witness that the noble deeds set out in history done : which well ap-
peareth by the words of the prudent king Agesilaus, who dying commanded that
neither image nor picture to his resemblance should be made ; for if I have, said
he, any noble thing famously done, it shall bear witness enough of me ; if I have
nought done, certainly all the images little availen : as who saith, such things'
might be made in mind of them that were but dastards and never did worthy
deed in all their life. Wherefore for the love and honour that I bear to our
most puissant sovereign, and to do pleasure to his subjects both nobles and
commons, I flave endeavoured me to translate out of French, as said is, into
English the four volumes of sir John Froissart, and reduced them into twain :
wherein if I have erred, I pray them that shall default find to consider the
greatness of the history and my good will, that ask nothing else of them for
my great labour, but of their courtesy to amend where need shall be ; and yet
for their so doing I shall pray to God finally to send them the bliss of heaven.
—Amen.
t %lim tnhttl) tlje preface of 0\t 31o|)an ^ourc^fer, knigljt,
lorti ^erner0, tieputfe of Calais, tran^latour of tji0 preg^eiit
cronpcle: anti Ijereafter folotoett) tlje table, toitlj tlje cljapterjs
a^ t\\tj> 0tantie in tlje bofee b? ortier, ttt.
1 A correction for 'ornately.'
I
CHAPTERS I-XX
SUMMAR Y.—When the truce ended, war
was renewed everywhere, in Flanders, in
Spain and Portugal, in Limousin and
Poitoti, and also between England and
Scotland, whither sir John de Vientie had
gone with a large number of Fretuh knights,
who were uncou?'teously received and found
themselves very ill at ease.
A marriage was made by procuration
bet-iveen Louis of Valois and the queen of
Hungary, but she was afterwards forced to
marry the marquis of Brandenburg, who
became thereby king of Hungary.
The duchess of Brabant brought about a
marriage between the French king and her
niece Lsabel, daughter of the duke of
Bavaria.
Francis Ackerman took the town of
Damme, and the French king laid siege to
it and finally took it again.
The French and Scots entered Northum-
berland, but were compelled to retreat before
the English host, which invaded Scotland.
The Frenchmen, being convinced that they
zvere not strong enough to fight with the
English army, entered Cumberland by the
mountains and attacked Carlisle, while the
English advanced and took Edinburgh. At
length both rettirned — the English to England
and the French to Scotlatui, where they
fottnd the country destroyed.
There was much evil will between the
Frenchmen and the Scots, ami sir John de
Vienne was obliged to stay in Scotland till
large damages had been paid to the Scots for
that which his meti had done in the country.
Some citizens of Ghent treated privately
with the duke of Burgundy, who was lord
of Flanders, ami got the crafts on their side.
Sir John Bourchier was allozved to depart,
and a treaty was made cotifirming franchises
and stipulating for pardon of all parties on
both sides. This peace was dated iSth
December 1385. Peter du Bois thought it
prudent to leave Ghent with the English
men, but Francis Ackerman remained.^
CHAPTER XXI
How sir John Froissart, author of this
chronicle, departed out of France and went
to the earl of Foix, and the manner of his
voyage.
It is long nowsith I made any mention of the
businesses of far countries, for the businesses
nearer home hath been so fresh that I left
all other matters to write thereof. How-
beit, all this season valiant men desiring
to advance themselves in the realm of
Castile and Portugal, in Gascoyne, in
Rouergue, in Quercy, in Limousin and in
Bigorre, every day they imagined by what
subtlety they could get one of another, by
deeds of arms or by stealing of towns, castles
and fortresses. And therefore I, John
Froissart, who have taken on me to
chronicle this present history at the request
of the high renowned prince sir Guy of
Chatillon, earl of Blois, lord of Avesnes,
Beaumont, Schoonhove, and of la Goude,
my sovereign master and good lord, con-
sidering in myself how there was no great
deeds of arms likely toward in the parts of
Picardy or Flanders, seeing the peace was
made between the duke and them of Gaunt,
and it greatly annoyed me to be idle, for I
knew well that after my death this noble
and high history should have his course,-
wherein divers noble men should have great
pleasure and delight, and as yet, I thank
God, I have understanding and remembrance
of all things past, and my wit quick and
sharp enough to conceive all things shewed
unto me touching my principal matter, and
1 Here ends the second book of the Chronicles,
which, however, does not coincide with the second
volume of the edition followed by the translator.
The second volume of that edition ends with vol. ii.
chap. 61 (59) of the translation.
2 ' Sera en grand cours.'
3IO
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
my body as yet able to endure and to
suffer pain; all things considered, I thought
I would not let to pursue my said first
purpose : and to the intent to know the
truth of deeds done in far countries, I
found occasion to go to the high and mighty
prince Gaston earl of Foix and of Beam :
for I knew well that if I might have that
grace to come into his house and to be
there at leisure, I could not be so well
informed to my purpose in none other place
of the world ; for thither resorted all manner
of knights and strange squires, for the great
nobleness of the said earl. And as I
imagined, so I did, and shewed to my re-
doubted lord the earl of Blois mine intent,
and he gave me letters of recommendations
to the earl of Foix. And so long I rode
without peril or damage, that I came to his
house called Orthez in the country of Beam
on Saint Katherine's day the year of grace
one thousand three hundred fourscore and
eight. And the said earl, as soon as he
saw me, he made me good cheer and
smiling said how he knew me, and yet he
never saw me before, but he had often
heard speaking of me ; and so he retained
me in his house to my great ease with the
help of the letters of credence that I brought
unto him, so that I might tarry there at my
pleasure ; and there I was informed of the
business of the realms of Castile, Portugal,
Navarre and Aragon, yea, and of the realm
of England and country of Bourbonnois
and Gascoyne : and the earl himself, if I
did demand anything of him, he did shew
me all that he knew, saying to me how the
history that I had begun should hereafter
be more praised than any other ; and the
reason, he said, why, was this, how that
fifty year past there had been done more
marvellous deeds of arms in the world
than in three hundred year before that.
[Thus was I in the court of the earl of Foix
/ well cherished and at my pleasure : it was
' the thing that I most desired to know news
as touching my matter, and I had at my
will lords, knights and squires ever to
inform me, and also the gentle earl himself.
I shall now declare in fair language all
that I was informed of, to increase thereby
my matter and to give ensample to them
\ that list to advance themselves. Here-
\ before I have recounted great deeds of
I arms, taking and assaulting towns and
castles, and battles and hard encounterings,
and yet hereafter ye shall hear of many]
more, [of] the which by the grace of God I -
shall make just narration.
SUMMAR Y.— TJie earl of Cambridge had
returned^ as related before , from Portugal,
ajtd reported the events there to the dtcke
of La7tcaster, who was displeased both by
them and by the way things went in Eng-
land. Soon after this the king of Portugal
died and the king of Castile laid claim to the
reahn. The commons of Portugal, however,
chose for their king John, grand master of
Avis, bastard brother of the late king, and hi
the king of Castile accordingly made war fll
upon them and besieged Lisbon. The king Bl
of Portugal sent into England for help, and
the king of Castile into France, and es-
pecially to Beam and Foix.
CHAPTER XXII
How the prince of Wales and the princess
came to Tarbes, and of the request that
the countess ^ of Armagnac made to the
prince and princess ; and how the country
of Gascoyne was newly again in war.
Between the county of Foix and the
country of Beam lieth the county of Bigorre,
which county pertained to France and
marched on the country of Toulousain on the
one part and on the county of Comminges
and of Beam on the other part, and in the
county of Bigorre lieth the strong castle of
Lourdes, which was English ever sith that
the county of Bigorre was yielded to the
king of England and to the prince for the
redemption of king John of France by the
treaty and peace made at Bretigny before
Chartres and after confirmed at Calais, as it
hath been shewed before in the other history.
When the prince of Wales was come out
of England and that the king his father had
given him in heritage all the land and
duchy of Acquitaine, wherein there were
two archbishops and twenty -two other
bishops, and that he was come to Bordeaux
on the river of Gironde and had taken the
possessions of all these lands and lien there
a year, then he and the princess were
desired by the earl John of Armagnac that
1 So in the French.
I
THE PRINCE OF WALES IN BIGORKE, 1363
311
they would come into the country of Bigorre
into the city of Tarbes to see that country,
which as then he had not seen before ; and
the earl of Armagnac thought that, if the
prince and princess were in Bigorre, that
the earl of Foix would come and see them,
and whereas he did owe him for his ransom
two hundred and fifty thousand franks, he
thought he would desire the prince and
princess to require the earl of Foix to for-
give him the same sum or part thereof.
So much did the earl of Armagnac, that at
his instance the prince and princess came
to the city of Tarbes. This town is fair
and standeth in a plain country among the
fair vines, and it is a town, city and castle,
closed with gates and walls and separated
each from other. From the mountains of
Beam and Cataloyne cometh the fair river
of Lisse,! which runneth through Tarbes
and is as clear as a fountain, and a five
leagues thence is the town of Morlaas per-
taining to the earl of Foix at the entry of
the county of Beam ; and under the moun-
tain a six leagues from Tarbes is the town of
Pau, which also pertaineth to the said earl.
The same time that the prince and
princess was at Tarbes, the earl of Foix was
at Pau. He was there building of a fair castle
joining to the town without on the river
of Gave. As soon as he knew the coming
of the prince and princess being at Tarbes, he
ordained to go and see them in great estate
with more than six hundred horses and
threescore knight^ in his company : and of
his coming to Tarbes was the prince and
princess right joyous and made him good
cheer. And there was the earl of Armagnac
and the lord d'Albret, and they desired the
prince to require the earl of Foix to forgive
the earl of Armagnac all or else part of the
sum of florins that he ought to have : and
the prince, who was wise and sage, con-
sidering all things, thought that he might
not do so, and said : ' Sir earl of Armagnac,
ye were taken by arms in the journey of
battle and ye did put my cousin the earl of
Foix in adventure against you ; and though
fortune were favourable to him and against
you, his valour ought not then to be made
less.^ By like deeds my lord my father
1 This is the Adour.
2 ' II n'en doit pas pis valoir,' ' his worth should
not be accounted less' because fortune was on
his side.
nor I would not be content that we should
be desired to leave that we have won by
good adventure at the battle of Poitiers,
whereof we thank God.' When the earl of
Armagnac heard that, he was abashed, for he
failed of his intent : howbeit, yet he left not
off so, but then he required the princess,
who with a good heart desired the earl of
Foix to give her a gift. 'Madam,' quoth
the earl, * I am but a mean man, therefore
I can give no great gifts : but, madam,
if the thing that ye desire pass not the
value of threescore thousand franks, I will
give it you with a glad cheer.' Yet the
princess assayed again if she could cause
him to grant her full desire ; but the earl
was sage and subtle and thought verily that
her desire was to have him to forgive clearly
the earl of Armagnac all his debt, and then
he said again : ' Madam, for a poor knight
as I am, who buildeth towns and castles,
the gift that I have granted you ought to
suffice.' The princess could bring him no
farther, and when she saw that, she said :
* Gentle earl of Foix, the request that I
desire of you is to forgive clearly the earl of
Armagnac' 'Madam,' quoth the earl,
' to your request I ought well to condescend :
I have said to you that if your desire pass
not the value of threescore thousand franks,
that I would grant it you ; but, madam, the
earl of Armagnac oweth me two hundred
and fifty thousand franks, and at your
request I forgive him thereof threescore
thousand franks.' Thus the matter stood
in that case, and the earl of Armagnac at the
request of the princess won the forgiving of
threescore thousand franks. And anon
after the earl of Foix returned to his own
country.
I, sir John Froissart, make narration of
this business, because when I was in the
county of Foix and of Beam I passed by
the county of Bigorre, and I demanded
and enquired of the news of that countiy,
such as I knew not before ; and it was
shewed me how the prince of Wales and of
Acquitaine, while he was at Tarbes, he
had great will to go see the castle of
Lourdes, which was a three leagues off,
near to the entry of the mountain ; and
when he was there and had well advised
the town, the castle and the country, he
praised it greatly, as well for the strength
of the castle as because it stood on the
312
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
frontier of divers countries ; for the garrison
there might run well into the realm of
Aragon, into Cataloyne and to Barcelone.
Then the prince called to him a knight of
his household, in whom he had great trust
and loved him entirely and he had served
him truly, and was called sir Pier Ernault
of the country of Beam, an expert man of
arms and cousin to the earl of Foix. Then
the prince said to him : ' Sir Ernault, I
institute and make you chatelain and cap-
tainof Lourdes and governour of the country
of Bigorre. Look that ye keep this castle,
see well that ye make a good account
thereof to the king my father and to me.'
* Sir,' quoth the knight, ' I thank you, and
I shall observe your commandment.' There
he did homage to the prince, and the prince
put him in possession.
It is to be known that when the war
began to renew between England and
France, as it hath been shewed before, the
earl Guy of Saint -Pol and sir Hugh of
Chatillon, master of the cross-bows in
France in that time, besieged the town of
Abbeville and won it, with all the country
of Ponthieu. The same time two great
barons of Bigorre, the one called, sir
Monaut Barbazan, and the lord d'Anchin,^
turned French and took the town, city and
castle of Tarbes, which was but easily kept
for the king of England ; but still the castle
of Lourdes was in the hands of sir Pier
Ernault of Beam, who would in no wise
yield up the castle, but made ever great
war against the realm of France and sent
for great company of adventurers into Beam
and Gascoyne to help and to aid him to
make war, so that he had together many
good men of arms. And he had with him
six captains and every man fifty spears
under him : the first was his brother John
of Beam, a right expert squire, and Pier
d'Anchin of Bigorre, brother-german to the
lord d'Anchin, he would never turn French,
Ernaulton of Sainte-Colomme, Ernaulton
of [Rostem], the Mongat of Sainte-Bazeille
and the bourg of Cardeillac. These captains
made divers journeys into Bigorre, into
Toulousain, into Carcassonne and into Albi-
geois, for ever as soon as they were out of
Lourdes, they were in the land of their
enemies : and sometime they would adven-
ture thirty leagues off from their hold, and
1 d'Antin.
in their going they would take nothing, but
in their return there was nothing could
scape them ; sometime they brought home
so great plenty of beasts and prisoners, that
they wist not how to keep them. Thus
they ransomed all the country except the
earl of Foix's lands, for in his lands they
durst not take a chicken, without they paid
truly therefor ; for if they had displeased
the earl, they could not long have endured.
These companions of Lourdes ran over all
the country at their pleasure, and I rode
not far from them.^ Thus the city of Tarbes
was in great doubt, so that they were fain
to make covenant with them : and between
Tarbes and Lourdes there was a great
village and a good abbey called Guiors,^
who in like wise were fain to agree with
them. Also on the other part on the river
of Lisse there was a great town called Bag-
neres : they of that town had a hard season,
for they were so harried by the garrison of
Malvoisin, standing on a hill and the river
of Lisse running underneath into a walled
town called Tournay, into the which town
they of Lourdes and of Malvoisin had ever
their recourse, to the which town they did
no hurt, because they had their resort
thither, and they of the town had ever a
good market of their pillage and so dis-
simuled ever with them, which they were
fain to do or else they could not have lived,
for they had no aid nor succour of any
person. The captain of Malvoisin was a
Gascon and his name was Raymonnet de
Lespes, an expert man of arms. He and
his company and they of Lourdes ransomed
as well the merchants of Aragon and Cata-
loyne as of France, without they agreed
with them.
In the season that I enterprised to go
see the earl of Foix and to see the diver-
sities of the countries whereas I had never
been before, when I departed from Carcas-
sonne I left the way to Toulouse and went
to Montroyal and so to Fanjeaux, then to
Bellepuis and then to the first town of the
earl of Foix,^ and then to Mazeres and so
1 The French text is corrupt. The real meaning
is, ' Not far from thence lies the city of Tarbes,
which,' etc.
2 Saint-Pe-de-Gueyres.
3 The French text has ' puis a Belle : puis a la
premiere ville,' etc., which is a corruption of 'puis
a Bellepuis, qui est la premiere ville,' 'then to
Bellepuis, the first town of the county (conte not
conte) of Foix.'
«
FROISS ART'S JOURNEY, 1388
313
to the castle of vSaverdun, and then I came
to the good city of Pamiers, pertaining to
the earl of Foix ; and there I tarried abid-
ing for some company going into the
country of Beam, where the earl was.
And when I had tarried there a three days
in great pleasure, for the city was delect-
able, standing among the fair vines and
environed with a fair river, large and clear,
called Liege ; ^ and on a day it so fortuned
that thither came a knight of the earl of
Foix from Avignon-ward, called sir Espang
de Lyon, a valiant and an expert man of
arms about the age of fifty years. And so
I gat me into his company, and he was
greatly desirous to hear of the matters of
France ; and so we were a six days in our
journey or we came to Orthez, and this
knight every day after he had said his
prayers, most part all the day after he took
his pastime^ with me in demanding of tid-
ings, and also when I demanded anything
of him, he would answer me to my
purpose.
And when we departed from Pamiers,
we passed by the mount of Cosse, which
was an evil passage, and so we came to the
town and castle of Artigat, which was
French, but we passed by it and so came
to dinner to a castle of the earl of Foix
half a league thence called Carlat, standing
high on a mountain : and after dinner the
knight said to me : ' Sir, let us ride together
fair and easily, we have but two leagues to
ride to our lodging ' ; and so I was content
to do. Then the knight said : * We have
this day passed by the castle of Artigat,
which doth much damage in this country.
Peter d'Anchin keepeth it and hath taken
and stolen out of the realm of France more
than threescore thousand franks.'^ Then
I demanded how that might be. * I shall
shew you,' quoth the knight. 'On our
Lady day in August there is ever a great
fair, and all the country resorteth thither,
for there is much merchandise. That day
Pier d'Anchin and his companions of
Lourdes had taken their advice and were
determined to get this town and castle ;
and so they sent two simple varlets (by
1 That is, Ari^ge.
2 Or rather, ' conversed.'
3 ' For he stole it and did damage to the realm of
France of sixty thousand franks ' ; or (following* a
better text) ' he took it by scaling very subtly and
gained there more than sixty thousand franks.'
seeming) to the said town in the month of
May, to get themselves some service in the
town ; and so they did and were retained
with two masters, and they did right diligent
service to their masters and so went in and
out on their masters' business without any
.suspiciousness of them. And so on our
Lady day in August there were many
merchants strangers of Foix, of Beam and
of France ; and as ye know well, when
merchants do meet, that saw not together
long before, they will make good cheer
together : and so in the same houses where-
as these two varlets were in service, were
many merchants drinking and making good
cheer, and their hosts with them. And by
appointment about midnight Pier d'Anchin
and his company came to Artigat and am-
bushed themselves in a wood, which [we]
passed through ; and so they sent six varlets
to the town with two ladders, and they
passed the dikes and came to the walls and
reared up their ladders, and the other two
varlets that were in service in the town did
aid them, while their masters sat making
good cheer. So these said varlets did put
themselves in adventure, and one of the
said two varlets brought the other six to
the gate within, where there was two men
keeping the keys. Then this varlet said to
the other six : " Sirs, keep yourselves here
privy and close and stir not till ye hear me
whistle. I trust to make the porters to
open the gates of their ward ; they have
the keys of the great gate, and therefore as
soon as they have opened their ward, I will
whistle. Then step forth and slay the
porters : I know well enough the keys of
the gate, for 1 have ofttimes helped to keep
the gate with my master." And as they
devised, so they did ; and so the varlet
went to the gate and saw and heard how
the porters were drinking within their ward.
Then he called them by their names and
said : *' Sirs, open your door : I have
brought you of the best wine that ever you
drank, which my master hath sent you, to
the intent you should keep your watch the
better." And they, who knew right well
the varlet, believed that he had said truth
and opened the door ; and then he whistled
and the other six stepped forth and entered
in at the door, and there they slew the
porters so privily that none knew thereof.
Then they took the keys and went and
3H
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
1
opened the gate and let down the bridge
easily, that none knew thereof: then they
blew a blast in a horn, so that they that
were ambushed mounted on their horses
and came on the spurs and entered on the
bridge and came into the town, and so
took all the men of the town sitting drink-
ing, or else in their beds. Thus was Artigat
taken by Pier d'Anchin of Bigorre and by
his companions of Lourdes.'
Then I demanded of the knight how they
gat the castle. 'I shall shew you,' quoth
he. * The same time that Artigat was thus
taken, the captain of the castle by his evil
adventure was in the town and supped with
certain merchants of Carcassonne, and was
there taken among other. And in the next
morning Pier d'Anchin brought him before
the castle, whereas his wife and children
were, and made them believe that he would
strike off his head, without his wife would
deliver ujd the castle ; and if she would so
do, he promised to deliver her husband
quit, and to suffer him and all his to depart
with bag and baggage without any hurt.
And the lady, who saw herself in a hard
case and saw she was not able to make war
herself, and for saving of her husband's
life, she yielded up the castle. And so her
husband and she and all theirs departed and
went to Pamiers. Thus had Pier d'Anchin
the town and castle of Artigat ; and the
same time that they entered, he and his
company won above thirty thousand franks,
what in merchandise and prisoners of
France ; but all such as were of the county
of Foix or of Beam were clean delivered
without any damage. And this Pier
d'Anchin kept Artigat after the space of
five year, and he and his company ofttimes
would run to the gates of Carcassonne,
which was a six leagues thence, and did
great damage to the country, as well by
ransoming of the towns as by pillage over
all the count ly.
* In the mean season that Pier d'Anchin
was in the garrison of Artigat, on a night
certain of his company went out and came
to a castle called Pailhes, a good league
thence, whereof a French knight called
Raymond de Pailhes was owner. They
had been there often before and failed of
their purpose, but as then their hap was
such, that they scaled the castle and took
it, and the knight and the lady in their I
beds, and let the lady and her children go
free, but they kept still the knight in his
own castle the space of four months, and
at last he paid a thousand franks for his
ransom. And finally, when they had sore
overridden the country, they sold these
two castles, Artigat and Pailhes to them of
the country for eight thousand franks, and
then they went to Lourdes their principal
garrison. So thus in this adventure knights
did put themselves daily.
* Also the same time there was an expert
man of arms in the castle of Lourdes, a
Gascon born, he was called the Mongat of
Sainte-Bazeille. On a time he and thirty
with him departed from Lourdes and rode
at all adventures into Toulousain, and had
thought to have got the castle of Penne in
Albigeois, but he missed of his intent ; and
when he saw that he failed of his purpose,
he came to the gate and made a great
scrimmish. And the same proper hour the
seneschal of Toulouse rode forth, and with
him sir Hugh de Froideville and a sixty
spears, and came by adventure to Penne,
while the said scrimmish was in doing.
Then incontinent they set foot to the earth
and came to the barriers ; and so then th
Mongat was overmatched, but there he
fought valiantly hand to hand and wounded
the other knight in two or three places.
Howbeit, finally he was taken by force and
his men other taken or slain, there were but
a few that scaped. So this Mongat was led
to Toulouse, and then the commons of the
town would have slain him between the
hands of the seneschal, he had much pain
to save his life, and so brought him into
the castle, for he was right evil beloved in
Toulouse. Yet after it happed so well for
him, that the duke of Berry came thither,
and this knight had such friends that he was
delivered, and the seneschal had a thousand
franks for his ransom ; and when he was
delivered he returned to Lourdes and began
again to make new enterprises. And so
on a time he departed from Lourdes and
five with him ^ without any armour, and he
did on the habit of a monk and like other
three monks with him ; ^ and they had all
shaven crowns, so that every man that saw
them weened surely that they had been
monks, the habit and gesture became them
1 ' Lui cinquiesme,' * with four others.'
2 'And took three monks with him.'
FROISSAR rS JO URNE V
315
so well.^ And in this manner he came to
Montpellier, and took up his lodging at the
sign of the Eagle - and said how he was an
abbot of high Gascoyne and was going to
Paris on certain business pertaining to his
house ; and so he gat familiar acquaintance
with a rich man of the town called Berenger
[Ote], who had also to do at Paris for certain
business. Then this abbot said how he
would pay for his costs if he list to go in
his company, whereof the good man was
right joyous in that he should have his
charges borne ; and so he and one varlet
with him went forth with this monk. And
when they had ridden a three leagues, this
counterfeit monk sir Mongat took him
prisoner and led him secret ways to his
garrison of Lourdes, and after did ransom
him at five thousand franks. ' Then I said :
' Ah Saint Mary ! was this Mongat such an
expert man of arms?' *Yea truly, sir,'
quoth he, ' and in war he died, in a place
whereas we shall pass within this three
days in a country called the Laire in Bigorre
by a town called La Cieutat.' 'Well sir,'
quoth I, ' and I shall remember you there-
of when we come there. '
And so we rode till we came to Montes-
quieu, a good town closed pertaining to the
earl of Foix, which the Armagnacs and the
d'Albrets took by stealth on a season, but
they kept it not but three days. And in the
morning we departed from Montesquieu
and rode to the town of Palaminich, a good
town closed on the river of Garonne, per-
taining to the earl of Foix : and when we
were almost there, we had thought to have
passed the bridge of Garonne, to have
entered into the town, but we could not ;
for the day before it had so sore rained
from the mountains of Cataloyne and
Aragon, whereby another river was so in-
creased, which was called Salat, and ran so
fast, that it raised up the river of Garonne
in such wise, that it break one of the arches
of the bridge, which was of timber. Where-
fore we returned again to Montesquieu and
tarried there all the day. Then the next
day the knight had counsel to pass the
river by boats by the town of Casseres : so
we rode thither, and did so much that we
passed the river of Garonne with great
1 ' For very well had they the habit and counte-
nance of monks.'
- 'A I'ostel de I'Ange,' 'at the Angel inn.'
pain and peril ; for the boat that we were in
was not very great, it could not take at one
time but two horses and their keepers and
they that ruled the boat. And so when we
were over, we rode to Casseres and abode
there all that day : and in the mean time
that our supper was a dressing, this knight
said to me : ' Sir John, let us go and see
the town ' : and so we passed along through
the town and came to the gate toward
Palaminich and went out thereat and came
to the dikes. Then the knight shewed me
a pane of the wall and said : ' Sir, see you
yonder part of the wall which is newer than
all the remnant?' 'Yea, sir,' quoth I.
'Well,' quoth he, * I shall shew you why
it is so : it is a ten year past sith it for-
tuned. Ye have heard or this of the war
that was between the earl of Armagnac
and the earl of P'oix ; howbeit, now they
are at peace : but the Armagnacs and
d'Albrets won but little by that war, for on
a Saint Nicholas even the year of our Lord
a thousand three hundred threescore and
two the earl of P'oix took in battle the earl
of Armagnac and the lord d'Albret his
nephew and all the noblemen that were
with them, and so led them as prisoners to
Orthez, whereby the earl of Foix hath re-
ceived ten times a hundred thousand franks.
And it fortuned after that the father of the
earl of Armagnac now living, called sir
John of Armagnac, made a journey and
took this town of Casseres, and they had
with them a two hundred men of arms and
so thought to keep the town by strength.
These tidings when they came to the know-
ledge of the earl of Foix, being as then at
Penne, he like a sage and valiant knight
called to him two bastard brethren of his
called sir Arnold Guillaume and sir Pier de
Beam, and said to them : " Sirs, I will ye
ride incontinent to Casseres : I shall send
you men on every side and within three
days I shall be with you myself; and let
none come out of the town, but that ye
fight with them, for ye shall be strong
enough. And when ye come there, cause
the men of the country to bring thither
great plenty of wood, bushes and faggots,
and choke the gates therewith, and then
without that make strong barriers : for I
will that they that be within be so enclosed
that they issue not out of the gates ; I shall
cause them to take another way. "
3i6
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
'These two knights did his command-
ment and so went to Palaminich, and all
men of war of Bearn followed them, and
so they came before this town of Casseres.
They that were within set little by them,
but they were not ware how they were en-
closed within the town, so that they could
not issue out at any gate ; and the third
day the earl of Foix came thither with five
hundred men of arms, and as soon as he
came, he caused barriers to be made round
about the town and also barriers round
about his host, because they should not be
troubled in the night time. So in this case
they lay long without any assault, insomuch
that victual began to fail them within, for
though they had wine great plenty, they had
nothing to eat, nor they could not fly away
by the river, for it was as then too deep.
Then they thought it were better to yield
themselves as prisoners than to die so
shamefully for famine, and so fell in treaty.
The earl of Foix agreed to their treaty, so
that they should not issue out at no gate,
but to make a hole in the wall and go
out thereat, to come one by one without
armour, and so to yield them as prisoners.
It behoved them to take this way, and so
made a hole in the wall and issued out one
by one, and there was the earl ready and
all his people in order of battle to receive
them as prisoners ; and ever as they came
out, the earl sent them to divers castles as
prisoners, and his cousin sir John of Armag-
nac, sir Bernard d'Albret, and sir Monaut
of Barbazan, sir Raymond de Benac, sir
Benedict de la Cornille and a twenty of the
best personages he led with him to Orthez,
and or they departed he had of them two
hundred thousand franks; and thus was this
hole in the wall made.'
And then we went to our supper, and
the next day we rode along by the river of
Garonne and passed by Palaminich, and
then we entered into the land of the earl
of Comminges and Armagnac, and on the
other side was the river of Garonne and
the land of the earl of Foix. And as we
rode, this knight shewed me a strong town
called Materas the Toussac ^ pertaining to
the earl of Comminges, and on the other
side of the river on the mountain he shewed
me two castles pertaining to the earl of
Foix, the one called Montmirail and the
1 Martres-le-Toussac.
other Montclare ; and as we rode betweei]
these towns and castles along by the riv€
of Garonne in a fair meadow, this knigl
said to me : ' Sir John, I have seen her^
many fair scrimmishes and encountering
between the Foixois and Armagnacs, for i
then there was no town nor castle but thj
was well furnished with men of war, an^
so they warred each upon other. Th<
Armagnacs against yonder two castles mac
a bastide and kept it with men of war an^
did much hurt in the earl of Foix's land!
but I shall shew you how it fortuned. The"
earl of Foix on a night sent his brother
Peter de Bearn with two hundred spears,
and with them a four hundred villains of the
country charged with faggots, much wood
and bushes, and brought it to the bastide
and then set fire thereon, and so brent the
bastide and all them that were within without
mercy, and sith it was never made again.'
So in such devices we rode all that dayj
along by the river of Garonne, and what
on the one side and on the other we sa\
many fair castles and fortresses. All tha
were on our left hand pertained to the es
of Foix, and the other side pertained to th^
earl of Armagnac. And so thus we passe
by Montpezac, a fair castle and a strong,"
standing on an high rock, and underneath
was the town and the highway, and with-
out the town a little there was a place
called la Garde and a tower ^ between the
rock and the river, which tower had a gate
and a portcullis of iron. Six men might
well keep this passage against all the world,
for there could no man pass but two on
front, what for the tower on the one sid^
and the river on the other side. Then
said to the knight : ' Sir, here is a stror
passage and a mighty country.'^ 'It
true,' quoth the knight, 'and though th^
entry be strong, yet the earl of Foi
did conquer it once, and he and all his
passed the same way with the help of th€
archere of England that he had as then
his company and the great desire that the)
had to pass into the country. Come ride
near me, sir,' quoth he, 'and I shall shev
you how it was.' And so I rode just b|
1 ' A pass called the pas a la Garde with a towe
on the road between,' etc.
2 ' Une forte contree de pays,' which is a corrui
tionof 'une forte entree de pays,' 'a strong entr
to the country.'
FROISSARrS JOURNEY
317
him, and then he said : ' Sir, on a time the
earl of Armagnac and the lord d'Albret
with a five hundred men of war came into
the country of Foix and to the marches of
Pamiers, and this was in the beginning of
August, when men did gather in their
corns and the grapes were ripe, at which
time there was great abundance in the
country. Then sir John of Armagnac and
his company lodged before the town Saver-
dun, a little league from the city of Pamiers,
and he sent to them of Pamiers that with-
out they would buy their corns and wines
and pay for them, they said else they would
bren and destroy all together. Then they
of Pamiers were in great fear, for the earl
their lord was far ofif from them, for he was
as then in Beam, and so they were fain to
buy their own corns and paid for them five
thousand franks, but they desired fifteen
days of respite, which was granted them.
Then the earl of Foix was informed of all
this business, and he hasted him as much
as he might and assembled together his
men and came suddenly into the city of
Pamiers ^ with twelve hundred spears, and
so had fought with sir John of Armagnac,
if he had tarried ; but he departed and
went into the county of Comminges. So
he had no money of them of Pamiers. for
they had no leisure to tarry therefor ; but
then the earl of Foix claimed the same sum,
for he said he was come and saved their
money and corn and had put away all their
enemies, and so he had it to pay his men of
war therewith ; and there he tarried till
they had inned all their corn and vintage. '
And so we passed then forby a castle
called Bretice and also by another castle
called Bacelles, all pertaining to the earl of
Comminges. And as we rode along by the
river, I saw a fair castle and a great town,
and I demanded of the knight what the
castle was called, and he said it was named
Montespan, pertaining to a cousin of the
earl of Foix called sir Roger d'Espagne, a
great baron in the country and in Tou-
lousain, and as then was seneschal of Car-
cassonnais. Then I demanded of this knight
1 The full text says : ' Then he marched hastily
towards the city of Pamiers and passed by the pas
de la Garde by this portcullis of iron and conquered
it, and came suddenly into the city of Pamiers,' etc.
To omit all mention of the pas de la Garde here is
to lose the point of the story, but the translator's
French text is responsible for it.
if he were akin to sir Charles of Spain, who
was constable of France ; and he answered
and said : ' No, he is not of that blood :
for sir Louis of Spain and this sir Charles
that ye speak of came both out of the realm
of Spain, and were lineally extraught of
Spain and of France by their mother's side,
and were cousin-germans to king Alphonso
of Spain ; and I served in my youth sir
Louis of Spain in the wars of Bretayne, for
he was always on the party of sir Charles
of Blois against the earl Montfort.' And so
we left speaking of that matter and rode to
Saint-Goussens, a good town of the earl of
Foix. And the next day we dined at Mont-
royal, a good strong town of the French
king's, and sir Roger d'Espagne kept it.
And after dinner we rode the way towards
Lourdes, and so rode through a great laund
enduring a fifteen leagues, called the launds
Lande-de-Bouc, wherein were many danger-
ous passages for thieves and evil-doers : and
in this laund stood the castle of Lamesen,
pertaining to the earl of Foix, a good league
from the town of Tournay [below Mal-
voisin], the which castle the knight shewed
me and said : ' Sir, behold yonder is Mal-
voisin. But, sir, have ye heard herebefore
how the duke of Anjou, when he was in this
country and went to Lourdes, what he did
in this country and how he laid siege to
Lourdes and won it, and also the castle of
Trigalet on the river side that ye see yonder
before us, [which] pertaineth to the lord de
la Barthe ? ' Then I remembered myself and
said : * Sir, I trow I never heard thereof as
yet : therefore I pray you shew me the
matter. But, sir, I pray you shew me
where is the river of Garonne become, for
I can see it no more.' * Ye say truth,'
quoth the knight : ' it departeth here in
the entering of these mountains, and it
groweth and cometh out of a fountain a
three leagues hence, the way to Cataloyne,
by a castle called Saint-Beat, the fi-ontier
of the realm of France toward Aragon ; and
there is as now a squire called Ernaulton,
otherwise called bourg d'Espagne, he is
lord thereof and chatelain of all the country,
and he is cousin - german to sir Roger
d'Espagne. If we see him, I shall shew
you him ; he is a goodly person and a
good man of arms and he hath done more
damage to them of Lourdes than any other
knight or squire of all the country, and the
3i8
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
earl of Foix loveth him right well, for he is
his companion in arms. I will leave to speak
of him, for I think at this feast of Christmas
ye shall see him in the earl of Foix's house ;
but now I shall shew you of the duke of
Anjou, how he came into this country and
what he did.' Then we rode forth fair and
easily and he began to say as followeth.
CHAPTER XXIII
Of the wars that the duke of Anjou made
against the Englishmen, and how he re-
covered the castle of Malvoisin in Bigorre,
which was afterward given to the earl of
Foix.
CHAPTER XXIV
How the garrison and castle ^ of Lourdes
was cast down and discomfited by the
great diligence that the earl of Foix made.
'Thus,' quoth the knight, 'the duke of
Anjou gat the castle of Malvoisin, whereof
he [had] great joy and made it to be kept
by a knight of Bigorre called sir Ciquart of
la Perriere ; and after he gave it to the earl
of Foix, who keepeth it yet and will do as
long as he liveth, and he hath made captain
there a knight of Bigorre, one of his own
lineage, called sir Raymond de Lane.
And when the duke of Anjou had the pos-
session of Malvoisin and had delivered his
country from the Englishmen and from the
pillers of the country, then he went and
laid siege before the castle of Lourdes.
Then the earl of Foix doubted greatly the
duke of Anjou, because he came so near
him, and wist not what he intended.
Then the earl of Foix assembled together
knights and squires and sent them about to
divers garrisons, and set his brother sir
Arnold Guillaume in the town of Morlaas
with two hundred spears [and his other
brother sir Peter of Beam with two hun-
dred spears] in the town of Pau, and sir
Peter of Gabaston into the city of Lescar
with other two hundred spears, and sir
Monaut de Navailles went into the town of
Arthez with a hundred spears, and Arnold
Barberiel into the town of Montgerbiel
with a hundred spears, sir Fouquart
d'Orcery into the town of Sauveterre with
a hundred spears, and I, Espang of Lyon,
was sent to the Mount Marsan with two
1 Or rather, ' of the castle. '
hundred spears. There was no castle
in all Beam but that was well provided
with men of war, and the earl himself la
still at his castle of Orthez by his florins,
'Why, sir,' quoth I, 'hath he so great
plenty of florins?' 'Sir,' quoth he, 'at
this hour I think he hath well to thi
number of thirty times a hundred thou
sand : there is no lord living as now that is
so large and liberal in giving of gifts as h
is.' Then I demanded of him to whai
manner of people he was so liberal : h
answered and said : ' To strangers, t
knights and squires coming through h
country, and to heralds and minstrels, an
to every man that speaketh with him
there is none departeth from him withou
some reward, for if any refuse his gift, he]
is not content.' 'Ah Saint Mary, sir'
quoth I, 'to what intent keepeth he si
much money, and where doth he get it
Is his revenues so great, to gather togethe
such treasure? Sir, I would gladly kno'
this, if it pleased you.' 'Well, sir,' quot
the knight, 'ye shall know it. But yi
have demanded of me two things : first y(
have demanded of me to what intent h
keepeth such treasure : I shall shew you J
The earl of Foix alway doubteth of the war
that he had with the earl of Armagnac,
and also for the business of his neighbours,
the French king and the king of England,
whom he would not willingly displease.
For he hath always dissimuled between
them during all the war season unto this
present time ; for he never armed himself
for any of their parties, he hath always
been ever in good case with both parties.
I say to you, and so ye shall say yourself,
when ye have once knowledge of him and
heard him speak, and once know the order
and state of his house, ye shall see that he
is at this day the most sage prince in th
world ; and there is none so great a lord
nother t"he French king nor the king o
England, that will willingly have his evil
will. As for his other neighbours, as the
king of Aragon or the king of Navarre, he
esteemeth them but little, for he will find
more men of arms, by reason of such
friends as he hath got with his gifts, and
money ^ that he hath in treasure, than both
those kings can do. For I have heard
1 ' So many friends hath he got with his gifts and
so many may he have for his money.'
e
i
FROISSARTS JOURNEY
319
him say that when the king of Cyprus was
in his country of Beam and moved him to
have gone to the voyage of the Holy
Sepulchre, he had thought the same time
to have made such a journey, that if the
French king or the king of England had
taken that enterprise, how there should
have been no lord^ should have brought
such a company as he would have done ;
and as yet he is of the same mind : " and
in part that is one of the causes that he
gathereth such treasure. The prince of
Wales, the season that he reigned in the
country of Acquitaine, being at Bordeaux
on the river of Gironde, thought to have
made him war. The prince menaced him
for the country of Beam and would have
had him to have held his country of him :
and the earl said he would not, and said
how his country of Beam was so free a
land, that it ought to do homage to no man
of the world. And the prince, who at
that time was great and sore feared, said
how he would compel him perforce ; for
the earl of Armagnac and the lord d' Albret,
who loved not the earl of Foix because of
such victories as he had won on them
before, they tittled the prince ever in his
ear and enticed him to have made war
against the earl of Foix. But the voyage
that the prince made into Spain brake his
purpose : also sir John Chandos, who was
chief of counsel with the prince, was
against it that the prince should make any
war to the earl. The earl of Foix loved
right well sir John Chandos and he him ;
but the earl doubted the prince, because
he was fierce and courageous, and therefore
he gathered together as much treasure as
he could get, to the intent therewith to
defend him, if need were : and so he set
great tailles and taxes in all his country
and in every town, which as yet endureth
and shall do as long as he liveth : he had
of every fire every year two franks, and
the rich to bear out the poor : thereby he
gathered, and yet doth, great riches, and
the people payeth it with a marvellous
good will, for by reason thereof there is
nother English nor French nor robbers nor
1 ' That after the king of France and the king of
England, if they had gone on that enterprise, there
would have been no lord,' etc.
2 That is ' he has not given up the design ' of a
crusade.
reivers that doth them any hurt to the
value of one penny ; and so his country is
in safe-guard, and justice truly kept, for in
doing of justice he is right cruel, he is the
most rightful lord that is now living. '
And so with these words we came to
the town of Toumay, whereas we should
rest all night. So then the knight ceased
of his talking, and I remembered well
where we left against the next day ; and
we were lodged at the sign of the Star and
took our ease. And at supper time the
captain of Malvoisin, called sir Raymond
of Lane, came to see us and supped with
us, and brought with him four flagons of
the best wine that I drank of in all my
journey. Those two knights talked long
together, and when it was late the knight
departed and returned to the castle of
Malvoisin. And the next morning we
mounted on our horses and departed from
Toumay and passed by a guide the river of
Lesse,^ and rode toward the city of Tarbes
and entered into Bigorre ; and we left the
way to Lourdes, to Bagneres and to the
castle of Montgaillard on the left hand,
and we rode toward a village called La
Cieutat and did coast it and came to a wood
in the land of the lord of Barbazan ; and we
came near to a castle called Mascaras at the
entry of the country of Laire.^ Then the
knight said to me : ' Sir John, behold here
the place of Laire. ' And I beheld it well
and advised the country, which seemed to
me right strange : I thought myself but as
lost there, if I had not been in the company
with that knight. Then I remembered
the words that this knight had shewed me
two or three days before of that country of
Laire and of the Mongat of Lourdes. Then
I said to him : ' Sir, ye shewed me the
last day that when we should be in the
country of Laire that ye would shew me
the manner of the Mongat of Lourdes and
how he died.' * It is true, sir,' quoth the
knight ; ' come on and ride by me and I
shall shew you.' Then I rode near him to
hear his words, and then he said : ' Sir, in
the season that Peter d'Anchin held the
castle and garrison of Artigat, as I have
1 'We passed by fording (a gue) the river of
Lesse,' that is, the Arros.
2 The French text here gives ' pays au Laire '
for 'pas au Laire,' but in the passage below, where
the French has ' pas au Laire ' or ' pas du Laire,'
the translator renders ' pas ' by ' place ' or ' country. *
320
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
shewed you before this time, they of the
garrison of Lourdes sometime rode forth
at adventure far from their garrison. How-
beit, they had not always the advantage,
for ye may behold here the castle of Bar-
bazan and the castle of Mascaras, wherein
there was always many men of war there,
and in other garrisons, as Bagneres, Tour-
nay, Montgaillard, Salles, Benac, Guiors,
and Tarbes, all French towns and garrisons :
and when these garrisons knew that they
of Lourdes rode other towards Toulouse or
Carcassonne, then they would lay bush-
ments for them, and sometime take from
them of Lourdes their prey and pillage
and sometime they scaped without any
rencounter. And on a time it fortuned
that Ernaulton of Sainte-Colomme and the
Mongat of Saint - Cornille and to the
number of sixscore spears of good men
of war departed from Lourdes about the
mountains between these two rivers Lisse
and Lesse, and so rode near to Toulouse ;
and at their returning they found in the
meadows a great number of beasts, oxen
and kine, hogs, muttons and lambs, and
also they took divers of the good men of
the country prisoners, and so drove all
their prey before them. Then it was
shewed to the captain of Tarbes, a squire
of Gascoyne called Ernaulton Bisette, an
expert man of arms, how they of the gar-
rison of Lourdes were abroad and were
coming homeward with a great prey.
Then he sent to the lord of Benac and to
Anguerrot, eldest son to sir Raymond,^ and
also to the lord of Barbazan, certifying
them how he would ride out against them
of Lourdes. The knights and squires of
the country of Bigorre agreed to ride forth
and assembled together at Tournay, and
with them there was the bourg of Spain,
who came from his garrison of Saint-Beat ;
so they were to the number of two hundred
spears, and they had their spies abroad in
the country to know what they of Lourdes
did. On the other side they of Lourdes
had abroad their spies, to know if any men
of war were abroad to let them of their
enterprise ; and so much did these that
either party knew what other did. When
they of Lourdes knew how they of the
French garrisons were abroad and tarried
for them at Tournay, then they were in
1 That is, sir Raymond de Lane.
doubt and took counsel what they might
best do to save their prey. Then they
determined to depart their company in two,
the one company to drive before them their
prey with all their varlets, and to go covertly
by the Lande-de-Bouc, and so to pass the
way by the bridge of Tournay and to pass
the river of Lesse between Tournay and
Malvoisin, and the other company to ride
in battle by the mountains and to make
shew to go again into the country of Laire^
by Mascaras, and so to fall in between Bar-
bazan and Montgaillard ; and said that if
they met together about Montgaillard, then
they should be in safe-guard, "for then
we shall be soon at Lourdes." Thus as
they ordained, so they did ; and the bastan
of Cardeillac, Guillonet of Ilarnes an^
Perrot Boursier, John Callemin of Bassele
the Red Squire, and forty spears with all
their varlets, with all their prey, took the
way by the Lande-de-Bouc and so to pass
the river at the bridge between Tournay
and Malvoisin, thinking to meet all together:
between Cieutat and Montgaillard : and si
they departed, and the other company, ai
Ernaulton of Rostem, Ernaulton of Sainte
Colomme and the Mongat of Saint-Cornille
with fourscore men of arms, there was not
ten varlets among them ; so they made
themselves ready and rode close together
ever looking for their enemies, for they
knew well they were abroad to watch for
them. In like manner as they of Lourd
had taken their advice and counsel how
return, in like wise the Frenchmen too
counsel how they might encounter theii
enemies ; and sir Monaut of Barbazan and'
Ernaulton Bisette said to their company :
" Sirs, we know well how they of Lourdes
are abroad in the fields and driveth before
them great prey and many prisoners. It
should be a great displeasure to us if they
should scape ; therefore let us put ourselves
into two bushments, we are company
enough so to do." Then it was ordained
that Ernaulton and the bourg of Spain, sir
Raymond of Benac and Anguerrot of
Lane with a hundred spears should keep
the passage at Tournay ; for they knew
well that they of Lourdes with their prey
must needs pass the river of Lesse : and it
was ordained that the lord of Barbazan and
Ernaulton Bisette with a hundred spears_
1 Pas-de-Laire.
1
cy
I
FROISSART'S JOURNEY
32]
should ride at adventures. So thus they
departed, and the lord of Benac and the
bourg of Spain put themselves in a bush-
ment between Malvoisin and Tournay, and
the other company rode and took the same
way that we be now in, which is called the
Laire. And here they met with them of
Lourdes ; and when each of them saw
other, they alighted and made them ready
to fight, and so came each against other cry-
ing their cries, " Saint George, Lourdes ! "
and the other " Our Lady of Bigorre ! "
And so there each came to other with hand
strokes, foining with their spears each at
other a great space, and as I heard reported
of them that were there, at the first brunt
there was none overthrown : and so when
each of them had a great space foined
each at other, they cast down their spears
and took their axes, and gave therewith
each to other great and horrible strokes,
every man with his match, and in that
manner they fought together more than
two hours. And when any of them had
fought so long that they lacked breath,
then they would fair and easily depart,
and go sit down by a dike side that was
full of water and put off their bassenets and
refresh themselves ; and when they were
well refreshed, they put on their bassenets
and returned again to fight. I believe
there was not such a business, nor a battle
so well fought sith the battle that was in
Bretayne of thirty against as many, as this
was here at Mascaras in Bigorre. Thus
they fought hand to hand, and Ernaulton
of Sainte-Colomme was at the point to have
been discomfited by a squire of the country
called Guillonet of Salenges. This Ernaul-
ton of Sainte-Colomme had a varlet, who
stood by and saw the battle and fought not,
|( for there was none that said anything to
him ; and when he saw his master almost at
utterance, he was sorry, and so came to his
master and took his axe out of his hands
and said : " Ernaulton, go your way and
rest you, ye can no longer fight " : and
then he with the axe went to the squire
' and gave him such a stroke on the head,
that he was astonied and had near hand
fallen to the earth. When Guillonet felt
himself stricken, he was sore displeased
and came against the varlet to have stricken
him, but the varlet stept under the stroke
and embraced the squire, who was sore
Y
travailed with so long fighting, and so the
varlet overthrew him wrestling under him.
Then the varlet said: "I shall slay thee,
without thou wilt yield thyself to my
master. " * ' Who is thy master ? " quoth the
squire. " Ernaulton of Sainte-Colomme,"
quoth the varlet, "with whom thou hast
fought all this season." The squire saw
that he had not the vantage, but that he
was under the varlet, who had a dagger
ready to strike him ; so he yielded him
to render his body prisoner at Lourdes
within fifteen days after, rescues or no
rescues. This service did this varlet to his
master ; and, sir John, I assure you there
were many feats of arms done and many
overthrown and taken prisoners, some to
yield themselves in a certain space at
Tarbes and some to come to Lourde-. They
fought this day hand to hand, Ernaulton
Bisette with the Mongat of Saint-Bazeille :
they did many a feat of arms between them,
and they fought so long, till they were so
weary that they could aid themselves no
longer ; and there was slain on the place
two captains, the Mongat of Lourdes and
on the other part Ernaulton Bisette. Then
ceased the battle by agreement of both
parties, for they were so weary that they
could scant hold their axes in their hands :
some unarmed them to refresh themselves
and left their armour in the place. They of
Lourdes bare away with them the Mongat
slain, and the Frenchmen bare Ernaulton
Bisette to Tarbes ; and to the intent that
this battle should be had in remembrance,
whereas the two squires fought there was
set a cross of stone. Behold yonder is the
cross.' And with those words we came to
the cross, and there we said for their souls
a Pater noster and an Ave Maria.
' By my faith, sir,' quoth I, ' I am glad I
have heard this, for this was a sharp busi-
ness of so little people. But, sir, what
became of them that went with the prey ? '
' I shall shew you,' quoth he. ' They came
to the part of Tournay beside Malvoisin, to
have passed there, as they had ordained ;
and there they found the bushment of the
liourg of Spain, who brake out of their
bushment, and they of Lourdes could not
recule back ; they had no remedy but to
adventure theirselves. And I tell you truth,
there was as sore a fight and as long endured
or longer than that at Mascaras ; and there
322
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
Ernaulton of Spain did marvellous in arms.
He had an axe in his hand ; whosoever he
strake therewith went to the earth, for he
was big and well made and not overcharged
with much flesh. He took there with his
own hands the two captains, the bourg of
Cardeillac and Perrot Palatin of Beam, and
there was slain a squire of Navarre called
Ferrando of Miranda, who was an expert
man of arms : some that were at the busi-
ness said that the bourg of Spain slew him,
and some said he was overcome for heat in
his harness. Finally the prey was rescued
and all taken or slain that went therewith ;
there were but three saved themselves, and
they were varlets, who departed and went
over the river of Lesse. Thus became of
this adventure : they of Lourdes never lost
before so much as they did then : they were
courteously ransomed, and divers delivered
by exchange one for another, for divers of
them that fought here at the place of Laire^
were taken by them of Lourdes : therefore
every part were courteous one to another
in ransoming of their companions,' *Ah
Saint Mary ! sir,' quoth I, ' is the bourg of
Spain so big a man as ye speak of? ' ' Yea,
sir, truly,' quoth he, 'for in all Gascoyne
there is none like him in strength of body :
therefore the earl of Foix hath him ever in
his company. It passed not a three year
that he did in a sport a great deed, as I
shall shew you. So it was, on a Christmas
day the earl of Foix held a great feast and
a plentiful of knights and squires, as it is
his usage : and it was a cold day, and the
earl dined in the hall, and with him great
company of lords ; and after dinner he de-
parted out of the hall and went up into a
gallery of twenty-four stairs of height, in
which gallery there was a great chimney,
wherein they made fire when the earl was
there ; and at that time there was but a
small fire, for the earl loved no great fire ;
howbeit, he had wood enough there about
and in Beam is wood enough. The same
day it was a great frost and very cold ; and
when the earl was in the gallery and saw
the fire so little, he said to the knights and
squires about him: "Sirs, this is but a
small fire and the day so cold." Then
Ernaulton of Spain went down the stairs,
and beneath in the court he saw a great
many of asses, laden with wood to serve
1 Pas-de-Laire.
the house. Then he went and took one of
the greatest asses with all the wood, and
laid him on his back, and went up all the
stairs into the gallery and did cast down the
ass with all the wood into the chimney and
the ass's feet upwards : whereof the earl of
Foix had great joy, and so had all they that
were there, and had marvel of his strength,
how he alone came up all the stairs with the
ass and the wood in his neck. '
I took great pleasure in this tale and in
other that this knight sir Espang de Lyon
shewed me, whereby I thought my journey
much the shorter : and in shewing of these
matters we passed the pass of Laire and the
castle of Mascaras, whereas the battle was,
and so we rode near to the castle of Bar-
bazan, which is strong and fair and is with-
in a league of Tarbes, which we saw before
us, and a fair way coasting the river of
Lisse coming from the mountains. Then
we rode fair and easily at our leisure to
refresh our horses, and there he shewed me
the river, 1 the castle and the town of Monti
gaillard and the way that lay to Lourde
Then it came to my remembrance to dc
mand the knight how the duke of Anjoi
when he was in the country and that tl
castle of Malvoisin was yielded to hir
came before Lourdes and what he di
there ; and with right a good will he shew€
me and said : * When the duke of Anjc
departed from Malvoisin with all his hos^
he passed over the river of Lesse at tl
bridge of Tournay and went and lodged
Bagneres, whereas is a good river going
Tarbes ; for this river of Tournay comet
not thither, but falleth into the river
Garonne beside Mont-au-Lion ;2 and
the duke went and laid siege to Lourdes,
sir Peter Ernaulton of Beam and John his
brother, Peter d'Anchin, Ernaulton of
Rostem, Ernaulton of Sainte-Colomme, and
the Mongat, who as then was living, and
Ferando of Miranda, with Barbe-Noire, the
bourg of Cardeillac and the bourg Camus
and certain other companions being within
Lourdes. When they were well informed
of the duke's coming thither, they fortified
1 'Par dela la riviere, ' 'on the other side of the river.*
2 This river of Tournay is that which Froissart
calls the Lesse (i.e. the Arros), but he is mistaken
in supposing that it falls into the Garonne. He
confuses it, no doubt, with the Baise, which rises not
far from Tournay and falls into the Garonne near
Monluc (Mont-au-Lion). (Lettenhove, xxv. 13.)
THE DUKE OF ANJOU IN B IGOR RE, 1373
323
them and their garrison against him and
held the town of Lourdes for all the assaults
that the duke made, which fifteen days con-
tinually endured and there were many feats
of arms done. The duke ordained many
instruments of war for the assault, so that
finally the town was won ; but they lost
neither man, woman nor good, for they
were all withdrawn into the castle, for they
knew well at length the town would not
hold, for it was closed but with dikes and
pales. When the town of Lourdes was
won, the Frenchmen had great joy and so
lodged in the town round about the castle,
which was not pregnable without it were
with long siege. There the duke tarried
more than six weeks and lost more than he
won ; for they without could do no hurt to
them within, for the castle standeth on a
round rock, made in such manner that no
man could approach it by scaling nor
otherwise, but by one entry ; and there at
the barriers were many scrimmishes and
many feats of arms done, and divers knights
and squires of France were hurt, such as
would press too near. When the duke saw
how he could not have his intent to get the
castle of Lourdes, then he fell in treaty with
the captain within and offered him much
money to give up the garrison. The knight,
who was of great valiantness, excused him-
self and said how the garrison was not his,
but it pertained to the heritage of the king
of England, and said how he could not sell
it nor give it nor put it away, without he
should be a traitor, which in no wise he
would be, but true to his natural lord during
his life ; and moreover said that when the
castle was delivered him, it was on a con-
dition, which he swore solemnly by his
faith in the prince of Wales' hand, that he
should keep the castle of Lourdes against
all men during his life, except it were
against the king of England. The duke
could never have other answer of him, for
gift nor promise that he could make. And
when the duke of Anjou and his council
saw how they could have nothing else, and
saw that they lost their pain, they dislodged,
and at their departing they clean brent the
town. Then the duke of Anjou drew back
in coasting Beam and rode toward the
Mount Marsan, and had knowledge how
the earl of Foix had fortified all his garri-
sons with men of war ; whereof he was
nothing discontent, but he was displeased
in that the knights and squires of Beam held
Lourdes against him. The earl of Foix, as
I have shewed you herebefore, doubted
greatly the duke of Anjou, though the
duke did him no hurt ; but the earl of
Armagnac and the lord d'Albret would
have had the duke to have made him war,
but the duke had no will thereto. But
while he lodged between Mount Marsan
and the Boce d'Albret, he sent to the earl
of Orthez sir Peter of Bueil, whom the earl
received honourably, and lodged him in the
castle of Orthez and made him as good
cheer as he could and gave him mulcts and
coursers, and to his men great gifts, and he
sent by him to the duke of Anjou four
coursers and two alans of Spain, fair and
good, and there were secret treaties between
the earl and this sir Peter of Bueil, of which
treaties no man knew the intent thereof of
a good space after ; but after, by such
evident tokens as appeared, we supposed
somewhat, and the matter I shall shew you,
and by that time we shall come to Tarbes.
* Anon after that the duke of Anjou had
made his voyage and that he was at
Toulouse, then the earl of Foix sent by his
letters [and by] certain messengers to
Lourdes to his cousin sir Peter Ernaulton
of Beam, desiring him to come and speak
with him at Orthez. And when the knight
had read the earl's letters, and saw his
notable message, he had divers imaginations
and wist not whether he might go or abide.
All things considered, he said he would go,
because in no wise he would displease the
earl. And when he departed from Lourdes,
he said to John of Beam his brother in the
presence of all the companions of the
garrison : " Brother John, the earl of
Foix hath sent for me, I cannot tell you
why ; but sith it is his pleasure to speak
with me, I will go to him. I fear me
greatly that I shall be required to give up
this fortress of Lourdes ; for the duke of
Anjou, when he was in the country, he
coasted Beam and entered not therein, and
the earl of Foix hath long intended to have
the castle of Malvoisin, to the intent to be
lord of the Lande-de-Bouc and of the fron-
tiers of Comminges and of Bigorre. I
know not what treaty there is made between
him and the duke of Anjou, but one
thing I say plainly, — as long as I live, I
324
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
shall never yield up the garrison but to
mine own natural lord the king of England.
Wherefore, brother John, in case that I
stablish you in mine absence to be captain
here, that ye shall swear to me by the faith
of your gentleness that ye shall keep this
castle in like manner and form as I do, and
that for life or death ye fail not." And
John of Beam sware to fulfil his desire.
Then sir Peter Ernaulton went to Orthez
and alighted at the sign of the Moon ; and
when he thought it was time, he went to
the castle of Orthez to the earl, who with
great joy received him and made him sit at
his board, and shewed him as great sem-
blant of love as he could ; and after dinner
he said : "Cousin Peter, I have to speak
with you of divers things, wherefore I will
that ye depart not without my leave."
The knight answered and said : " Sir, I
shall not depart till it be your pleasure."
Then the third day after, the earl of Foix
said unto him in the presence of the viscount
of Gousserant his brother and before the
lord d'Anchin of Bigorre and divers other
knights and squires, the earl said aloud that
every man might hear him : " Peter, I sent
for you and ye be come. I will ye know,
the duke of Anjou would me much evil
because of the garrison of Lourdes, which
ye keep, for the which cause my land was
near hand overrun, an good friends had not
been ; and it is his opinion and divers other
of his company, that he hateth me, because,
as they say, how I maintain^ and sustain
you, because ye be of Beam : and it is not
meet for me to have the evil will of so great
a prince as the duke of Anjou is. Where-
fore I command you, as ye will eschew my
displeasure and by the faith and lineage
that ye owe to me, that ye yield up the
garrison of Lourdes into my hands." When
the knight heard these words, he was sore
abashed and studied a little, remembering
what answer he might make, for he saw
well the earl spake in good faith : ^ how-
beit, all things considered, he said : " Sir,
true it is I owe to you faith and homage,
for I am a poor knight of your blood and
of your country : but as for the castle of
1 By the true text, ' And it Is his saying and the
opinion of divers other of his company who hate
me, that I maintain,' etc., but the translator's text
had ' qu'ilz me haient.'
2 ' Seriously.'
Lourdes, I will not deliver it to you. Ye
have sent for me to do with me as ye list.^
I hold it of the king of England ; he set me
there, and to none other living will I deliver
it." When the earl of Foix heard that answer,
his blood chafed for ire, and said drawing
out his dagger: "Ah, traitor, sayest thou
nay ? By my head, thou hast not said that
for nought " : and so therewith strake the
knight, that he wounded him in five places,
and there was no knight nor baron that
durst step between them. Then the knight
said : ' Ah, sir, ye do me no gentleness, to
send for me and slay me." And yet for
all the strokes that he had with the dagger,
the earl commanded to cast him in prison
down into a deep dike, and so he was and
there died, for his wounds were but evil
looked imto.' 'Ah, Saint Mary,' quoth I
to the knight, 'was not this a great cruelty?'
* Whatsoever it was,' quoth the knight,
' thus it was. Let one advise him well or
he displease him, for an he be angry, there^
is no pardon : he held once his cousin-j
german the viscount of Castelbon, who
his heritor, eight months in the tower o|
Orthez in prison, and after ransomed hir
at forty thousand franks.' ' Why, sir,' quotl
I, 'hath the earl of Foix no children?!
' No truly, sir,' quoth he, ' by any wife ; bul
he hath two young knights that be hi^
bastards, whom ye shall see, and he lovetl
them as well as himself: they be called sii
Yvain and sir Gracien ? ' Then I demandec
if ever he were married. ' Yea truly,!
quoth he, ' and is yet ; but his wife is no|
with him.' 'Why, sir, where is she?'
' Sir,' quoth he, ' she is in Navarre, for the
king there is her cousin ; she was daughteij
to king Louis of Navarre.' Yet then I de
manded if ever the earl had any childrenj
' Yes, sir, ' quoth he, ' he had a fair son,
who had the father's heart and all the
country loved him, for by him all the
country of Beam was in rest and peacej
whereas it hath been sith in debate anc
strife ; for he had married the sister of the
earl of Armagnac' 'Sir,' quoth I, 'whal
became of that son, an it may be known ?^
' Sir,' quoth he, ' I shall shew you, but not
as now, for the matter is over long and w€
are near the town, as ye see. ' Therewitl
1 * Ye have sent for me ; therefore ye can do witH"
me as ye list.' The full text has, ' Ye have sent for
me, I have obeyed ; therefore,' etc.
FR OISSA RT'S JO URNE V
325
I left the kniglit in peace, and so we came
to Tarbes and took our lodging at the Star
and there tarried all that day ; for it was a
town of great easement both for man and
horse with good hay and oats and a fair
river.
The next day after mass we mounted a-
horseback and departed from Tarbes and
came to a town called Guiors,^ which vali-
antly always held against them of Lourdes :
and so we passed by the town without and
then entered into the country of Beam.
Then the knight stood still and said : ' Sir,
behold here is Beam ' : and we stood in a
cross way. The knight advised him which
way to take, other to Morlaas or to Pau :
at last we took the way to Morlaas, riding
over the launds of Beam, which were right
plain. Then I demanded of him if the
town of Pau were near us, and he said,
' Yes ' ; and so he shewed me the steeple :
howbeit, the distance was farther oft" than
it seemed, for it was an evil way to ride
because of the mires, to them that knew not
the country ; and not far thence was the
castle of Lourdes. 2 And I demanded who
was as then captain there. He said that
as then the seneschal of Bigorre was captain
there, admitted by the king of England,
brother to sir Peter of Beam, as ye have
licard before. * That is true, sir,' quoth I,
' but did he never after go to see the earl of
Foix ? ' He answered and said : * Sith the
death of his brother he never came there,
but other of his company hath been often
with the earl, as Peter d'Anchin, Emaulton
of Rostem, Emaulton of Sainte-Colomme,
and other.' ' Sir,' quoth I, 'hath the earl
of Foix made any amends for the death of
that knight, or sorry for his death?' 'Yes
truly, sir,' quoth he, ' he was right sorry for
his death ; but as for amends, I know of
none, without it be by secret penance,
masses or prayers. He hath with him the
same knight's son, called John of Beam, a
gracious squire, and the earl loveth him
right well.' ' Ah, sir,' quoth I, ' the duke
1 Raint-P^-de-Gueyres.
2 He said, ' Yes, I will shew you the steeple of
it, but it is further off than it seems, for it is an evil
way to ride because of the mires for one that knows
not the road well, and it would be folly to attempt
it. And below lies the town and castle of Lourdes.'
Froissart nowhere says that his companion did
actually shew him the steeple, and in fact it is
probable that they did not come in sight of it.
of Anjou, who that would so fain have the
castle of Lourdes, ought to be well content
with the earl of P'oix, when he slew such a
knight his own cousin, for to accomplish
his desire.' * By my faith, sir,' quoth he,
' so he was : for anon after that the duke
came to the French king, the king sent^
into this country sir Roger of Spain and a
president of the parliament chamber of
Paris, and letters sealed making mention
how the king did give to the earl of Foix
the county of Bigorre during his life, to hold
the same of the crown of France. The
earl thanked greatly the king for the great
love that he shewed him and for that great
gift without any request making, but for all
that the said sir Roger of Spain could do,
say or shew, the earl in no wise would take
the gift ; but he took the castle of Malvoisin,
because it was a free land, for that castle
and the purtenance holdeth of no man but
of God, and also anciently it pertaineth to
his inheritance. The French king by the
means of the duke of Anjou did give it him,
and the earl suare and promised to take it
on a condition that he should never set
man there that should do any evil to the
realm of France : and so he did, for such
as were there feared as much the English-
men as any other French garrisons in
Gascoync, but the Beamois durst not run
into the country of Foix. ' ^
CHAPTER XXV
How the peace was made between the duke
of Berry and the earl of Foix, and of the
beginning of the war that was between the
earl of Foix and the earl of Armagnac.
All these matters that sir Espang de Lyon
shewed me right well contented me ; and
every night as soon as we were at our lodg-
ings,^ I wrote ever all that I heard in the
day, the better thereby to have them in re-
membrance, for writing is the best remem-
1 Or by a better text, 'Anon after the event
(I'advenue) the king of France sent,' etc.
2 ' But the Bearnois (or according to another
reading, the English) would not dare to displease
(courroucier) the count of Foix.' There has been
a confusion of 'courroucier' with ' courir,' and of
'conte' with 'cont6.'
<* The French says, 'As soon as we descended
at our lodging, whether it were in the evening or in
the morning.'
326
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
brance that may be. And so we rode the
next morning to Morlaas ; but ere we came
there, I said : * Sir, I have forgot to de-
mand of you when ye shewed me the ad-
ventures of Foix [and of Armagnac how
the earl of Foix] did dissimule with the duke
of Berry, who had to wives the daughter
and sister of the earl of Armagnac, and
whether that the duke of Berry made him
any war and how he did.' ' How he did,'
quoth the knight, * I shall shew you. In
time past the duke of Berry would him as
much evil as he could imagine ; but as now,
by means which ye shall hear of when ye
come to Orthez, they be accorded. ' ' Why,
sir,' quoth I, ' was there any cause why the
duke should be displeased with him?'
*As help me God,' quoth the knight,
* none ; but I shall shew you the cause.
When Charles the French king, father to
king Charles that now is, was deceased,
the realm of France was divided into two
parts, as in the governing thereof; for the
duke of Anjou who intended to go into
Italy, as he did, he gave up the rule, and
then his two brethren the duke of Berry
and the duke of Burgoyne had the rule.
The duke of Berry had the governing of
Languedoc and the duke of Burgoyne ruled
Languedoil and Picardy. When they of
Languedoc understood that the duke of
Berry had the governing over them, they
were sore abashed, and specially they of
Toulouse, for they knew well that the duke
was a sore taker of gold and silver and a
sore oppressor of the people. Also there
was in Carcassonne and in Rouergue
Bretons and Toulousains,^ which the duke
of Anjou had left in the country, and they
robbed and pilled, and the bruit ran that
the duke of Berry maintained them to the
intent to overmaster the good towns : but
in this season that I speak of the duke of
Berry was not in the country there ; he was
with the king in Flanders. They of Tou-
Jouse, who be great and puissant, perceived
how the French king was young and was
greatly busied in Flanders for the aid of his
uncle the duke of Burgoyne, and they saw
well how they M^ere daily robbed and pilled
by the Bretons and other, so that they wist
not what to do. Then they sent and
treated with the earl of Foix, desiring him
1 By a better text, ' There were Bretons in
Toulousain, in Carcassonnais and in Rouergue.' 1
for a certain sum of money that they ofifere
him every month to be paid, that he wouk
take on him the governing of Toulouse anc
of the country of Toulousain, and also hel
was desired of other towns in like wise. <
They desired him because they knew him
for a just man and a rightwise in justice,
redoubted of his enemies and fortunate ii
all his business ; and also they of Toulouse
loved him, for he had been ever to them a1
good neighbour. Thus he took on him the]
charge and the governing, and sware toJ
maintain and keep the country in thei
right against all men that would do an]
wrong thereto, reserving all only the Frenct
king's person. Then he set men of war tc
watch the ways and passages, whereas
these robbers and pillers used to pass,^
and on a day he took, slew and drowned ol
them at Rabasten in Toulousain more that
four hundred, whereby he gat great grace
and honour of them of Toulouse and o\
Carcassonne, of Beziers and Montpellieil
and of other good towns there about, sc
that the renown ran in France how they of
Languedoc were turned and had taken tc
their lord the earl of Foix ; and the duke
of Berry, who was sovereign there, tool
thereat great displeasure and had the earl
of Foix in great hate, because he meddlee
so far in the business of France, and where-
by he maintained them of Toulouse still ir
their rebellion against him. Then he sent
men of war into the country, but they were
fiercely driven back again by the earl's
men, so that, whether they would or no,
they were fain to draw back, or else thej
had lost more than they should have won.
With this the duke of Berry was sore dis-
pleased with the earl of Foix, and he saidj
how the earl of Foix was the most pre-
sumptuous and proudest knight of all thej
world. The duke as then could suffer noj
good to be spoken of him ; howbeit, hej
made him no war, for the earl of Foix hac
always his towns and castles so well pro-
vided for, that none durst enter into his!
land. But when the duke of Berry came
into Languedoc, then he left his rule, for]
he would then no longer exercise against!
the duke, but the displeasure rested still]
after a certain space : but now shall I shew
you by what means the peace was nourished
between them.
' It was a ten year past that the lady
FOIX AND ARM AG MAC
327
Eleanor of Comminges, as now countess of
Boulogne, and near cousin to the earl of
Foix and right inheritor to the county of
Comminges, though that the earl of Ar-
magnac had it in possession, she came to
Orthez to the earl of Foix and brought with
her a young daughter of three year of age.
The earl her cousin made her good cheer
and he demanded her of her business and
whither she was going. '* Sir," quoth she,
" I am going into Aragon to mine uncle
and aunt the earl of Urgel, and there I
purpose to abide ; for I have great dis-
pleasure to abide with my husband sir John
of Boulogne, for I thought he would have
recovered mine inheritance of Comminges
from the earl of Armagnac, who keepeth it
from me and he hath my sister in prison,
and he will do nothing in the matter : he
is so soft a knight, that he will do nothing
but take his ease and eat and drink and to
spend that he hath foolishly ; and I think,
when he is earl, he will take his pleasure
more, therefore I will no longer abide with
him and I have brought with me my daugh-
ter, whom I will deliver into your hands,
praying you to keep and to nourish her up,
for I trust by reason of her lineage ye will
not fail thus to do, for I have hope in you
that ye will keep her. I had much pain to
get her away out of the country and out of
the hands of my husband her father, but
because I take them of Armagnac, mine
adversaries and yours, who would gladly
steal my daughter away,^ because she is
inheritor of Comminges, therefore I have
brought her unto you. Wherefore, sir, I
recjuire you, fail me not at this business,
and I am sure her father my husband, when
he knoweth that I have left her with you,
he will be right joyful, for he hath said
oftentimes to me that this his daughter
should put him to great doubt." And
when the earl had well heard the words of
the lady Eleanor his cousin, he was right
joyful, and imagined in himself how that
child after should do him some pleasure,
as by the means of her mother to have a
firm peace with his enemies, or else to
marry her in so high a place that his enemies
should doubt him thereby. Then he an-
swered the lady and said : " Madam and
1 ' Because I perceive that they of Armagnac,
my adversaries and yours, are greatly desirous to
steal away my daughter.'
cousin, all that ye desire I shall do it with
right a good will, for I am bound thereto
by lineage ; and as for your daughter my
cousin, I shall keep her as well as though
she were mine own proper child." " Sir,"
quoth she, "I thank you." Thus the
young daughter of Boulogne abode with
the earl of Foix at Orthez and she never
departed thence sith, and the lady her
mother went to Aragon. She hath been
sith once or twice to see her daughter, but
she never desired to have her again, for the
earl kept her as well as if she were his own
child. And to the purpose as to the mean
of the peace that I shewed you, the earl
imagined to get by her the love again of
the duke of Berry ; and as now at this
present time the duke of Berry hath great
desire to be married, and I think by that I
heard at Avignon by the pope, who is
cousin - german to the lady's father, he
shewed me how the duke of Berry desireth
to have her in marriage.' 'Ah, Saint
Mary, sir,' quoth I, ' how your words be to
me right agreeable ; for it hath done me
great pleasure all that ever ye have shewed
me, which shall not be lost, for it shall be
put in remembrance and chronicled, if God
will send me the grace to return to the
town of Valenciennes, whereas I was born.
But, sir, I am sore displeased of one thing.'
' What is that ? ' quoth he. ' I shall shew
you by my faith : that so high and valiant
a prince as the earl of P'oix is, should be
without lawful issue.' 'Sir,' quoth the
knight, ' if he had one, as once he had, he
should be the most joyous prince of the
world, and so would be all the country.'
' Why, sir,' then quoth I, ' is his land then
without an heir?' 'Nay, sir,' quoth he,
* the viscount of Castelbon, his cousin-
german, is his heir.' ' Is he a valiant man
in arms ? ' quoth I. ' Nay by my faith, sir,'
quoth he, ' and therefore the earl loveth
him not and thinketh to make his two
bastard sons, who be right valiant, his heirs,
and thinketh to marry them in an high
lineage, for he hath gold and silver enough,
whereby he thinketh to. get them wives
such as shall aid and comfort them.' 'Sir,'
quoth I, ' it may well be : howbeit, the
thing is not reasonable that bastards should
be made heritors of lands. ' ' Wherefore
not, sir,' quoth he, ' if there lack good
heirs? See you not how the Spaniards
328
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
have crowned Henry a bastard to be king,
and also they of Portugal crowned a bastard
to their king. It hath been seen in the
world in divers realms that bastards by
force hath reigned. Was not William
Conqueror bastard son to a duke of Nor-
mandy, who conquered all England and
was king there, so that all the kings sith
are descended from him ?' ' Sir,' quoth I,
' all this might well be : there is nothing
but that may fall : but they of Armagnac are
right strong, and so thereby this country
shall be ever in war and strife. But, sir, I
pray you shew me the just cause why the
war first moved between them of Foix and
Armagnac' ' I will shew you,' quoth the
knight : ' I ensure you it is a marvellous
war, for as they say, each of them have
cause.
' Sir, anciently, about a hundred year past,
there was a lord in Beam called Gaston,
a right valiant man in arms and is buried
in the Friars right solemnly at Orthez, and
there ye may see what person he was of
stature and of body, for in his life- time his
picture was made in latten, the which is
yet there. This Gaston lord of Beam had
two daughters ; the eldest was married to
the earl of Armagnac that was then, and
the youngest to the earl of Foix, who as
then was nephew to the king of Aragon,
and as yet the earl of Foix beareth his
arms, for he descended out of Aragon ; his
arms are pale gold and gules. ^ And so it
fortuned, that this lord of Beam had a great
war against the king of Spain that was then,
who came through all Biscay with a great
number of men of war to enter into Beam.
The lord Gaston of Beam, when he was
informed of his coming, he assembled
people on all sides, where he might get
men of war, and wrote letters to his two
sons-in-law, the earl of Armagnac and the
earl of Foix, that they should come to serve
and aid him to defend his heritage. These
letters seen, the earl of Foix, as soon as he
might, assembled his people and prayed all
his friends so much, that he had a five
hundred knights and squires armed and
two thousand varlets with^ spears, darts
and pavises all a-foot, and so he came into
the country of Beam to serve his father,
who had of him great joy ; and so all they
passed the bridge at Orthez over the river
^ That is, gold and gules in pales.
and lodged between Sauveterre and the
Hospital : ^ and the king of Spain, who
had twenty thousand men, was lodged not
far thence. And there the lord Gaston of
Beam and the earl of Foix tarried for the
earl of Armagnac and thought ever that he
would come, and so tarried for him three
days, and on the fourth day the earl of
Armagnac sent his letters by an herald to
the lord Gaston of Beam and sent him
word how he might not come, nor how he
had nothing to do to bear arms for the
country of Beam. When the lord Gaston
heard those tidings of excusations and saw
how he should have none aid nor comfort
of the earl of Armagnac, he was sore
abashed and demanded counsel of the earl
of Foix and of the other barons of Beam,
how they should maintain themselves.
" Sir," quoth the earl of Foix, " sith we be
here assembled, let us go and fight with
our enemies. " This counsel was taken :
then they ordained their people ; they were
a twelve hundred men of arms and six
thousand men a-foot. The earl of Foix
took the first battle, and so came on the
king of Spain and set on his lodgings ; and
there was a great battle and a fierce, and
slain more than ten thousand Spaniards,
and there the earl of Foix took prisoners
the king of Spain's son and his brother and
sent them to his father-in-law the lord
Gaston of Beam, who was in the arear-
guard : and there the Spaniards were so
discomfited, that the earl of Foix chased
them to the port Saint-Andrew- in Biscay,
and the king of Spain took the abbey and
did on the vesture of a monk, or else he
had been taken. Then the earl of Foix
returned to the lord Gaston of Beam, who
made him good cheer, as it was reason, for
he had saved his honour and kept his
country of Beam, the which else was likely
to have been lost.
' Because of this battle and discomfiture
that the earl of Foix made on the Spaniards
and for the taking of the king's son and
brother, the lord of Beam had peace with
the Spaniards at his own will. And when
the lord Gaston was returned to Orthez,
there before all the barons of Foix and
Beam that were there present, he said to his
son of Foix : " Fair son, ye are my true and
faithful son ; ye have saved mine honour
1 Hopital-d'Orion. 2 Santander.
GASTON DE FOIX
329
and my country. Tlie earl of Armagnac,
who hath married mine eldest daughter,
hath excused himself from this business
and would not come to defend mine heri-
tage, wherein he should have part. Where-
fore I say, that such part as he should have
by reason of my daughter, he hath forfeit
and lost it, and here clearly I inherit you,
my son of Foix, after my decease of all the
whole land, and to your heirs for ever ;
and I desire, will and command all my
subjects to seal, accord and agree to the
same." And all answered how they were
well content so to do. Thus by this means,
as I have shewed you, anciently the earls
of Foix were lords of the country of Beam
and bear the cry, arms and name and had
the profit thereof: howbeit, for all this
they of Armagnac had not their claim quit.
This is the cause of the war between Foix
and Armagnac'
* By my faith, sir,' then quoth I, *ye
have well declared the matter. I never
heard it before, and now that I know it 1
shall put it in perpetual memory, if God
give me grace to return into my country.
But, sir, if I durst, I would fain demand of
you one thing : by what incident the earl
of Foix' son died.' Then the knight
studied a little and said : ' Sir, the manner
of his death is right piteous : I will not
speak thereof. When ye come to Orthez,
ye shall find them that will shew you, if ye
demand it.' And then I held my peace,
and we rode till we came to Morlaas.
CHAPTER XXVI
Of the great virtuousness and largess that
was in the earl of Foix, and the manner
of the piteous death of Gaston the earl's
son.
The next day we departed and rode to
dinner to Montgarbel,^ and so to Ertiel,^
and there we drank and by sun -setting we
came to Orthez. The knight alighted at
his own lodging and I alighted at the
Moon, where dwelt a squire of the earl's,
Ernaulton du Puy, who well received me,
because I was of France. Sir Espang of
Lyon went to the castle to the earl and
Bougarber.
2 Arthez.
found him in his gallery, for he had but
dined a little before ; for the earl's usage
was always that it was high noon or he
arose out of his bed, and supped ever at
midnight. The knight shewed him how I
was come thither, and incontinent I was
sent for to my lodging, for he was the lord
of all the world that most desired to speak
with strangers, to hear tidings. When the
earl saw me, he made me good cheer and
retained me as of his house, where I was
more than twelve weeks, and my horse,
well entreated. The acquaintance of him
and of me was because I had brought with
me a book, wliich I made at the contem-
plation of^ Wenceslas of Boeme, duke
of Luxembourg and of Brabant, which book
was called the Meliador, containing all
the songs, ballads, rondeaux and virelays,
which the gentle duke had made in his
lime, which by imagination I had gathered
together;- which book the earl of Foix
was glad to see, and every night after
supper I read thereon to him, and while I
read, there was none durst speak any word,
because he would I should be well under-
standed, wherein he took great solace, and
when it came to any matters of question,
then he would speak to me, not in Gascon
but in good and fair French. And of his
estate and house I shall somewhat record,
for I tarried there so long that I might
well perceive and know much.
This earl Gaston of Foix, with whom I
was, at that time he was of a fifty year of
age and nine ; and I say I have in my time
seen many knights, kings, princes and
other, but I never saw none like him of
personage, nor of so fair form nor so well
made. His visage fair, sanguine and smil-
ing, his eyen gray and amorous, whereas
he list to set his regard. In every thing
he was so perfect that he cannot be praised
too much : he loved that ought to be be-
loved, and hated that ought to be hated.
He was a wise knight of high enterprise and
of good counsel : he never had miscreant
with him : he said many orisons every
day, a nocturn of the psalter, matins of
our Lady, of the Holy Ghost and of the
cross, and dirige.^ Every day he gave five
1 i.e. 'Out of regard for.'
'- ' \yhich I had had the design (imagination) of
gathering together.'
3 'Vigiles.' Probably 'dirige' is a misprint.
330
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
\
florins in small money at his gate to poor
folks for the love of God. He was large
and courteous in gifts : he could right well
take where it pertained to him and to de-
liver again whereas he ought. He loved
hounds of all beasts ; winter and summer
he loved hunting. He never loved folly
outrage nor folly largess ; every month he
would know what he spended : he took in
his country, to receive his revenues and to
serve him, notable persons, that is to say
twelve receivers, and ever from two months
to two months two of them should serve
for his receipt ; for at the two months' end
he would change and put other two into
that office, and one that he trusted best
should be his controller, and to him all
other should account, and the controller
should account to him by rolls and books
written, and the accounts to remain still
with the earl. He had certain coffers in
his chamber, out of the which ofttimes he
would take money to give to lords, knights
and squires, such as came to him, for none
should depart from him without some gift ;
and yet daily multiplied his treasure to re-
sist the adventures and fortunes that he
doubted. He was of good and easy ac-
quaintance with every man and amorously
would speak to them. He was short in
counsel and answers. He had four secre-
taries, and at his rising they must ever be
ready at his hand without any calling, and
when any letter were delivered him and
that he had read it, then he would call
them to write again, or else for some other
thing.
In this estate the earl of Foix lived ; and
at midnight when he came out of his cham-
ber into the hall to supper, he had ever
before him twelve torches brenning, borne
by twelve varlets standing before his table
all supper. They gave a great light, and
the hall ever full of knights and squires,
and many other tables dressed to sup who
would. There was none should speak to
him at his table, but if he were called.
?Iis meat was lightly wild fowl,^ the legs
and wings all only, and in the day he did
but little eat and drink. He had great
pleasure in harmony of instruments : he
could do it right well himself: he would
have songs sung before him. He would
1 ' Volaille.' The word ' lightly ' is a translation
of ' par coustume. '
gladly see conceits and fantasies^ at his
table, and when he had seen it, then he
would send it to the other tables.
Briefly all this I considered and advised;
and or I came to his court, I had been in
many courts of kings, dukes, princes, earls
and great ladies, but I was never in none
that so well liked me, nor there was none
more rejoiced [in] deeds of arms than the
earl did : there was seen in his hall, cham-
ber and court, knights and squires of honour
going up and down and talking of arms
and of amours : all honour there was
found, all manner of tidings of every realm
and country there might be heard, for out
of every country there was resort for the
valiantness of this earl. There I was in-
formed of the most part of the deeds of
arms that was done in Spain, in Portugal,
in Aragon, in Navarre, in England and in
Scotland and in the frontiers and limita-
tions of Languedoc ; for I saw come thither
to the earl while I was there knights and
squires of all nations, and so I was in-
formed by them and by the earl himself of
all things that I demanded.
There I enquired how Gaston the earl's
son died, for sir Espang de Lyon would not
shew me anything thereof ; and so much I
enquired that an ancient squire and a not-
able man shewed the matter to me and
began thus : * True it is,' quoth he, ' that the
earl of Foix and my lady of Foix his wife
agreeth not well together, nor have not done
of a long season, and the discord between
them first moved by the king of Navarre,
who was brother to the lady. For the
king of Navarre pledged himself for the
lord d'Albret, whom the earl of Foix had
in prison, for the sum of fifty thousand
franks ; and the earl of Foix, who knew
that the king of Navarre was crafty and
malicious, in the beginning would not trust
him, wherewith the countess of Foix had
great displeasure and indignation against
the earl her husband, and said to him :
"Sir, ye repute but small honour in the
king of Navarre my brother, when ye will
not trust him for fifty thousand franks.
Though ye have no more of the Armagnacs
nor of the d'Albrets than ye have, it ought
to suffice. And also, sir, ye know well
ye should assign out my dower, which
1 That is, ' strange kinds of dishes ' (estranges
entremets).
HJS SON'S DEATH
331
mounteth to fifty thousand franks, which
ye should put into the hands of my brother
the king of Navarre ; wherefore, sir, ye
cannot be evil paid." " Dame," quoth he,
*'ye say truth ; but if I thought that the king
of Navarre would stop the payment for that
cause, the lord d'Albret should never have
gone out of Orthez, and so I should have
been paid ^ to the last penny ; and sith ye
desire it, I will do it, not for the love of you
but for the love of my son." So by these
words and by the king of Navarre's obliga-
tion, who became debtor to the earl of Foix,
the lord d'Albret was delivered quit, and
became French and was married in France
to the sister of the duke of Bourbon, and
paid at his ease to the king of Navarre the
sum of fifty thousand franks for his ransom,
for the which sum the king was bound to
the earl of Foix, but he would not send it
to the earl. Then the earl of Foix said
to his wife: "Dame, ye must go into
Navarre to the king your brother and shew
him how I am not well content with him,
that he will not send me that he hath
received of mine." The lady answered how
she was ready to go at his commandment ;
and so she departed and rode to Pampelone
to the king her brother, who received her
with much joy. The lady did her mes-
sage from point to point. Then the king
answered : " Fair sister, the sum of money
is yours ; the earl should give it for your
dower : it shall never go out of the realm
of Navarre, sith I have it in possession."
* * Ah, sir, " quoth the lady, ' ' by this ye shall
set great hate between the earl my husband
and you, and if ye hold your purpose, I
dare not return again into the county of
Foix, for my husband will slay me, he will
say I have deceived him." " I cannot tell,"
quoth the king, "what ye will do, other
tarry or depart ; but as for the money, I
will not depart from it : it pertaineth to
me to keep it for you, but it shall never go
out of Navarre." The countess could have
none other answer of the king her brother,
and so she tarried still in Navarre and durst
not return again. The earl of Foix, when
he saw the dealing of the king of Navarre,
he began to hate his wife and was evil con-
tent with her : howbeit, she was in no
fault/ but that she returned not again when
1 ' Should never go out of Orthez, and so I
should be paid.'
she had done her message ; but she durst
not, for she knew well the earl her husband
was cruel where he took displeasure : thus
the matter standeth.
* The earl's son called Gaston grew and
waxed goodly and was married to the
daughter of the earl of Armagnac, a fair
lady sister to the earl that now is, the lord
Bertrand of Armagnac, and by the con-
junction of that marriage there should have
been peace between Foix and Armagnac :
the child was a fifteen or sixteen year of
age and resembled right well to his father.
On a time he desired to go into Navarre to
see his mother and his uncle the king of
Navarre, which was in an evil hour for him
and for all this country. When he was
come into Navarre, he had there good
cheer and tarried with his mother a certain
space and then took his leave ; but for all
that he could do, he could not get his
mother out of Navarre, to have gone with
him into Foix, for she demanded if the earl
had commanded him so to do or no, and
he answered that when he departed, the
earl spake nothing thereof; therefore the
lady durst not go thither, but so tarried
still. Then the child went to Pampelone
to take his leave of the king his uncle : the
king made him great cheer and tarried him
there a ten days and gave to him great
gifts and to his men : also the last gift that
the king gave him was his death ; I shall
shew you how.
* When this gentleman should depart, the
king drew him apart into his chamber and
gave him a little purse full of powder,
which powder was such that if any creature
living did eat thereof, he should incontinent
die without remedy. Then the king said :
"Gaston, fair nephew, ye shall do as I
shall shew to you. Ye see how the earl
of Foix your father wrongfully hath your
mother my sister in great hate, whereof I
am sore displeased and so ought ye to be.
Howbeit, to perform all the matter and
that your father should love again your
mother, to that intent ye shall take a little
of this powder and put it on some meat,
that your father may eat it, but beware
that no man see you. And as soon as he
hath eaten it, he shall intend to nothing
but to have again his wife and so to love
her ever after, which ye ought greatly to
desire : and of this that I shew you let no
332
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
man know, but keep it secret, or else ye
lose all the deed." The child, who thought
all that the king said to him had been true,
said : " Sir, it shall be done as ye have de-
vised " : and so departed from Pampelone
and returned to Orthez. The earl his
father made him good cheer and demanded
tidings of the king of Navarre and what
gifts he had given him, and the child
shewed him how he had given him divers,
and shewed him all except the purse with
the powder. Ofttimes this young Gaston
and Yvain his bastard brother lay together,
for they loved together like brethren and
were like arrayed and apparelled, for they
were near of a greatness and of one age.
And jt happened on a time, as their clothes
lay together on their beds, Yvain saw a
purse at Gaston's coat and said: "What
thing is this that ye bear ever about you?"
whereof Gaston had no joy and said :
" Yvain, give me my coat, ye have nothing
to do therewith " : and all that day after
Gaston was pensive. And it fortuned a
three days after, as God would that the
earl should be saved, Gaston and his brother
Yvain fell out together playing at tennis,
and Gaston gave him a blow ; and the child
went into his father's chamber and wept,
and the earl as then had heard mass. And
when the earl saw him weep, he said :
"Son Yvain, what ailest thou?" "Sir,"
quoth he, ' ' Gaston hath beaten me, but he
were more worthy to be beaten than I."
"Why so?" quoth the earl, and inconti-
nent suspected something. ' ' By my faith,
sir," quoth he, " sith he returned out of
Navarre, he beareth privily at his breast a
purse full of powder, I wot not what it is
nor vi'hat he will do therewith, but he hath
said to me once or twice that my lady his
mother should shortly be again in your
grace and better beloved than ever she
was." "Peace," quoth the earl, "and
speak no more, and shew this to no man
living." "Sir," quoth he, "no more I
shall."
' Then the earl entered into imagination,
and so came to the hour of his dinner and
washed and sat down at his table in the
hall. Gaston his son was used to set down
all his service and to give the says ;^ and
when he had set down the first course, the
1 ' Faisoit essay de toutes ses viandes,' 'made
assay of all his meats.'
earl cast his eyen on him and saw the strings
of the purse hanging at his bosom. Then his
blood changed, and said : "Gaston, come
hither, I will speak with thee in thine ear."
The child came to him and the earl took
him by the bosom and found out the purse
and with his knife cut it from his bosom.
The child was abashed and stood still and
spake no word and looked as pale as ashes
for fear and began to tremble. The earl
of Foix opened the purse and took of the
powder and laid it on a trencher of bread
and called to him a dog and gave it him
to eat ; and as soon as the dog had eaten
the first morsel, he turned his eyen in his
head and died incontinent. And when the
earl saw that, he was sore displeased, and
also he had good cause, and so rose from
the table and took his knife and would have
stricken his son : then the knights and
squires ran between them and said : " Sir,
for God's sake have mercy and be not so
hasty : be well informed first of the matter,
or ye do any evil to your child." And the
first word that the earl said was: "Ah,
Gaston, traitor, for to increase thine heritage
that should come to thee I have had war
and hatred of the French king, of the king
of England, of the king of Spain, of the
king of Navarre and of the king of Aragon,
and as yet I have borne all their malices,
and now thou wouldest murder me. It
moveth of an evil nature, but first thou shalt
die with this stroke." And so stept forth
with his knife and would have slain him,
but then all the knights and squires kneeled
down before him weeping and said : "Ah,
sir, have mercy for God's sake, slay not
Gaston your son ; remember ye have no
more children. Sir, cause him to be kept
and take good information of the matter :
peradventure he knew not what he bare
and peradventure is nothing guilty of the
deed." "Well, "quoth the earl, "incontinent
put him in prison, and let him be so kept
that I may have a reckoning of him."
' Then the child was put into the tower,
and the earl took a great many of them that
served his son, and some of them departed ;
and as yet the bishop of Lescar is at Pau
out of the country,^ for he was had in
suspect and so were divers other. The
earl caused to be put to death a fifteen right
1 ' And the bishop of Lescar near Pau is still out
of the country.'
HIS SON'S DEATH
333
horribly, and the cause that the earl laid to
them was, he said it could be none other-
wise but that they knew of the child's
secrets ; wherefore they ought to have
shewed it to him and to have said : *' Sir,
Gaston your son beareth a purse at his
bosom." Because they did not thus, they
died horribly, whereof it was great pity, for
some of them were as fresh and as jolly
i squires as were any in all the country, for
ever the earl was served with good men.
' This thing touched the earl near to the
heart, and that he well shewed. For on a
(lay he assembled at Orthez all the nobles
and prelates of Foix and of Beam and all
the notable persons of his country ; and
when they were all assembled, he shewed
them wherefore he sent for them, as how he
had found his son in this default, for the
which he said his intent was to put him to
death, as he had well deserved. Then all
the people answered to that case with one
voice and said : ' ' Sir, saving your grace,
we will not that Gaston should die : he is
your heir and ye have no more." And
when the earl heard the people how they
desired for his son, he somewhat refrained
his ire. Then he thought to chastise him
in prison a month or two and then to send
him on some voyage for two or three year,
till he might somewhat forget his evil will
and that the child might be of greater age
and of more knowledge. Then he gave
leave to all the people to depart ; but they
of Foix would not dejDart from Orthez till
the earl should assure them that Gaston
should not die, they loved the child so well.
Then the earl promised them, but he said
he would keep him in prison a certain space
to chastise him : and so upon this promise
every man departed, and Gaston abode
I still in prison. These tidings spread abroad
into divers places, and at that time pope
Gregory the eleventh was at Avignon.
Then he sent the cardinal of Amiens in
legation into Beam, to have come to the
earl of Foix for that business, and by that
time he came to Beziers, he heard such
, tidings that he needed not to go any further
for that matter, for there he heard how
Gaston son to the earl of Foix was dead.
Sith I have shewed you so much, now shall
I shew you how he died.
' The earl of Foix caused his son to l)e kept
in a dark chamber in the tower of Orthez
a ten days. Little did he eat or drink, yet
he had enough brought him every day ; but
when he saw it, he would go therefrom and
set little thereby, and some said that all the
meat that had been brought him stood
whole and entire the day of his death,
wherefore it was great marvel that he lived
so long. For divers reasons the earl caused
him to be kept in the chamber alone with-
out any company, other to counsel or com-
fort him, and all that season the child lay
in his clothes, as he came in, and he argued
in himself and was full of melancholy and
cursed the time that ever he was born and
engendered, to come to such an end. The
same day that he died, they that served him
of meat and drink, when they came to him
they said : " Gaston, here is meat for you."
He made no care thereof, and said : " Set it
down there." He that served him regarded
and saw In the prison all the meat stand
whole, as it had been brought him before,
and so departed and closed the chamber
door and went to the earl and said : " Sir,
for God's sake have mercy on your son
Gaston, for he is near famished in prison.
There he Heth : I think he never did eat
anything sith he came into prison, for I
have seen there this day all that ever I
brought him before lying together in a
corner. Of those words the earl was sore
displeased, and without any word speaking
went out of his chamber and came to the
prison where his son was ; and in an evil
hour he had the same time a little knife in
his hand to pare withal his nails. He
opened the prison door and came to his
son and had the little knife in his hand not
an inch out of his hand, and in great dis-
pleasure he thrust his hand to his son's
throat, and the point of the knife a little
entered into his throat into a certain vein,
and said : " Ah, traitor, why dost thou not
eat thy meat ? " and therewith the earl de-
parted without any more doing or saying
and went into his own chamber. The
child was abashed and afraid of the coming
of his father and also was feeble of fasting,
and the point of the knife a little entered
into a vein of his throat, and so fell down
suddenly and died. The earl was scant in
his chamber, but the keeper of the child
came to him and said : " Sir, Gaston your
son is dead." "Dead!" quoth the earl,
" Yea truly, sir," quoth he. The earl would
334
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSARt
not believe it, but sent thither a squire that
was by him, and he went and came again
and said : " Sir, surely he is dead. " Then
the earl was sore displeased and made great
complaint for his son and said : " Ah,
Gaston, what a poor adventure is this for thee
and for me. In an evil hour thou wentest
to Navarre to see thy mother. I shall
never have the joy that I had before."
Then the earl caused his barber to shave
him, and clothed himself in black, and all
his house, and with much sore weeping the
child was borne to the Friars in Orthez and
there buried. Thus as I have shewed you the
earl of Foix slew Gaston his son, but the
king of Navarre gave the occasion of his
death.'
CHAPTER XXVII
How sir Peter of Beam had a strange disease,
and of the countess of Biscay his wife.
When I had heard this tale of the death of
Gaston son to the earl of Foix, I had great
pity thereof for the love of the earl his
father, whom I found a lord of high recom-
mendation, noble, liberal and courteous,
and also for love of the country, that should
be in great strife for lack of an heir. Then
I thanked the squire and departed from
him ; but after I saw him divers times in
the earl's house and talked oftentimes with
him. And on a time I demanded of him
of Sir Peter of Beam, bastard brother to
the earl of Foix, because he seemed to me
a knight of great valour, whether he were
rich, and married or no. The squire an-
swered and said : ' Truly he is married,
but his wife and children be not in his
company.' ' And why, sir ?' quoth I. 'I
shall shew you,' quoth the squire.
* This sir Peter of Beam hath an usage,
that in the night time while he sleepeth, he
will rise and arm himself and draw out his
sword and fight all about the house and
cannot tell with whom, and then goeth to
bed again : and when he is waking, his
servants do shew him how he did, and he
would say he knew nothing thereof and
how they lied. Sometime his servants
would leave none armour nor sword in his
chamber, and when he would thus rise and
find none armour, he would make such
a noise and rumour as though all the devils
of hell had been in his chamber.' Then I
demanded if he had great lands by his wife.
' Yes truly, sir,' quoth he, ' but the lady by
whom cometh the land joyeth of the
profits thereof ; this sir Peter of Beam hath
but the fourth part.' ' Sir,' quoth I, * where
is his wife?' 'Sir,' quoth he, 'she is in
Castile with the king her cousin. Her
father was earl of Biscay and was cousin-
german to king don Peter, who slew him,
and also he would have had the lady to
have put her in prison, and he took the
possession of all the land, and as long as he
lived the lady had nothing there. And it
was said to this lady, who was countess of
Biscay after the decease of her father :
" Madam, save yourself, for king don Peter,
if he may get you, will cause you to die or
else put you in prison, he is so sore displeased
with you, because he saith ye should report
and bear witness that he caused the queen
his wife to die in her bed, who was sister to
the duke of Bourbon and sister to the
French queen, and your words, he saith,
are believed rather than another, because ye
were privy of her chamber." And for this
cause the lady Florence countess of Biscay
departed out of her country with a small
company, as the common usage is to fly
from death as near as men can ; so she
went into the country of Basques and
passed through it, and so came hither to
Orthez to the earl and shewed him all her
adventure. The earl, who had ever pity of
ladies and damosels, retained her, and so
she abode with the lady of Corasse, a great
lady in his country. As then this sir Peter
of Beam his brother was but a young knight
and had not then this usage to rise a nights,
as he doth now. The earl loved him well,
and married him to this lady and recovered
her lands, and so this sir Peter had by this
lady a son and a daughter, but they be with
their mother in Castile, who be as yet but
young, therefore the lady would not leave
them with their father.' 'Ah, Saint Mary,'
quoth I, ' how did sir Peter of Beam take
this fantasy first, that he dare not sleep
alone in his chamber, and that, when he is
asleep, riseth thus and maketh all that
business ? They are things to be marvelled
at.' ' By my faith,' quoth the squire, 'he
hath been often demanded thereof, but he
saith he cannot tell whereof it cometh.
PETER OF BEARN
335
The first time that ever he did so was the
night after that he had been on a day a
hunting in the woods of Biscay, and chased
a marvellous great bear, and the bear had
slain four of his hounds and hurt divers,
so that none durst come near him. Then
this sir Peter took a sword of Bordeaux and
came in great ire for because of his hounds,
and assailed the bear and fought long with
him, and was in great peril and took great
pain or he could overcome him. Finally
he slew the bear and then returned to his
lodging, to the castle of Lenguidendon in
Biscay, and made the bear to be brought
with him. Every man had marvel of the
greatness of the beast and of the hardness
of the knight, how he durst assail the bear.
And when the countess of Biscay his wife
saw the bear, she fell in a swoon and had
great dolour, and so she was borne into her
chamber, and so all that day, the night
after and the next day she was sore discom-
forted and would not shew what she ailed.
On the third day she said to her husband :
** Sir, I shall not be whole till I have been
a pilgrimage at Saint James. Sir, I pray
you give me leave to go thither and to
have with me my son and Adrienne my
daughter. " Her husband agreed thereto :
she took all her gold, jewels and treasure
with her, for she thought never to return
again, whereof her husband took no heed.
So the lady did her pilgrimage and made
an errand to go and see the king of Castile,
her cousin, and the queen. They made her
good cheer, and there she is yet and will not
return again nor send her children. And
so thus the next night that this sir Peter
had thus chased the bear and slain him,
while he slept in his bed, this fantasy took
him ; and it was said that the countess his
wife knew well, as soon as she saw the
bear, that it was the same that her father
did once chase, and in his chasing he heard
a voice, and saw nothing, that said to him :
"Thou chasest me, and I would thee no
hurt : therefore thou shalt die an evil death. "
Of this the lady had remembrance, when
she saw the bear, by that she had heard her
father say before, and she remembered
well how king don Peter strake off her
father's head without any cause, and in like
wise she feared her husband : ^ and yet she
1 ' And therefore she swooned in presence of her
husband.'
saith and maintaineth that he shall die of
an evil death, and that he doth nothing as
yet to that he shall do hereafter. Now,
sir, I have shewed you of sir Peter of
Beam, as ye have demanded of me ; and
this is a true tale, for thus it is and
thus it befel. How think you,' quoth he,
' thereby ? '
And I, who mused on the great marvel,
said : ' Sir, I believe it well, that it is as ye
have said. Sir, we find in old writing that
anciently such as were called gods and
goddesses^ at their pleasure would change
and transform men into beasts and into
fowls, and in like wise women. And it
might be so, that this bear was before some
knight chasing in the forest of Biscay, and
peradventure displeased in that time some
god or goddess, whereby he was trans-
formed unto a bear, to do there his penance,
as anciently Acteon was changed unto an
hart. ' ' Acteon ! ' quoth the squire, ' I
pray you shew ine that story ; I would fain
hear it.' ' Sir,' quoth I, 'according to the
ancient writings we find how Acteon was a
jolly and an expert knight, and loved the
sport of hunting above all games. And on
a day he chased in the woods, and an hart
arose before him marvellous great and fair.
He hunted him all the day and lost all his
company, servants and hounds, and he was
right desirous to follow his prey and fol-
lowed the fewe of the hart till he came into
a little meadow, closed round about with
woods and high trees ; and in the meadow
there was a fair fountain, in the which
Diana goddess of chastit3^ was baining her-
self, and her damosels about her. The
knight came suddenly on them, or he was
ware, and he was so far forward that he
could not go back ; and the damosels were
abashed to see a stranger and ran to their
lady and shewed her,^ who was ashamed,
because she was naked. And when she
saw the knight, she said: "Acteon, they
that sent thee hither loved thee but little :
I will not that when thou art gone hence
in other places, that thou should est report
that thou hast seen me naked and my
damosels ; and for the outrage that thou
1 * Les dieux et les dresses ' : the qualification
'such as were called' is due to the translator.
2 ' The damosels were ashamed and confused
(estranges) at his coming and forthwith covered
(couvrirent erramment) their lady.'
336
THE CHRONICLES OF FROFSSART
hast done thou must have penance. There-
fore I will that thou be transformed in the
likeness of the same hart that thou hast
chased all this day." And incontinent
Acteon was turned unto a hart, who
naturally loveth the water. ^ In like wise
it might be of the bear of Biscay, and how
that the lady knew peradventure more than
she would speak of at that time. There-
fore she ought the better to be excused.'
The squire answered and said : ' Sir, it
may well be.' Then we left our talking
for that time.
CHAPTER XXVIII
Of the great solemnity that the earl of Foix
made at the feast of Saint Nicholas, and
the tale that the bascot of Mauleon shewed
to sir John Froissart.
Among other solemnities that the earl of
Foix kept on the high feasts of the year, he
kept the feast of Saint Nicholas in great
solemnity, he and all his land, as great as
at the feast of Easter. And this was
shewed me by a squire of his house the
third day that I came hither, and I saw it
myself right well apparent, for I was there
on the same day. First all the clergy of
the town of Orthez and all the people, men,
women and children, with procession came
to the castle to fetch the earl, who all afoot
departed from his castle and went with the
clergy a procession to the church of Saint
Nicholas, and there the clergy sang a
psalm of the psalter : Benedicttis do?/nmis
dais metis, quidocet nianus nieas ad proeliuni
et digitos meos ad bellum, etc. And when
this psalm was sung, then they began to
sing as they did on Christmas day or Easter
day in the pope's chapel or the French
king's, for he had with him many singers :
the bishop of Pamiers sang the mass, and
there I heard as good playing at organs
as ever I heard in any place. To speak
briefly and according to reason, the earl of
Foix then was right perfect in all things, and
as sage and as perceiving as any high prince
in his days : there was none could compare
with him in wit, honour nor in largess. At
the feasts of Christmas, which he kept ever
1 ' Ayme les eaues ' ; but this is apparently a
corruption of ' ayme les chiens,' the idea being that
the hart enjoys the sport of being hunted.
right solemn, came to his house many
knights and squires of Gascoyne, and to
every man he made good cheer. There I
saw the bourg of Spain, who laid the wood
and the ass on the fire together, of whom
sir Espang de Lyon shev/ed of his force,
and I was glad to see him, and the earl of
Foix made him good semblant. There I
saw also knights of Aragon and of England
of the duke of Lancaster's house, who as
then lay at Bordeaux. The earl made
them good cheer and gave them great gifts.
I acquainted myself with those knights, and
by them I was informed of many things
that fell in Castile, in Navarre and in
Portugal, of the which I shall speak of
when time require Ih hereafter.
And on a day I saw a squire of Gascoyne
called the bascot of Mauleon, a man of a
fifty year of age, an expert man of arms
and a hardy by seeming. He alighted at
my lodging in Orthez at the sign of the
Moon, at Ernaulton du Puy's. He brought
with him his somers and carriages, as
though he had been a great baron, and was
served, both he and his servants, in silver
vessel. And when I heard his name and
saw the earl of Foix and every man do him
so much honour, then I demanded of sir
Espang de Lyon and said : * Sir, is not this
the squire that departed from the castle of
Trigalet when the duke of Anjou lay at siege ,
before Malvoisin ? ' 'Yes truly, ' quoth he, ' it
is the same, and he is a good man of arms
and a good captain.' And so then I fell in
acquaintance with him, for he was lodged
thereas I was, and a cousin of his called
Ernaulton, captain of Carlat in Auvergne,
with whom I was well acquainted, helped
me to be acquainted with him, and in like
wise so did the bourg of Campagne. And
at a time, as we were taking and devising of
arms, sitting by the fire abiding for mid-
night, that the earl should go to supper,
then this squire's cousin began to reckon
up his life ^ and of the deeds of arms that
he had been at, saying how he had endured
as much loss as profit. Then he demanded
of me and said : ' Sir John, have ye in
your history anything of this matters that
I speak of?' And I answered and said :
' I could not tell till I hear them : shew
forth your matter, and I will gladly hear you,
1 ' His cousin put him in the way of speaking
and telling of his life.'
I
THE B ASCOT OF MAULEON
337
for peradventure I have heard somewhat but
not all.' 'That is true,' quoth the squire.
Then he began to say thus : * The first
time that I bare armour was under the
captal of Buch at the battle of Poitiers,
and as it was my hap, I had that day three
prisoners, a knight and two squires, of
whom I had one with another four hundred
thousand franks. The next year after, I was
in Pruce with the earl of Foix and the captal
his cousin, under whom I was ; and at
our return at Meaux in Brie we found the
duchess of Normandy that was then, and
the duchess of Orleans and a great number
of ladies and damosels, who were closed in
and besieged by them of the Jaquerie ; and
if God had not helped them they had been
enforced and defoiled, for they were of
great puissance and in number more than
ten thousand, and the ladies were alone.
And so we in the aid of those ladies did
set on them, and there were slain of the
Jaquerie more than six thousand, and they
rebelled never sith.
' At that time it was truce between France
and England, but the king of Navarre
made war in his own quarrel against the
French king and regent. The earl of Foix
returned into his own country ; but my
master the captal, and I and other abode
still with the king of Navarre for his
wages ; and then we and other that aided
us made great war in France and specially
in Picardy, and took many towns and
castles in the bishoprics of Beauvais and
Amiens, and as then we were lords of
the fields and rivers and conquered great
finance. And when the truce failed be-
tween England and France, then the king
of Navarre ceased his war and took a peace
between the regent and him. Then the
king of England with a great puissance
passed the sea and came and laid siege to
the town of Rheims. Then the king of
England sent for my master, who was at
Clermont in Beauvoisin, and there made
war for the king against all the country :
then we came to the king of England and
to his children. And then,' quoth the
squire to me, * Sir John, I think ye know
already all that matter, and how the kirtg
of England wedded his wife,^ and how he
came before Chartres, and how the peace
1 ' Espousa sa femme ' ; but this is nonsense : the
true reading seems to be 'passa.'
Z
was made there between these two kings.'
'That is true, sir,' quoth I, * in writing I
have it and the continue of all the treaties. '
Then the bascot of Mauleon spake again
and said : ' When this peace was thus made
between these two kings, it was ordained
that all men of war and companions should
avoid and leave their fortresses and castles
that they held. Then all manner of men
of war and poor companions drew together,
and the captains took counsel what they
should do : and then they said": "Though
these two kings have taken peace together,
yet we must live." Then they went into
Burgoyne, and there were captains of all
nations, English, Gascons, Spaniards,
Navarrois, Almains, Scots and of all
manner of nations, and there I was as a
captain ; and there we found in Burgoyne
and about the river of Loire of our company
a twelve thousand of one and other, and in
the same company there were a three or
four thousand of good and chosen men of
war, and as subtle in all deeds of arms as
might be and apt to advise a battle and to
take their advantage, and as hardy to scale
and assail town or castle ; and that was
well seen at the battle of Brignais, whereas
we overthrew the constable of France and
the earl of Forez and two thousand spears,
knights and squires. This battle did great
profit to the companions, for before they
i were but poor, and then they were all rich
by reason of good prisoners, towns and
castles, that they won in the bishopric of
Lyon and on the river of Rhone. And
when they had the Pont-Saint-Esprit, they
departed their war and made war to the
pope and to the cardinals, who could not
be quit of them, nor had not been, till they
found another remedy. The pope sent
into Lombardy for the marquis of Mont-
ferrat, a right valiant knight, who had war
with the lord of Milan. When he was
come to Avignon, the pope and the cardinals
spake to him in such wise, tfiat he entreated
with the captains, English, Gascons and
Almains, for threescore thousand franks,
that the pope and cardinals should pay to
certain of these captains and to their com-
panies, as sir John Hacoude, a valiant
English knight, sir Robert Briquet, Cres-
wey, Naudan de Bageran, the bourg Camus,
and divers other, and so then went into
Lombardy and gave up the Pont -Saint-
338
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
Esprit, and of all their routs they took but
the sixth part : ^ but we tarried behind, sir
Seguin of Badefol, sir John Jouel, sir James
Planchin, sir John Aymery, the bourg of
Perigord, Espiote, Louis Robaut, Limousin,
Jacques Tiquerel, I, and divers other.
And we kept still and lay at Saint-Clement,
at Arbresle, at Tarare, at Brignais, at the
Pont - Saint - Denis, at the Hospital of
Rochefort, for we had more than forty ^
fortresses and houses in the countries of
Forez, Velay, base Burgoyne^ and on the
river of Loire, and we ransomed all the
country ; they could not be quit of us
nother for paying well nor otherwise.
And in a night we took the fortress of
Charite,^ and there we abode a year and a
half, and all was ours from Charite to Puy
in Auvergne. Sir Seguin of Badefol had
left his garrison of Anse and held Brioude
in Auvergne, whereby he had great profit,
what there and in the country, to the value
of a hundred thousand franks, and on the
river of Loire to Orleans and the river of
Allier was all ours. And the archpriest,
who was captain of Nevers and was good
French, could not remedy the country, but
in that he knew many of the companions,
and so by his desire sometime the less hurt
was done. And the archpriest did the
same time much good in Nivernois, for he
caused the city of Nevers to be closed, else
it had been overrun and robbed divers times;
for we had in those marches towns and
castles more than twenty-six. There was
neither knight nor squire nor rich man,
without he were agreed with us, that durst
look out of his house, and this war we made
in the title of the king of Navarre.'
CHAPTER XXIX
SUMMARY.— The bascot de Mauleon
told how after the battle of Cocherel the
companions tinder sir John Aymery were
defeated at Sancerre, and how he was at the
battle of Auray and then in Spain under
1 'Bien les six pars,' 'fully six _ parts out of
seven,' a manner of expression which the trans-
lator always misunderstands.
2 'Sixty.'
3 ' Basse-Bourgoingne.'
4 La Charit6-sur-Loire.
sir Hugh Calverley, first on one side and
then on the other. Aftenvards he held the
castle of Trigalet and lost it to the duke of
Anjou. Then he resolved to get, if he could,
the tozvn and castle of Terry in Albigeois.
The tale continues thus : —
' Without the town there is a fair foun-
tain, and of usage every morning the women
of the town would come thither with pots
and other vessels on their heads, to fetch of
the clear water there. Then I took fifty
companions of the garrison of Culier, and
we rode all a day through woods and
bushes, and the next night about midnight
I set a bushment near to Terry, and I and
a six other all only did on us women's
array and with pots in our hands, and so
we came to a meadow right near to the
town and hid ourselves behind great cocks
of hay that were there standing, for it was
about the feast of Saint John, when tliey
make hay. And when the hour came that
the gate was opened to let the women go
out for water, we seven took our pots anc'
filled them at the fountain and went towarc
the town, our faces wrapped in kerchers sC
that we could not be known. The womei
that we met going for water said to us
" Ah, Saint Mary, gossips, ye were up be
times." We answered in their langua^
with a faint ^ voice, "That is true"; am
so passed by them and came to the gateJ
and we found nobody there but a sowte
dressing forth of his baggage. Then onC
of us blew a horn to draw thither our com^
pany out of the bushment. The sowte
took no heed, but when he heard the hoi
blow, he demanded of them: "What
this? Who was that blew the horn ? " On^
answered and said : " It was a priest wer
into the fields." " Ah, that is true," quotl
the sowter, "it was sir Francis our priest
gladly he goeth a mornings to seek for ai
hare." Then our company came and vri
entered into the town, where we found n\
man to draw his sword to make any d«
fence. Thus I took the town and castle
Terry, whereby I have had great profit
yearly, more than the castle of Trigalet
with the appurtenance is worth. But as
now I wot not what to do, for I am in a
treaty with the earl of Armagnac and with
the Dolphin of Auvergne, who hath ex-
1 'Fainte,' /.f. feigned.
HOUSEHOLD OF GASTON DE FOIX
339
press authority by the French king to buy
all towns and fortresses of the companions,
such as they hold in their hands, whereso-
ever they be, other in Auvergne, Rouergue,
Limousin, Quercy, Perigord, Albigeois,
Agen, and of all such as hath or doth
make any war in the king of Eng-
land's title. And many are departed and
have rendered their fortresses ; I cannot
tell if I will render mine or not.' With
that word said the bourg of Campagne :
' Cousin, it is true, for of Carlat, which I
hold in Auvergne, I am come hither to
hear some tidings, for sir Louis of Sancerre,
marshal of France, will be here shortly :
he is as now at Tarbes, as I have heard of
such as come thence.' With these words
they called for wine and drank. Then the
bascot said to me : * Sir John, are ye well
informed of my life ? Yet I have had other
adventures, which I have not shewed, nor
will not speak of all.' 'Sir,' quoth I, *I
have well heard you. ' ^
CHAPTER XXX
How a squire called Limousin turned French,
and how he caused Louis Robaut his
companion in arms, to be taken.
CHAPTER XXXI
Of the state or ordinance of the earl of Foix :
and how the town of Santarem rebelled
for the great travail, damage and outrage
that was done thereto.
Of the estate and order of the earl of Foix
cannot be too much spoken nor praised ; for
the season that I was at Orthez I found
him such and much more than I can speakj
of : but while I was there, I saw and heard!
many things that turned me to great plea-j
sure. I saw on a Christmas day sitting at
his board four bishops of his country, two
Clementines and two Urbanists, the bishop
of Pamiers and the bishop of Lescar, Cle-
mentines, they sat highest, then the bishop
of Aire and the bishop of Roy, on the
frontiers of Bourdelois and Bayonne, Ur-
banists : then sat the earl of Foix, and
then the viscount of Roquebertin of Gas-
coyne and the viscount of Bruniquel, the
1 ' By my faith, sir, yes.' The translator has
taken ' oui ' for ' heard. '
viscount of Gousserant and a knight of
England of the duke of Lancaster's, who
as then lay at Lisbon ; the duke had sent
him thither, the knight was called sir Wil-
liam Willoughby. And at another table
sat five abbots and two knights of Aragon
called sir Raymond de Montflorentin and
sir Martin de Roanes. And at another
table sat knights and squires of Gascoyne
and of Bigorre, first the lord d'Anchin, then
sir Gaillart de la Motte, sir Raymond of
Castelnau, the lord of Caumont, Gascon,
the lord of Caupene, the lord de la Lane,
the lord of Montferrand, sir William de
Benac, sir Peter of Curt on, the lord of
Valencin, and sir Auger named the Bascle ;^
and at other tables knights of Beam a
great number ; and the chief stewards of the
hall were sir Espang of Lyon, sir Chiquart
de Bois-Verdun, sir Monaut de Navailles
and sir Peter of Baulx of Beam, and the
earl's two bastard brethren served at the
table, sir Emaulton Guillaume and sir
Peter of Beam, and the earl's two sons sir
Yvain of I'Echelle was sewer and sir Gracien
bare his cup. And there were many min-
strels as well of his own as of strangers, and
each of them did their devoir in their
faculties. The same day the earl of Foix
gave to heralds and minstrels the sum of
five hundred franks, and gave to the duke
of Touraine's minstrels gowns of cloth of
gold furred with ermines, valued at two
hundred franks. This dinner endured four
hours. Thus I am glad to speak of the
earl of Foix, for I was there in his house a
twelve weeks, and well entreated in all\
things ; and while I was there, I might '•■
learn and hear tidings of all countries, and
also the gentle knight sir Espang of Lyon,
in whose company I entered into the country,
he caused me to be acquainted with knights
and squires such as could declare to me
anything that I could demand ; for I was in-
formed of the business of Portugal and of
Castile and what manner of war they had
made, and of the battles and rencounters
between those two kings and their assisters,
of which businesses I shall make just report. '.
SUMMARY. — The authoj' relates again
how ambassadors went from Portugal to
England^ and how siege was laid to Lisbojt
1 Or by a better text, ' sir Auger his trother, and
the Moine de Basele.'
340
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
by king John of Castile, helped by 7nany of
the knights of Beam, who went into Spain
contrary to the counsel of the earl of Foix.
The town of Santarem rebelled against the
king of Castile because of the Bretons who
were lodged there.
CHAPTER XXXII
How the king of Castile left the siege of
Lisbon, and how they of Santarem excused
themselves.
CHAPTER XXXIII
Of the marvellous battle that was at Juberoth^
between the king of Castile and king
John of Portugal.
While the king of Castile was at Santarem,
there came to him the Gascons of Beam
with a fair company. Sir Raynold Limousin
rode to receive them' and welcomed them
right sweetly, as he that could right well
do it, and brought them to the king, who
had great joy of their coming and com-
manded sir Raynold Limousin to see them
well lodged at their ease : and he did so
that they were contented. Thus these
businesses rested, and the king lay still at
Santarem, and his people thereabout. The
king of Castile had as then abroad lodged
in the fields and thereabout a four thousand
men of arms and thirty thousand of other :
and on a day he called the barons of France
to council, to know their minds how he
should maintain forth his war ; for he had
layen at great cost before Lisbon and had
done nothing, and surely if the Gascons
had not come and encouraged the king, he
had departed from Santarem and gone
other to Burgos or into Galice, for his
people were sore annoyed to lie so long in
the fields. When the knights of France
and of Beam were come before the king,
he said : ' Fair sirs, ye be all good men of
war : wherefore I would have your counsel
how I may maintain my war against the
Lisbonois and Portugalois, that have kept
me here in the field a year and yet I have
done nothing to them, I had thought to
have got them out of Lisbon, to have fought
with them, but they would in no wise issue
out ; wherefore my people give me counsel
1 Aljubarrota.
to give every man leave to depart to their
own houses : wherefore I pray you give me
your advice.'
The knights of France and of Beam
who were but newly come and desired arms
and as then had nothing done, thinking to
deserve their wages that they had received,
answered and said : ' Sir, ye be a puissant
man of lands, and little costeth you the
pain and travail of your people, and
specially sith they be in their own country :
we would not say so much if they were in
a strange country clean without provision,
but as now we say they ought not to give
you any such counsel, for they be here in
as great ease as we see, as though they
were at home. Sir, we say to you not in
manner of a determinate counsel, for ye
are wise enough, but we think by your
high prudence the best were to choose as
yet to keep the field. Ye may well keep
it till the feast of Saint Michael and perad-
venture by that time your enemies will
assemble together and draw out into the
field, when ye take least heed thereto, and
so then without fail they shall be fought
withal. Sir, we have great desire to win ;
somewhat, for this journey hath cost us
much and great pain and travail both to
ourselves and to our horses, or we came
into this country. Therefore, sir, it shall
not be the opinion of our company thus to
depart again.' 'By my faith,' quoth the
king, *ye speak well and truly. In this
war and other I shall use from henceforth
after your counsel ; for the king my father
and I also have found always in your coun-
tries great truth and faithfulness, and God
have mercy of sir Bertram of Guesclin'si
soul, for he was a true knight, by whom in
his time we had many recoverances and
good journeys.'
The words and counsels that the kingi
had of them of France and of Beam were ;
anon known among the lords and knights j
of Spain; wherewith they were sore dis-|
pleased for two causes : one because it i
seemed to them that their king had more
trust and confidence in strangers than in
them, who were his liege men and had
crowned him king ; the second was in that ,
they of France counselled the king to keep
still his war, and they feeling themselves
so weary of the war : and so spake among
themselves in divers manners not openly
IVAJ^ IN PORTUGAL, 1385
341
but privily. They would say the king
could make no war but by the Frenchmen,
and in likewise no more could his father :
so they had great envy at the Frenchmen,
which well appeared ; for when the French
varlets went out a-foraging, if the Spanish
forengers were stronger, then they would
take their forage from them and beat them
j and maim them, so that complaints came
I thereof to the king, and he blamed there-
for his marshal sir Raynold Limousin and
said : * "Why have ye not provided for this
matter?' The marshal excused him and
said, as God might help him, he knew
nothing thereof, and that he would provide
a remedy from thenceforth. Incontinent
he stablished men of arms to keep the
fields, that the French forengers rode at
their surety, and also he made a cry and a
commandment that every man that had any
victual or provision to sell, that they should
bring it to the field before Santarem, and
that they should have a price reasonable
for everything. So then the strangers had
largely their part, for the king ordained
that they should be served before all other,
whereof the Spaniards had great despite.
So it was, the same week that the king
of Castile departed from the siege of Lisbon
three great ships of men of war and English
archers arrived at Lisbon. They were to
the number of five hundred, one and other,
and the third part of them were of the com-
panions adventurers, having no wages of no
man ; some were of Calais, of Cherbourg,
of Brest in Bretayne, of Mortagne in
Poitou ; they had heard of the war between
Castile and Portugal, and they came to
Bordeaux and there assembled and said :
I ' Let us go at adventure into Portugal ; we
shall find them there that will receive us
and set us a- work.' Sir John Harped en,
who as then was seneschal of Bordeaux,
counselled them greatly thereto, for he
would not they should abide in Bordelois,
for they might there have done more hurt
than good, because they were companions
adventurers and had nothing to lose. Of
them that arrived at Lisbon I cannot name
all : there were three squires English that
were their captains, one was called North-
bery, and another Marthebery and the
third Huguelin of Hardeshull, and there
were none of them past the age of fifty
year, and good men of arms and well used
in the feats of war. Of the coming of these
Englishmen they of Lisbon were right glad,
and so was the king of Portugal, who would
see them ; and so they went to the palace
where the king was, who made them great
cheer and demanded of them if the duke of
Lancaster had sent them thither. 'Sir,'
quoth Northbery, * it is a long season sith
he had any knowledge of us or we of him.
Sir, we be men of divers sorts seeking for
adventures : here be some are come to
serve you from the town of Calais.' ' By
my faith,' quolh the king, 'you and they
both are right heartily welcome ; your
coming doth me great good and joy, and
shortly I shall set you a-work. We have
been here enclosed a great season, so that
we be weary thereof, but now we will be
at large in the field, as well as our enemies
hath been.' 'Sir,' quoth they, * we desire
nothing else, and sir, we desire you that
shortly we may see your enemies.' The
king made them a dinner in his palace at
Lisbon, and commanded that they should
all be lodged in the city at their ease and
to be paid for their wages for three months.
Then the king set his clerks a-work and
made letters and sent them all over his
realm, commanding every man able to bear
harness to draw to Lisbon.
All such as these letters came unto
obeyed not, for many abode still in their
houses ; for three parts of the realm dis-
simuled with the king and with them of
Lisbon, because they had crowned king a
bastard, and spake great words thereagainst
privily. And because of the great trouble
and difference that the king of Castile and
his council saw in the realm of Portugal,
made him to advance himself to the intent
to have conquered the country, saying how
all should be won with one day's journey
of battle, and that if they of Lisbon might
be overthrown, the residue of the country
would not be sorry of it, but put out of the
realm that Master d'Avis ^ or else slay him,
and then it should be a land of conquest
for him, for his wife was right inheritor.
Yet with a good will king John of Castile
would have left the war, but his people
1 Some MSS. of Froissart have 'maistre Denis'
regularly instead of ' maistre d'Avis ' (or ' maistre
de Vis '), and so it is in the early printed text ; so
that the translator has ' mayster Danyce ' here and
elsewhere. The king had been grand master of the
order of Avis.
342
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
would not suffer him, for they ever gave
him courage, saying how his quarrel and
cause was just. And when the king of
Portugal saw that his commandment was not
observed, and that much of his people dis-
obeyed to serve him, he was right pensive and
melancholious. He called to him such as
he trusted best of Lisbon and of the knights
of his house, who did their pain to crown
him and also they had served king Ferrant,
as sir John Radigo and sir John Teste
d'Or, the lord of Figiere^ and sir Gomez
of Cabescon, Ambrose Coudrich, and Peter
his brother, sir Ouges of Navaret, a knight
of Castile who was turned Portugalois, for
king John had chased him out of his realm
and the king of Portugal had retained him
and made him a chief captain. At this
council the king shewed many things and
said : ' Sirs, ye that be here, I know well
ye be my friends, for ye have made me
king. Behold now how divers folks of
my realm excuseth themselves, so that I
cannot get them to the field ; for if they
had as good will to fight with our enemies
as I have, I would be right glad thereof;
but they be not so disposed. I see how
they refrain and dissimule the matter ;
wherefore I have need of counsel on this
matter, how I may order myself, and there-
fore I pray you let me have your advice. '
Then sir Gomez of Cabescon, a knight of
Portugal, said : * Sir, I counsel you for your
honour that, as soon as ye may, draw your-
self and all your people into the field and
adventure you and we also, and we shall
aid you to die in the quarrel, for ye be our
king ; and if there be any in Portugal
rebels and disdainful to serve you, I say,
and so saith divers of this town, that it is
because ye have not issued out to shew
your face against your enemies. Ye have
the grace as yet to be reputed a valiant
man in arms, and they say that now at
need your valiantness faileth you. This it
is that hath set your enemies in pride and
hath cooled your subjects ; for if they saw
in you deeds of valour and of prowess, they
would obey and doubt you, and so would
do your enemies.' * By my head,' quoth
the king, 'ye say well, and so it is.
Wherefore, sir, I will incontinent that
every man make him ready ; for we will
ride out shortly and look on our enemies ;
1 Higuera.
either we will win all at this time or lose
all.' ' Sir,' quoth the knight, ' it shall be
done ; for if the journey be yours and God
send you good fortune, ye shall be king of
Portugal for ever and ye shall be praised in
all strange realms, whereas the knowledge
thereof shall come. And to the perfect
heritage of Portugal ye cannot attain but
by battle : ye may take ensample of king
don Henry your cousin, father to king John
that now is king of Castile, of Spain, of
Toledo, of Galice, of Cordowan and of
Seville ; he came to all these heritages by
battle, otherwise he had never had them.
For ye know how the puissance of the
prince of Wales and of Acquitaine put king
don Peter your cousin into possession of all
these heritages and lands closed within
Spain, and afterward by a journey of battle
that don Henry had at Montiel against don
Peter, who there lost all again and don
Henry put in possession as he was before ;
at which journey he adventured himself and
his, or else he had not been king there. J
In like wise, sir, ye must adventure, if ye 1
think to live with honour.' ' Sir,' quoth ^
the king, ' ye say true : I will have none
other counsel but this, for this is profitable
for us. *
Thus departed that council : and then it
was ordained that within three days every
man should draw into the fields and there
to take some ground to abide their enemies.
Those three days they kept the gates so
close of Lisbon, that nother man nor
woman could issue out ; for they would
not that their enemies should be privy of
their intention. And when the English-
men that were there understood that they
should issue out and draw towards Santarera
to look on their enemies, they were joyful,
Then every man made him ready, and tb
archers dressed ready their bows and arro
and all other in everything that the
needed. And on a Thursday they departed
out of Lisbon, and that day they lodged
by a little river side a two leagues from
Lisbon with their faces toward Santarem,
and every man said with good heart and will
that they would never return to Lisbon till
they had seen, their enemies, saying how it
was better for them that they should go
and require battle of their enemies, rather
than they should come on them ; for they
said they had seen and heard divers en-
ley
gmM
yx\M
I^FA/^ IN PORTUGAL, 1385
343
samples of requirers and not requirers, and
ever of five four hath obtained, ^ and in a
manner all the victories that the EngHsh-
men have had in France, they were ever
the requirers ; for naturally the seekers for
battle are more stronger and courageous in
assailing than the defenders be. Of this
opinion they were near all ; and some of
the burgesses of Lisbon said : * We were at
Bruges in Flanders when the Gauntois
came before the town and required battle
against the earl of Flanders and all his
puissance, and we know well that Philip
d'Arteveld, Peter du Bois, John Clicquetiel,^
Francis Ackerman and Peter de Wintere,
who as then were captains of the Gauntois,
they brought out of Gaunt no more but
seven thousand men, and yet they required
battle of their enemies and overcame and
discomfited a forty thousand. This is true,
and this was without any treason but by
clean fortune of battle. This was done on
a Saturday a league from Bruges, as we
heard reported the next day, when they
had won the town of Bruges. So thus
they did put in adventure other to win or
to lose ; and thus must we do, if we think
to have any good speed.' Thus these
Lisbonois that Thursday spake one to
another : and when the king was informed
of their words and of their great comfort,
he had great joy.
And on the Friday in the morning they
sowned their trumpets and made them
ready, and took the way on the right hand
following the river and the plain country
for their carriage that followed them, and
so rode that day four leagues. That day
tidings came to the king of Castile, where
he lay at Santarem, that the Portugalois and
the Lisbonois were coming towards him.
These tidings anon were spread abroad in
the host, whereof the Spaniards, French-
men and Gascons had great joy and said :
* Behold yonder Lisbonois be valiant men,
sith they come to seek for battle. Shortly
let us go into the fields and let us close
1 ' Et que centre cinq les quatre avoient obtenu
la place ' (in the full text ' les quatre requerans '),
which perhaps means that in four cases out of five
those who offered battle had gained the victory ;
but Johnes translates * that inferior numbers had
often gained the day ' : that is, that when the pro-
portion was four against five, the four by offering
battle had gained the day.
2 Criekenstein.
them among us, an we may, to the intent
that they return not again.' Then it was
ordained and published in the host that
every man the Saturday in the morning
afoot and a-horseback should issue out of
Santarem and draw towards their enemies
to fight with them,r Every man made him
ready and were joyful of that journey. And
on the Saturday in the morning they sowned
their trumpets and the king heard mass in
the castle and drank, and then leapt on his
horse and every man with him, and so
drew into the field in good array of battle,
sir Raynold Limousin, marshal of the host,
foremost. And he sent forth scurrers to
advise the dealing of their enemies and
to see where they were and what number
they were of. And the Frenchmen sent
forth two squires, one a Burgoynian and
the other a Gascon, the Burgoynian was
called William of Mondigy and he was
there with sir John of Rye, and they of
Gascoyne and Beam sent forth Bertrand of
Bareges, and they were both the same day
made knights : and with them rode forth a
chatelain of Castile, a good man of arms,
called Peter Ferrant of Medine, he was on
a marvellous light jennet. And while these
three rode forth to advise their enemies,
the residue of the host rode a soft pace,
and they were in number two thousand
spears, knights and squires, Gascons,
Burgoynians, Frenchmen, Picards and
Bretons, as well appointed and armed as
any men might be, and a twenty thousand
Spaniards all a-horseback : and they had
not ridden forth a bow-shot but they stood
still.
On the other side the king of Portugal
in like wise had sent forth three scurrers to
aview justly the demeaning of the Spaniards ;
whereof two of them were English squires,
expert men of arms, one called Janequin
d'Artebery and the other Philip Barkeston,
and with them Ferrant de la Gresse of
Portugal. They were all well horsed and
rode forth till they came to a little hill, and
there they might see the behaving of the
Spaniards. Then they returned to the
king of Portugal and to his council and
there made relation of that they had done,
and said : * Sir, we have been so far for-
ward that we have seen your enemies. Sir,
surely they be a great number, they are
well a thirty thousand horse : therefore.
344
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
sir, take your advice.' Then the king de-
manded if they rode all in one battle or
not. ' Sir,' quoth they, ' surely they be in
two battles.' Then the king turned him
toward his people and said aloud : ' Sirs,
now advise you well ; for there needeth
now no cowardness, for we shall fight
shortly ; for our enemies be coming and
hath great desire to find us, and so they
shall, for we cannot fly nor return. We
are issued out of Lisbon a great number of
people : think, sirs, to do well and let us
sell our lives dear. Ye have made me
king : this day shall I see if the crown of
Portugal will abide with me peaceably or
not. And, sirs, of one thing be sure : I
shall not fly, but abide the adventure with
you.' Then they all answered with a good
will : * So be it, and we shall all abide
with you. '
Then the English captains were called
forth, as Northbery and Hardeshull and
other of them that were most expert in
arms. The king demanded of them what
counsel they would give him how to abide
the adventure of the battle, for he said he
knew well they must needs fight, for his
enemies approached fast, *and they be in
number four against one of us.' Then the
Englishmen said : ' Sir, sith we shall have
battle and that they be greater in number
than we be, wherefore it is a hard party.
We cannot conquer without we take some
advantage of some hedges or bushes : let
us take such a ground as we may fortify,
and that they shall not enter upon us so
lightly as they should do on the plain field. '
'Sirs,' quoth the king, 'ye speak wisely,
and it shall be as ye have devised.'
On this counsel of the Englishmen the
king rested, and there took advice what
ground they might take. And not far
off from them was the town of Juberoth,
a great village : thither the Lisbonois had
sent all their provision, somers and car-
riages, for it was their intention that night
to lodge there, whether they had battle
or no, if they might scape with honour.
And without the town a quarter of a league
or thereabout there was a great abbey of
monks, whither they of Juberoth and of
other villages were wont to come to hear
mass ; and the church standeth a little
out of the way in a moat environed about
with great trees, hedges and bushes : it
was a strong place with a little help.
Then the Englishmen were called to
counsel to the king, for though they were
but few, yet the king would follow much
their advice. Then they said : ' Sir, we
know hereby a place, the minster without
Juberoth among the trees ; it standeth in a
strong place with a little amendment and
help.' And such as knew the country
said : * Sir, it is true. ' Then the king
said : ' Let us draw thither, and let us
order there ourselves as men of war ought
to do ; so that when our enemies come, hi
let them not find us unprovided. ' ^ H
Incontinent it was done, and so they "i
came whereas the church was. Then when
the Englishmen and sir Ouges of Navaret
and divers other valiant men of Portugal
and of Lisbon had well advised the place
round about, they said : ' This place is
strong enough with a little help, so that
we may here abide the adventure.' Then
on the side next the fields they cut down
the trees and laid them one over another,
to the intent that horsemen should not
come with full course on them. They left
one way open, not very large, and such
archers and cross-bows as they had they set
them on every side of the way, and their
men of arms all afoot in a plain within the
way and the church on their one side : and
there was the king's banners pight up.
And when they had thus ordered every-
thing, they were in great joy and said that
if it pleased God, they were well and in
such a place to keep long and to make a
good journey. Then the king said : ' Fair
sirs, this day every man do his part and
think not to fly, for that cannot avail us.
We are far off from Lisbon and also in the
chase there is no recovering ; for three will
slay and beat down twelve that be flying.
Therefore shew this day that ye be men of
prowess and sell dearly your lives, and
1 In the recital of these events by Laurence
Fougase (Fogaqa) to the duke of Lancaster (chap,
xlv.) it is said that the king of Portugal chose this
place because of a great victory gained there
formerly by Charlemagne over seven kings of the
infidels, in memory of which he had founded an
abbey of black monks ; and also afterwards a
victory had been gained there by the earl of
Portugal over the king of Castile, which led to the
founding of the kingdom of Portugal. No refer-
ence is there made to the advice given by the
Englishmen, who in fact are not mentioned at all
in that narrative.
BATTLE OF ALJUBARJROTA, Atig. 14, 1385
345
I
imagine in yourselves how the journey shall
be ours, as it shall be if God be pleased,
and then shall we be much honoured and
spoken of in strange countries, whereas the
tidings shall come ; for always the victors
be exalted and they that be discomfited
dispraised. And, sirs, think how ye have
made me king, wherefore ye ought to be
the more hardy and courageous ; and of
one thing be ye sure, that as long as this
axe endureth in my hands, I shall fight,
and if it fail or break, I shall get another,
and shew myself that I will maintain and
defend the crown of Portugal for myself
and for the right that I have by succession
of my brother, the which I take on my
soul that mine enemies travaileth me ^
wrongfully and that the quarrel is mine. '
Then all such as heard the king said :
* Sir, of your grace and mercy ye admonish
us wisely, and, sir, we shall help to aid and
maintain that we have given you, which is
your own. Sir, we shall all abide with
you here in this same place, and shall not
depart without God depart us. Sir, make
a cry to all your people, for every man
hath not heard you speak, commanding on
pain of death no man to fly : and, sir, if
there be any that are faint-hearted to abide
the battle, let them come forth, and give
them leave to depart from the other, for
one faint heart may discourage two dozen
of good men ; or else strike off their heads
in your presence to give ensample to other. '
The king answered : ' I will it be so. '
Then there were two knights ordained to
go and search every company and to de-
mand if any were abashed to abide the
battle. The messengers reported to the
king when they returned that they could
find no man but that was ready to abide
the adventure of battle. ' It is so much
the better,' quoth the king. Then the
king caused all that would be made knights
to come before him, and he would give
them the order of knighthood in the
name of God and of Saint George. And
as I understand there were made a three-
score new knights, whereof the king had
great joy and did set them in the front of
the battle and said to them : * Sirs, the
1 ' Laquelle je dis (et prens sur I'ame de moy)
que Ton me traveille k tort.' Another reading is
' chalenge ' for ' traveille.' The meaning is, ' which
I declare on my soul is wrongfully disputed. '
order of knighthood is as noble and high as
any heart can think, and there is no knight
that ought to be a coward nor shameful, but
ought to be fierce and hardy as a lion when
his helm is on his head and seeth his
enemies. And because I would ye should
this day shew prowess where it ought to be
shewed, therefore I ordain you in the first
front of the battle : and, sirs, do so that we
may have honour and you also ; otherwise
your spurs are but evil set on.' And every
knight answered as his turn fell, as he
passed by the king : ' Sir, with the pleasure
of God we shall so do to have your grace
and love.' Thus the Portugalois ordered
themselves and fortified them beside the
church of Juberoth in Portugal. That day
there was no Englishman that would be
made knight, yet they were desired of the
king and other, but they excused themselves
for that day.
CHAPTER XXXIV
Of the Spaniards, how they ordered them-
selves and their battle.
Now let us return to the king don John of
Castile and the knights and squires of
France and of Gascoynewho were there with
him ; and such as they had sent to advise
their enemies returned again and said :
' Sir king and ye lords and knights here
present, we have rided so forward that we
have seen our enemies, and according as
we can judge they be not past ten thousand
men in all, one and other, and they be
about the minster of Juberoth, and there
they be rested and set in order of battle,
and there they shall be found Mhosoever
will seek for them. ' Then the king called
to him his council and specially the barons
and knights of France, and demanded of
them what was best to do. They answered
and said : * Sir, we think it were best let
them be fought withal incontinent. We
see nothing else, for by that is reported,
they be afraid and in great doubt, because
they be so far off from any fortress. Lisbon
is far off a six leagues ; they cannot run
thither with their ease, but they shall be
overtaken by the way, without they take
the advantage of the night. Therefore,
sir, we counsel, sith ye know where they
346
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
be, order your battles and go and fight with
them, while your people be of good will to
do well.' Then the king demanded of
them of his own country their opinions, as
of sir Diego Gomez Manrique, sir Diego
Pier Sarmiento, Pier Gonzalez of Mendoza,
and Pier Ferrant of Velasco, and of the
great master of Calatrava. They answered
the king and said : * Sir, we have well
heard the knights of France, how they
would have you hotly to set on your
enemies. Sir, we will that ye know and
they also, that ere we can come to them it
will be night, for ye see the sun draweth
downward and as yet ye have not ordered
your battles. Sir, therefore we think it
were good ye tarried till the morning, and
let us draw so near them and lay so good
spial in divers places, that if they would
dislodge about midnight and depart, then
let us also dislodge, for they cannot fly nor
scape us, the country is so plain and there
is no place to hide them by Lisbon, which
we cannot get with our ease.^ Sir, this
counsel we give you.'
Then the king stood still a little and cast
down his look to the earth, and after he
turned his regard on the strangers. Then
the marshal sir Raynold Limousin said,
to please the Frenchmen, in the language
of Spain to the intent he might the better
be understanded of every man, and so
turned him to the Spaniards, such as had
given the king that counsel, saying and
calling every man by his name : * Sirs, how
can ye be more sage in battle or more
used in arms than these valiant knights be
that be here present ? How can ye devise
anything beyond them, that should be of
any valure ? For they have done nothing
else all their life days but travel from realm
to realm to find and to do deeds of arms.
How can you or durst you devise anything
against their words, which are so noble
and so high for to keep the honour of the
king and of his realm, wherein ye have
greater part than they ? For ye have there
your heritages and your bodies, and they
have nothing there but now all only their
bodies, which they will first and foremost
1 ' And there is no strong place except Lisbon,
where we cannot have them at our pleasure ' ; or
following the better text, ' there is no place on this
side Lisbon, except the place in which they are,
where,' etc. I
put in adventure, and so they have desired
of the king to have the first battle and the
king hath granted them. Then regard
their great and noble courage, when they
will first of all adventure themselves for
you. It should seem that ye have envy at
them and that ye would that profit nor
honour should come to them ; which ye
ought not to do, but to be all of one accord
and will. And also by you and by your
counsel the king hath been here in the
fields long at great cost and charge for him
and for all his, and lain at siege before
Lisbon and could never have the adventure
of battle till now with him that writeth
himself king of Portugal, wherein he hath
no right, for he is a bastard and not dis-
pensed withal. And now he is in the field
with such friends as he hath, which is no
great number ; and if now by craft he
should again withdraw himself and not
fought withal, ye put yourselves then in
adventure that all the whole host should
rise on you and slay you, or else that the
king should repute you for traitors and
strike off" your heads and confisc all your
lands. Therefore I see no better way for
you than to be still and let them alone that
hath seen more than you in such businesses,
for ye never saw that they have done, nor
never shall.' And then the king looked
up and by seeming was glad with those
words, and the Spaniards were abashed
and feared they had done greater trespass
than they did ; for though the marshal re-
proved them and spake against them, yet
they had well spoken and truly counselled
the king : but what for valiantness and to
please the strangers, who desired battle,
the marshal spake as he did.
Then every man was still, and the kii
said : ' I will in the name of God an«
Saint James that our enemies be fougl
withal, and all such as will be made knight
to come forth before me, for I will give thei
the order of knighthood in the honour of Gc
and Saint George. ' Then there came fortl
many squires of France and of Beam anc
there they were made knights of the king'i
hand, as sir Roger of Spain, eldest son t^
sir Roger of the county of Foix, sir Bertran^
of Bareges, sir Peter of Salebiere, sir Pete
of Valencin, sir William of Quer, sir Augiei
of Solenaire, sir Peter of Vaude, sir Williar
of Mondigy, and of one and another to th(
BATTLE OF ALJUBARROTA
347
number of a hundred and forty, and there
were certain barons of Beam that raised up
there first their banners, and also divers of
Castile and also sir John of Rye. There
might have been seen among these new
knights great nobleness, and they main-
tained themselves so goodly that it was
pleasure to behold them, for they were a
fair battle. Then the lord of Lignac came
before the king, and all other that were
strangers ; whatsoever nation they were of,
so they were no Spaniards, they were all
named in the name of strangers.^ Then
they said to the king : * Sir, we be come
from far parts to serve you. Sir, we require
you do us that grace to let us have the first
battle.' 'I am content,' quoth the king,
* in the name of God and Saint James, and
Saint George be in your aid.' Then the
Spaniards said one to another softly : ' Be-
hold, for God's sake behold, how our king
putteth all his trust in these P>enchmen :
he hath no perfect trust in none other :
they shall have the first battle ; they praise
us not so much that they will take us with
them, they will do their deed by themselves
and then let us do ours by ourselves. Let
us let them alone with their enterprise :
they have made their avaunt how they be
strong enough to discomfit the Portugalois :
let it be so, we are content ; but it were
good we demanded of the king whether he
will abide with us or else go with the
Frenchmen.' So thereupon they were
long in murmuring, whether they should
demand it or else be still ; for they doubted
greatly the words of sir Raynold Limousin.
Howbeit, all things considered, they
thought it none evil to demand him the
question. Then six of the most notablest
of them went to the king and inclined
themselves and said : ' Right noble king,
we see and understand well by apparent
signs that this day ye^ shall have battle
with your enemies : God send grace it be
to your honour and victory, as we greatly
desire. Sir, we would know whether your
pleasure lieth to be among the Frenchmen
or else with us.' * Fair sirs,' quoth the
king, * though I have granted the first
battle to these knights and squires strangers,
who are come far off to serve me and are
1 The true reading is * on les nommoit tous Fran-
cois,' ' they were all called Frenchmen.'
a 'We.'
valiant and expert men in wars, yet for all
that I renounce you not, for I will be and
abide among you : therefore, sirs, help to
defend me. ' Of this answer the Spaniards
had great joy and were well contented, and
said : ' Sir, so shall we do, and not to fail
to die in the quarrel ; for, sir, we are sworn
to you and so have promised by the faith
of our bodies when ye were crowned : for,
sir, we loved so well the king your father
that we cannot fail you in any wise. ' ' That
is our trust,' quoth the king. So thus the
king of Spain abode among his own men,
who were well a twenty thousand horsemen
all covered in steel. Sir Raynold Limousin
was in the first battle, for it was his right
so to be, because he was marshal.
The same Saturday was a fair day, and
the sun was turned toward evensong.
Then the first battle came before Juberoth,
where the king of Portugal and his men
were ready to receive them. Of these
French knights there were a two thousand
spears, as fresh and as well ordered men as
could be devised ; and as soon as they saw
their enemies, they joined together like men
of war and approached in good order till
they came within a bow-shot. And at their
first coming there was a hard rencounter ;
for such as desired to assail, to win grace
and praise entered into the strait way,
where the Englishmen by their policy had
fortified them : and because the entry was
so narrow, there was great press and great
mischief to the assailants, for such English
archers as were there shot so wholly together
that their arrows pierced men and horse,
and when the horses were full of arrows,
they fell one upon another. Then the
Englishmen of arms, the Portugalois and
Lisbonois came on them crying their cries,
* Our Lady of Portugal ! ' with good spears
and sharp heads, wherewith they strake
and hurt many knights and squires. There
was the lord of Lignac of Beam beaten
down and his banner won and he taken
prisoner, and many of his men taken and
slain ; also sir John of Rye, sir Geoffrey
Richon, sir Geoffrey of Partenay and all
their companies that were entered within
the strait : their horses were so hurt with
the archers that they fell on their masters
and one upon another. There these
Frenchmen were in great danger, for they
could not help one another, for they had
348
THE CHRONICLES OF FROTSSART
no room to enlarge themselves nor to fight
at their will. And when the Portugalois
saw that mischief fall on the first assailers,
they were glad and as fresh and courageous
to fight as any men might be. There was
the king of Portugal with his banners before
him, mounted on a good horse trapped with
the arms of Portugal, and he had great joy
to see the mischief fall on his enemies ; and
to comfort his people he laughed and said
a-high : ' On forth, good men, defend you
and fight with good will ; for if there be
no more but these, we need not to fear,
and if I knew ever anything in battle, all
these be ours. '
Thus the king of Portugal recomforted
his people, who fought valiantly and had
enclosed in the strait all the first assailers,
of whom there were many slain. True it
was that this first battle, which these
knights of France and of Beam led, had
thought to have been quicklier aided of the
Spaniards than they were : for if the king
of Castile and his company, who were a
twenty thousand men, had come by another
part and assailed the Portugalois, it had
been likely the journey to have been theirs ;
but they did nothing, wherefore they were
to blame and received damage. Also
indeed the Frenchmen set on too soon ;
but they did it to the intent to have won
honour and to maintain the words they had
spoken before the king : and also, as I was
informed, the Spaniards would not set on
so soon, for they loved not the Frenchmen ;
for they had said before : ' Let them alone,
they shall find right well to whom to speak.
These Frenchmen are great vaunters and
high-minded, and also our king hath no
perfect trust but in them ; and sith the king
would they should have the honour of the
journey, let us suffer them to take it, or else
we shall have all at our intents. ' ^ Thus
by these means the Spaniards stood still in
a great battle and would not go forward ;
which was right displeasant to the king,
but he could not amend it. But the
Spaniards said, because there was none
returned from the battle : * Sir, surely
these knights of France have discomfited
1 ' Ou nous I'aurons du tout a nostra intention,
which seems to mean, ' or else we will have it alto-
gether according to our opinions.' If they are not
to have things ordered in their way, they will not
take any part at all.
ournev is ■
your enemies, the honour of this journey is
theirs.' * God give grace,' quoth the king,
' that it be so : let us ride then somewhat
forward.' Then they rode a cross-bow shot
forward and then again rested : it was a
great beauty to see them, they were so
well mounted and armed. And in the
mean season the Frenchmen fought, and
such as had leisure to alight fought valiantly.
Divers knights and squires of either party
did many feats of arms one upon another,
and when their spears failed, they took
axes and gave many great strokes on the
helms, slaying and maiming each other.
Whosoever were in such case of arms as
the Frenchmen and Portugalois were at
Juberoth, must abide the adventure, as they
did, without they would fly away ; and in
flying there is more peril than to abide the
battle, for in flying lightly are most slain,
and in battle, when one seeth he is over-
matched, he yieldeth himself prisoner. It
cannot be said but that the knights of
France, of Bretayne, of Burgoyne and of
Beam, but that right valiantly fought ; but
at their first encounter they were hardly
handled, and all that was by the counsel of
the Englishmen to fortify their place. So
at this first battle the Portugalois were
stronger than their enemies, so they were
all taken or slain but few that were saved ;
so that there were at that first brunt a
thousand knights and squires taken prison-
ers, whereof the Portugalois were joyful
and thought as that day to have no more
battle, and so made good cheer to their
prisoners, and every man said to their
prisoners : ' Sirs, be not abashed, for ye
are won by clean feat of arms : we shall
keep you good company, as we would ye
should do if ye had us in like case ; ye
shall come to Lisbon and refresh you there
and shall be at your ease.' And they
thanked them, when they saw none other
boot. And so there some were put to their
finance incontinent, and some would abide
their adventure ; for they imagined that
the king of Spain with his great army
would shortly come and deliver them.
BATTLE OF ALJUBARROTA
349
CHAPTER XXXV
How the French knights and Gascons, such
as were taken prisoners at Juberoth by the
Portugalois, were slain of their masters
and none escaped.
Tidings came into the field to the king of
Castile and to his company, who were
approaching to Juberoth, by them that fled,
who came crying with great fear and said :
* Sir king, advance yourself, for all they of
the vaward are other taken or slain : there
is no remedy of their deliverance without it
be by your puissance.' And when the
king of Castile heard those tidings, he was
sore displeased, for he had good cause, for
it touched him near. Then he commanded
to ride on and said : ' Advance forth,
banners, in the name of God and Saint
George : let us ride to the rescue, sith
our men have need thereof.' Then the
Spaniards began to ride a better pace
close together in good order, and by that
time the sun was near down. Then some
said it were best to abide till the morning,
because it was so near night, they said they
could make but an easy journey.^ The
king would they should set on incontinent,
and laid his reasons and said : * What,
shall we leave our enemies in rest now they
be weary, to give them leisure to refresh
themselves ? Whosoever do give that
counsel, loveth not mine honour.' Then
they rode forth, making great noise and
bruit with sowning of trumpets and tabors
to abash therewith their enemies. Now
shall I shew you what the king of Portugal
did and his company.
As soon as they had discomfited the
vaward and had taken their prisoners, and
that they saw none other battle coming
within their sight, yet for all that they
would put no trust in their first victory :
therefore they sent six notable persons to
go and aview the country, to see if they
should have any more to do. They that
rode forth came and saw the king of
Castile's great battle coming to themward
fast approaching to Juberoth, more than
twenty thousand horsemen. Then they
returned as fast as they might and said all
on high to the people : ' Sirs, advise you
1 i.e. that they could do no great exploit.
well, for as yet we have done nothing :
behold yonder cometh the king of Castile
with his great battle with more than twenty
thousand men, there is none tarried behind. '
When they heard those tidings, they took
short counsel, which was of necessity :
then incontinent they ordained a piteous
deed, for every man was commanded on
pain of death to slay their prisoners without
mercy, noble, gentle, rich nor other, none
except. Then the lords, knights and
squires that were prisoners were in a hard
case, for there was no prayer that availed
them from the death ; and so they were
slain, some in one place and some in
another, as they were spread abroad un-
armed weening to have been saved, but
they were not. To say truth it was great
pity, for every man slew his prisoner, and
he that did not, other men slew them in
their hands ; and the Portugalois and the
Englishmen who had given that counsel
said it was better to slay than to be slain :
' For if we kill them not, while we be a
fighting they will escape and slay us, for
there is no trust in a man's enemy.' Thus
was slain by great mischief the lord of
Lignac, sir Peter of Quer, the lord of
I'Espres, the lord of Bernecque, the lord of
Bordes, sir Bertrand of Bareges, the lord of
Morianne, sir Raymond d'Arzac, sir John
of Assolegie, sir Monaut of Saramen,
sir Peter of Salebiere, sir Stephen Valencin,
sir Stephen Corasse, sir Peter Havefane,
and to the number of three hundred squires
of Beam ; and of France sir John of Rye,
sir Geoffrey Richon, sir Geoffrey Partenay
and divers other. Lo, behold the great
evil adventure that fell that Saturday, for
they slew as many good prisoners as would
well have been worth, one with another,
four hundred thousand franks.
CHAPTER XXXVI
How the king of Castile and all his great battle
were discomfited by the king of Portugal
before a village called Juberoth.
When the Lisbonois, English and Portu-
galois had delivered the place and slain all
their prisoners (never a one scaped without
he were before conveyed to the village of
Juberoth, whereas all their carriages were),
350
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
then they drew all together with a fierce
will on the same place whereas they were
first assailed, and as then the sun was
going down. Then the king of Castile in
a puissant array, with his banners and
pennons displayed and mounted on their
horses well covered, came on crying,
* Castile ! ' and began to enter into the
place that was fortified ; and there they
were received with spears and axes, and at
the first coming the shot of arrows grieved
sore their horses, so that many thereby
were slain and overthrown. And all that
season the king of Castile nor his men
knew not of the mischief that was fallen
to the vaward, not how they were all
slain, but he believed they had been still
prisoners, thinking to recover them again,
as ye have heard. There was a hard
battle and a fierce, and many a man cast to
the earth : the Portugalois had no such
advantage but, an they had not fought
valiantly, they had been lost and discom-
fited : that saved them was, their enemies
could not come on them but by one narrow
way. There the king of Portugal lighted
afoot and took an axe in his hand and did
marvellous in arms, and beat down a three
or four with his own hands ; so that he was
feared, that none durst approach near him.
I shall shew some part of the conditions
of the Spaniards. True it is at their first
setting on they are fierce and courageous
and of great courage and high-minded, if
they have advantage. They fight, well
a-horseback ; but as soon as they have
cast two or three darts and given a stroke
with their sword, and see that their enemies
be not discomfited therewith, then they
fear and turn their horses and fly away to
save themselves that best may. And at
this battle of Juberoth they used the same
play ; for they found their enemies hard
and strong and as fresh in the battle as
though they had done nothing of all the
day before, whereof they had marvel and
also that they heard no tidings of the
vaward nor where they were become.
There the Spaniards that evening were in
the hard fortune of battle and perilous for
them ; for as many as entered into their
strength ^ were by valiantness and feats of
arms all slain, they took no man to ransom,
1 'Au fort des Lisbonnois'; that is, into their
stronghold.
whatsoever he were, noble or other ; so the
Lisbonois had ordained, for they wouldl
not be charged with prisoners. There
were slain of them of Castile such asl
followeth : sir Diego Gomez Manrique, sir]
Diego Pier Sarmiento, sir don Peter Ruyj
Sarmiento, sir Manrique of Averso, the
great master of Calatrava and his brother,
who was that day made knight, called sir]
Diego Moniz, sir Peter Gonzalez of Men- 1
doza, don Peter Gonzalez of Seville, doni
John Radigo of Roselle and a threescore]
barons and knights of Spain. At thej
battle of Nazres, where the prince of Wales
discomfited king don Henry of Castile,
there were not slain so many noblemen of
Castile as there was at this battle of Jube-I
roth, which was the year of grace a thousand]
three hundred fourscore and five, on
Saturday on our Lady day in August.
When the king of Castile understood and]
saw how his men were thus discomfitec
and how that his vaward was clean disi
comfited without recovery, and that sii
Raynold Limousin was dead, who was his
marshal, and saw how all his noble chivalryj
were lost, as well of his own realm as oi
France and elsewhere, such as were come
thither to serve him with their good wills,
he was then sore displeased and wist notJ
what counsel to take, for he saw his men'
began to fly on every side, and he heard
how some said to him : ' Sir, depart hence,
it is time ; the matter is in a hard case ; ye
cannot alone discomfit your enemies nor
recover your damages ; your people flieth
all about, every man intendeth to save
himself. Sir, save yourself, an ye do wisely :
if fortune be this day against you, another
time it shall be better.' The king of Castile
believed counsel and then changed hisj
horse and mounted on a fresh courser,
strong and light, whereon no man had]
ridden before of all day. Then the king
strake the horse with his spurs and turned J
his back toward his enemies and took the
way toward Santarem, whither all such as|
would save themselves fled. The sj
time the king of Castile had a knight of his]
house who bare his bassenet, whereupon]
there was a circle of gold and stones valued]
to twenty thousand franks. It was ordained,
or they went out of Santarem, that this
knight should bear it till they came to the
business and then to deliver it to the king
I
BATTLE OF ALJUBARROTA
351
to wear on his head : but this knight did
not so, for when they came to the joining
of the battle, the press was so great that
this knight could not come to the king, nor
also he was not called for, wherefore he
approached not to the king. And when he
saw how his company were discomfited, and
that the Portugalois obtained the victory,
and saw how every man fled on every side,
he feared then the losing of such a rich
jewel and set then the bassenet on his own
head and so fled, but he took not the way
to Santarem, but he took another way to
the town of Arpent.^ Thus some fled this
way and some that way like people sore
discomfited and abashed, but the most part
fled to Santarem, and that evening thither
came the king sore abashed.
At this discomfiture of the Spaniards at
Juberoth, where the Portugalois and Lis-
bonois obtained the place, there was a
great slaughter of men, and it had been
greater if they had followed in the chase.
But the Englishmen, when they saw the
Spaniards turn their backs, they said to the
king of Portugal and to his men : * Sirs,
demand for your horses and follow the
chase, and all they that be fled shall be
other taken or slain.' * Nay, not so,'
quoth the king, * it sufficeth that we have
done : our men be weary and sore travailed,
and it is near hand night, we shall not
know whither to go ; and though they fly,
yet they be a great number, and perad-
venture they do it to draw us out of our
strength and so to have us at their ease.
Let us this day keep them that be dead
and to-morrow take other counsel.' *By
my faith, sir,' quoth Hardeshull, an Eng-
lishman, ' the dead bodies are easy to be
kept ; they shall never do us any hurt, nor
we shall have of them no profit. We have
slain many good prisoners, and we be
strangers and are come far off to serve
you ; therefore we would fain win some-
what of these calves that fly without wings ^
with their banners waving with the wind.'
* Fair brother,' quoth the king, 'they that
all coveteth all loseth : it is better we be
sure, sith the honour of the victory is ours
1 ' Ville-Arpent ' ; that is, apparently, Villalpando,
2 The translator's French text absurdly gives
veaulx ' instead of ' beaulx oiseaulx.' We ought
to read, ' these fine birds that fly without wings
and make their banners fly. '
and that God hath sent it us, rather than
to put ourselves in peril when it needeth
not. We thank God we have enow to
make you all rich.' Thus in this case the
business rested.
Thus as I have shewed you fell of the
business at Juberoth, whereas the king of
Portugal obtained the victory and there
were slain a five hundred knights and as
many squires, which was great pity and
damage, and about six or seven thousand
of other men : God have mercy on their
souls. And all that night till on the Sunday
to the hour of prime the king of Portugal
and his men removed not from the place
that they were in, nor never unarmed them,
but ate a little and drank every man as
they stood, which was brought them from
the village of Juberoth. And on the Sunday
in the morning after the sunrising the king
caused twelve knights to mount on their
horses and to ride forth to search the fields,
to see if there were any new assembly ;
and when they had ridden here and there,
they returned and shewed how they found
nobody but dead men. 'Well,' quoth the
king, 'of them we need not to doubt.'
Then it was published to depart thence and
to go to the village of Juberoth, there to
abide all that day and night till Monday
in the morning. So thus they departed
and left the church of Juberoth and went to
the village and there lodged, and tarried
out all that Sunday and the next night ;
and on the Monday in the morning they
counselled to draw toward Lisbon. Then
they sowned trumpets to dislodge, and so in
good order they departed and rode toward
Lisbon. And the Tuesday the king entered
into the town with much people, glory and
triumph, and was received with procession
and so brought to his palace. And in
riding through the streets the people and
children made feast and reverence and cried
with high voice : * Live the noble king of
Portugal, to whom God hath given that
grace to have victory of the puissant king of
Castile, and hath discomfited his enemies. '
By this journey that the king of Portugal
had of the king of Castile he fell into such
grace and love of his country and realm of
Portugal, so that all such as before the
battle did dissimule with him then came all
to him to Lisbon to do to him their homage,
saying how he was well worthy to live, and
352
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
how that God loved him, in that he had
discomfited a more puissant king than he
was himself : wherefore he was worthy to
bear a crown. Thus the king gat the grace
of his people, and specially of all the com-
mons of the realm.
Now let us a little speak of the king of
Castile, who after he was thus discomfited,
went to Santarem, weeping and lamenting
for his people and cursing his hard fortune
that so many noblemen of his own country
and France were slain in the field. The
same time that he entered into Santarem
yet he knew not the damage that he had ;
but on the Sunday he knew it, for he had
sent his heralds to search out the dead
bodies. And he thought before that the
most part of all such as the heralds found
dead had been but prisoners and saved
alive ; but they were not, as it appeared.
Then he was so sore displeased and sorry
that no man could comfort him. When he
heard the report of the heralds and knew
the certainty of them that were dead, then
he said and sware that he should never
have joy, sith so many noble men were
dead in his quarrel. And after the third day
that the king had tarried at Santarem there
came to him his knight with his bassenet,
who was called sir Martin Haren, and de-
livered the bassenet to the king, which was
valued as ye have heard before. And be-
fore there had been hard words spoken of
him : some said that falsely he was run
away from the king and would never return
again. Then the knight kneeled down
before the king and excused himself so
largely, that the king and his council were
well content with him. Then a fifteen
days after the king of Castile returned to
Burgos in Spain and gave every man leave
to depart. Then after there was means
and treaties made between the king of
Castile and the king of Portugal : then a
truce was taken from the feast of Saint
Michael to the first day of May, both by land
and by sea, and the dead bodies slain at
Juberoth were buried in the church of
Juberoth and in other churches thereabout,
and the bones of divers carried by their
servants into their own countries.
CHAPTER XXXVII
How a spirit called Orthon served the lord
of Corasse a long time and brought him
ever tidings from all parts of the world.
It is great marvel to consider one thing,
the which was shewed me in the earl of
Foix's house at Orthez of him that informed
me of the business at Juberoth. He shewed
me one thing that I have oftentimes thought
on sith, and shall do as long as I live. As
this squire told me, that of truth the next
day after the battle was thus fought at
Juberoth the earl of Foix knew it, whereof
I had great marvel. For the said Sunday,
Monday and Tuesday the earl was very
pensive and so sad of cheer that no man
could hear a word of him, and all the same
three days he would not issue out of his
chamber nor speak to any man, though
they were never so near about him ; and
on the Tuesday at night he called to him
his brother Arnold Guillaume and said to
him with a soft voice : ' Our men hath had
to do, whereof I am sorry, for it is come of
them by their voyage as I said or they de-
parted.' Arnold Guillaume, who was a
sage knight and knew right well his
brother's conditions, stood still and gave
none answer, and then the earl, who
thought to declare his mind more plainly,
for long he had borne the trouble thereof
in his heart, spake again more higher than
he did before and said : ' By God, sir
Arnold, it is as I say, and shortly ye shall
hear tidings thereof; but the country of
Beam this hundred year never lost such a
loss at no journey as they have done now
in Portugal.' Divers knights and squires
that were there present and heard him say
so, stood still and durst not speak, but
remembered his words ; and within a ten-
days after they knew the truth thereof by
such as had been at the business, and there
they shewed everything as it was fortuned
at Juberoth. Then the earl renewed again
his dolour, and all the .country were in
sorrow, for they had lost their parents,
brethren, children and friends.
' Saint Mary,' quoth I to the squire that
shewed me this tale, 'how is it that the
earl of Foix could know on one day what
was done within a day or two before,
STORY OF THE LORD OF CORASSE
353
being so far off?' 'By my faith, sir,'
quoth he, 'as it appeared well, he knew
it.' 'Then he is a diviner,' quoth I, 'or
else he hath messengers that flieth with
the wind, or he must needs have some
craft.' The squire began to laugh and
said : * Surely he must know it by some
art of necromancy or otherwise. To say
the truth, we cannot tell how it is but
by our imaginations.' * Sir,' quoth I, ' such
imagination as ye have therein, if it please
you to shew me, I would be glad thereof.
And if it be such a thing as ought to be
secret, I shall not publish it, nor as long as
I am in this country I shall never speak
word thereof.' 'I pray you thereof,' quoth
the squire, ' for I would not it should be
known that I should speak thereof: but I
shall shew you as divers men speaketh
secretly, when they be together as friends.'
Then he drew me apart into a corner of
the chapel at Orthez, and then began his
tale and said :
' It is well a twenty years past that there
was in this country a baron called Raymond
lord of Corasse, which is a seven leagues
from this town of Orthez. This lord of
Corasse had the same time a plea at Avig-
non before the pope for the dimes of his
church against a clerk curate there, the
which priest was of Cataloyne. He was a
great clerk and claimed to have right of
the dimes in the town of Corasse, which
was valued to a hundred florins by the
year ; and the right ..that he had he shewed
and proved it, and by sentence definitive
pope Urban the fifth in consistory general
condemned the knight and gave judgment
with the priest ; and of this last judgment
he had letters of the pope for his posses-
sion, and so rode till he came into Beam,
and there shewed his letters and bulls of
the i)ope's for his possession of his dimes.
' The lord of Corasse had great indigna-
tion at this priest, and came to him and
said : "Master Peter," or "Master Martin,"
as his name was, " thinkest thou that by
reason of thy letters that I will lose mine
heritage? Not so hardy that thou take
anything that is mine : if thou do, it shall
cost thee thy life. Go thy way into some
other place to get thee a benefice, for of
mine heritage thou gettest no part, and
once for always I defend thee." The clerk
doubted the knight, for he was a cruel man,
2 A
therefore he durst not persevere. Then he
thought to return to Avignon, as he did :
but when he departed, he came to the
knight the lord of Corasse and said : " Sir,
by force and not by right ye take away
from me the right of my church, wherein
ye greatly hurt your conscience. I am not
so strong in this country as ye be ; but, sir,
know for truth that, as soon as I may, I
shall send to you such a champion, whom
ye shall doubt more than me." The
knight, who doubted nothing his threaten-
ings, said: "God be with thee: do what
thou mayst, I doubt no more death than
life : ^ for all thy words I will not lose mine
heritage." Thus the clerk departed from
the lord of Corasse and went I cannot tell
whither, to Avignon or into Cataloyne, and
forgat not the promise that he had made to
the lord of Corasse or he departed : for
afterward, when the knight thought least
on him, about a three months after, as the
knight lay on a night abed in his castle of
Corasse with the lady his wife, there came
to him messengers invisible and made a
marvellous tempest and noise in the castle,
that it seemed as though the castle should
have fallen down, and strake great strokes
at his chamber door, that the good lady his.
wife was sore afraid. The knight heard all
but he spake no word thereof, because he
would shew no abashed courage, for he
was hardy to abide all adventures. This
noise and tempest was in sundry places of
the castle and dured a long space, and at
last ceased for that night. Then the next
morning all the servants of the house came
to the lord when he was risen, and said :
"Sir, have you not heard this night that
we have done ? " The lord dissinmled and
said: "No, I heard nothing: what have
you heard ? " Then they shewed him what
noise they had heard and how all the vessel
in the kitchen was overturned. Then the
lord began to laugh and said : " Yea, sirs,
ye dreamed : it was nothing but the wind."
" In the name of God," quoth the lady,
"I heard it well."
' The next night there was as great noise
and greater, and such strokes given at his
chamber door and windows as all should
have been broken in pieces. The knight
started up out of his bed and would not let
1 ' Je te double plus mort que vif,' which means
apparently, ' I fear you not at all.'
354
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
to demand who was at his chamber door
that time of the night, and anon he was
answered by a voice that said : "I am
here." Quoth the knight: "Who sent
thee hither?" "The clerk of Cataloyne
sent me hither," quoth the voice, " to whom
thou dost great wrong, for thou hast taken
from him the rights of his benefice. I will
not leave thee in rest till thou hast made
him a good account, so that he be pleased."
Quoth the knight, " What is thy name,
that art so good a messenger ? " Quoth
he, "I am called Orthon." "Orthon,"
quoth the knight, " the service of a clerk
is little profit for thee ; he will put thee to
much pain if thou believe him. I pray thee
leave him and come and serve me, and I shall
give thee good thank." Orthon was ready
to answer, for he was in amours with the
knight, and said : " Wouldst thou fain have
my service?" "Yea truly," quoth the
knight, "so thou do no hurt to any person
in this house." "No more I will do,"
quoth Orthon, "for I have no power to do
any other evil but to awake thee out of thy
sleep or some other." "Well," quoth the
knight, "do as I tell thee and we shall
soon agree, and leave the evil clerk, for
there is no good thing in him but to put
thee to pain : therefore come and serve
me." "Well," quoth Orthon, "and sith
thou wilt have me, we are agreed. "
' So this spirit Orthon loved so the knight,
that oftentimes he would come and visit
him while he lay in his bed asleep, and
other pull him by the ear or else strike at
his chamber door or window to awake
him ; and when the knight awoke, then
he would say: "Orthon, let me sleep."
"Nay," quoth Orthon, "that will I not
do, till I have shewed thee such tidings as
are fallen a-late." The lady the knight's
wife would be sore affrayed, that her hair
would stand up, and hide herself under the
clothes. Then the knight would say :
" Why, what tidings hast thou brought
me?" Quoth Orthon: "lam come out
of England, or out of Hungary or some
other place, and yesterday I came thence,
and such things are fallen, or such other."
So thus the lord of Corasse knew by
Orthon everything that was done in any
part of the world, and in this case he
continued a five year, and could not keep
his own counsel, but at last discovered
it to the earl of Foix : I shall shew you
how.
' The first year the lord of Corasse came
on a day to Orthez to the earl of Foix and
said to him : ' ' Sir, such things are done
in England or in Scotland or in Almaine
or in any other country," And ever the
earl of Foix found his saying true, and had
great marvel how he should know such
things so shortly. And on a time the earl
of Foix examined him so straitly that the
lord of Corasse shewed him altogether how
he knew it, and how he came to him first.
When the earl of Foix heard that, he was
joyful and said : " Sir of Corasse, keep
him well in your love : I would I had such
a messenger ; he costeth you nothing and
ye know by him everything that is done in
the world." The knight answered and
said : "Sir, that is true." Thus the lord
of Corasse was served with Orthon a long
season. I cannot say if this Orthon hac
any more masters or not, but every weel
twice or thrice he would come and visit th<
lord of Corasse and would shew him sue
tidings of anything that was fallen fror
whence he came ; and ever the lord
Corasse, when he knew anything, he wrot^
thereof ever to the earl of Foix, who hacf
great joy thereof, for he was the lord
the world that most desired to hear ne^
out of strange places.
' And on a time the lord of Corasse w£
with the earl of Foix, and the earl demande
of him and said: "Sir of Corasse, did y^
ever as yet see your messenger?" "Nai
surely, sir," quoth the knight, "nor
never desired it." "That is marvel,'
quoth the earl: " if I were as well ac4
quainted with him as ye be, I would havj
desired to have seen him. Wherefore
pray you desire it of him, and then to tel:
me what form and fashion he is of. I hav^
heard you say how he speaketh as go(
Gascon as other you or I." "Truly, sir,]
quoth the knight, "so it is. He speaket|
as well and as fair as any of us both do I
and surely, sir, sith ye counsel me, I shall d(
my pain to see him an I can." And so ot
a night as he lay in his bed with the lad]
his wife, who was so inured to hear Orthoi
that she was no more afraid of him, ther
came Orthon and pulled the lord by the
ear, who was fast asleep ; and therewith h<
awoke and asked who was there. " I ai
STORY OF THE LORD OF CORASSE
355
here," quoth Orthon. Then he demanded :
"From whence comest thou now ? " "I
come," quoth Orthon, "from Prague in
Boeme. " " How far is that hence ? " quoth
the knight. " A threescore days' journey,"
quoth Orthon. " And art thou come thence
so soon ? " quoth the knight. " Yea truly,"
quoth Orthon, " I came as fast as the wind
or faster." "Hast thou then wings?"
quoth the knight. " Nay truly," quoth he.
"How canst thou then fly so fast ? " quoth
the knight. " Ye have nothing to do to
know that," quoth Orthon. " No ? " quoth
the knight, "I would gladly see thee, to
know what form thou art of." "Well,"
quoth Orthon, "ye have nothing to do to
know : it sufficeth you to hear me and I to
shew you tidings." " In faith," quoth the
knight, " I would love thee much better an
I might see thee once." "Well," quoth
Orthon, ' ' sir, sith ye have so great desire to
see me, the first thing that ye see to-morrow
when ye rise out of your bed, the same shall
be I. " " That is sufficient, " quoth the lord ;
"go thy way, I give thee leave to depart
for this night."
And the next morning the lord rose ;
and the lady his wife was so affrayed that
she durst not rise, but feigned herself sick
and said she would not rise. Her husband
would have had her to have risen. " Sir,"
quoth she, "then I shall see Orthon, and I
would not see him by my good will."
"Well," quoth the knight, "I would
gladly see him " ; and so he arose fair and
easily out of his bed and sat down on his
bed side, weening to have seen Orthon in
his own proper form ; but he saw nothing
whereby he might say : " Lo, yonder is
Orthon." So that day passed and the
next night came, and when the knight
was in his bed, Orthon came and began
to speak, as he was accustomed, "Go
thy way," quoth the knight, " thou art
but a liar : thou promisedst that I should
have seen thee and it was not so."
"No?" quoth he, "and I shewed myself
to thee." "That is not so," quoth the
lord. "Why," quoth Orthon, "when ye
rose out of your bed, saw you nothing?"
Then the lord studied a little and advised
himself well. "Yes, truly," quoth the
knight, " now I remember me, as I sat on
my bed's side thinking on thee, I saw two
straws on the pavement tumbling one upon
another." "That same was I," quoth
Orthon : "into that form I did put myself
as then." "That is not enough to me,"
quoth the lord: "I pray thee put thyself
into some other form, that I may better
see and know thee." "Well," quoth
Orthon, "ye will do so much that ye will
lose me and I go from you, for ye desire
too much of me." "Nay," quoth the
knight, "thou shalt not go from me. Let
me see thee once and I will desire no
more." "Well," quoth Orthon, "ye
shall see me to-morrow. Take heed ; the
first thing that* ye see after ye be out of
your chamber, it shall be I." "Well,"
quoth the knight, " I am then content : go
thy way, let me sleep." And so Orthon
departed, and the next morning the lord
arose and issued out of his chamber and
went to a window and looked down into
the court of the castle and cast about his
eyen, and the first thing he saw was a sow,
the greatest that ever he saw, and she
seemed to be so lean and evil favoured
that there was nothing on her but the skin
and the bones, with long ears and a long
lean snout. The lord of Corasse had
marvel of that lean sow and was weary of
the sight of her, and commanded his men
to fetch his hounds, and said: "Let the
dogs hunt her to death and devour her."
His servants opened the kennels and let
out his hounds and did set them on this
sow ; and at the last the sow made a great
cry and looked up to the lord of Corasse,
as he looked out at a window, and so
suddenly vanished away, no man wist how.
Then the lord of Corasse entered into his
chamber right pensive, and then he re-
membered him of Orthon his messenger,
and said : "I repent me that I set my
hounds on him : it is an adventure an
ever I hear any more of him, for he said to
me oftentimes that if I displeased him I
should lose him." The lord said truth,
for never after he came into the castle of
Corasse, and also the knight died the same
year next following. Lo, sir,' quoth the
squire, ' thus I have shewed you the life
of Orthon and how a season he served the
lord of Corasse with new tidings.'
*It is true, sir,' quoth I, 'but now as to
your first purpose : is the earl of Foix
served with such a messenger ? ' ' Surely,'
quoth the squire, ' it is the imagination of
356
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
many that he hath such messengers ; for
there is nothing done in any place, but an
he set his mind thereto, he will know it,
and when men think least thereof ; and
so did he when the good knights and
squires of this country were slain in
Portugal at Juberoth. Some saith the
knowledge of such things hath done him
much profit, for an there be but the value
of a spoon lost in his house, anon he will
know where it is.' So thus then I took
leave of the squire and went to other
company, but I bare well away his tale.
Now I will leave to speak of the business
of Portugal and of Spain, and speak of the
business in Languedoc and in France.
CHAPTERS XXXVIII, XXXIX
SUMMARY. — Siege was laid to the castle
of Brest, held by the English. Many castles
in the marches of Toulouse^ Rouergiie and
thereabout, held by the captains of com-
panies, were taken by the French.
CHAPTERS XL, XLI
SUMMA RY. — The king of Armenia came
into France to get help against the Turks,
who had driven him out of his dominions.
He gave much infor?7iation about the state of
affairs in the East.
CHAPTER XLII
How pope Urban and pope Clement were at
great discord together, and how the
Christian kings were in variance for their
elections, and of the wars between them.
The same season there came to Avignon to
see the pope Clement sir Otho of Bruns-
wick, to have money for the war he had
made for him against the Romans and
Bartholomew of Aigles, who wrote himself
pope Urban the sixth, as it is contained in
his history herebefore. And there sir
Otho shewed divers things to the pope and
to the cardinals, wherein he was well
believed and heard ; but as for money, he
could get none, for the pope's chamber
was so clean voided from gold and silver
that the cardinals could not have the
money that pertained to their hats : so this
sii" Otho of Brunswick departed from them
not well content : at Avignon there was
delivered him a thousand franks and he
set little thereby : whereby pope Clement's
war was sore weakened, for sir Otho would
in no wise meddle any more in the pope's
wars.
Then Margaret of Duras,^ who was at
Gaieta and was adversary against the
queen of Naples, wife sometime to king
Louis duke of Anjou, she sent for this sir
Otho to aid her in the war that she made
against the Neapolitans ; and this sir Otho
a certain space excused himself and dis-
simuled and foded forth the time, as he
that wist not what to do. Then some of
his council did put him in mind to go to
this Margaret of Duras, who was inheritor
to Naples and to Sicily, and to help to aid
and defend her heritage, and to take her to^
his wife, for she was content to marry him,M
because he was of a noble blood and of high
extraction, and was lord and king of the
country called Daure.^ And some othe;
of his council counselled him contrary,
saying how he might thereby come to ai
evil end, for the children of king Loui
of Naples, who was crowned king in th
city of Bari, though they were but young,
yet they had great friends and kinsmen,
and specially the French king their cousia
german, who will aid them and thei'
mother Joan, duchess of Anjou and oj
Maine. All these doubts some of h'
council shewed him, wherefore sir Oth
forbare a long season and dissimuled thi
matter and took none of both parties.
The same season the soldiers of po[
Clement enclosed in the city of Perugi
pope Urban, and was besieged by the lor
of Montcroix, a valiant knight of th
county of Geneva and of Savoy, sir Taill
bart, a knight of the Rhodes, and sir Bernan
de la Salle ; and there pope Urban w
sore constrained and on the point to hav
been taken, for as I was then informed
for the sum of twenty thousand franks
captain Almain, who had a great compan;
1 The paragraph should begin with the senten
before : ' By this pope Clement's war was weakened,
etc. Also Margaret of Duras,' etc.
2 A curious mistranslation. It should be: 'and
so he became lord and king of the country of which
she called herself lady ' (dame).
AFFAIRS OF THE CHURCH
357
with him, called the earl Conrad, would
have delivered pope Urban into the hands
of pope Clement ; whereupon sir Bernard
de la Salle was sent to Avignon to pope
Clement for the said sum of money ; but
the pope nor the cardinals there could not
make the money, for that pope's court
was so poor that they had no money ; and
so sir Bernard de la Salle returned evil
content to the siege of Perugia, and so then
they dissimuled the matter, and the Peru-
gians in like wise, and also this earl Conrad ;
and so pope Urban issued out of Perugia
and out of peril and went to Rome and
abode there.
I know right well that in time to come
there will be had much [marvel] of these
things, how the Church should fall in such
trouble and endure so long, but it was a
plague nent from God for the clergy to
advise and to consider well their great
estate and superfluity that they were in ;
but many did set little thereby, for they
were so blinded with pride that each one
thought to be as good as another : where-
fore it went evil, and if our faith had not
been confirmed in the hands and grace of
the Holy Ghost, who illumined the heart
of them that were gone out of the right
way and held them firm in unity, else our
faith had been greatly deformed : but the
great lords of the earth at the beginning
did nothing but laugh at the Church, till I
chronicled these chronicles in the year of
our Lord Jesu Christ mccclxxx. and x.
Much of the common people marvelled
how the great lords, as the French king,
the king of Almaine and other kings and
princes of Christendom, did provide no
remedy in that case.
There was one thing reasonable to
appease the common people and to excuse
the high princes and kings, dukes and earls
and other lords ; as by ensample, the yolk
of the egg cannot be without the white nor
the white without the yolk, no more may
the clergy and the lords be one without
another ; for the lords are governed by the
clergy, or they could not live but as beasts
an the clergy were not, and the clergy
counselleth and exhorteth tlie lords to do
as they do. And I say surely I have been
in my time in divers parts of the world,
what for to accomplish my pleasure and to
see novelties in the world, and to have
knowledge of the conquests and adventures
written in this book ; and truly the season
that I went thus about in the world, I
could lightly see no great lord but that he
had a marmoset, or of the clergy or a boy
of simple lineage mounted up to honour by
reason of their jangling and railing,^ except
the earl of Foix, for he had never none such,
for he was naturally sage, for his wisdom
was better than any that could be given
him. Yet I say not that such lords as are
ruled by such marmosets be fools, but
rather more than fools, for they be sore
blinded and yet they have two eyen.
When the knowledge came first to the
French king Charles of the difference
between these two popes, he did put the
matter on the clergy, which way he should
take them. They of the clergy of France
determined and took pope Clement for the
most surest part, and to the French opinion
accorded the king of Castile and the king
of vScots, because all the season that the
schism was thus in the Church, France,
Castile and Scotland were joined together
by alliance ; and the king of England and
the king of Portugal were of the contrary
opinion against their enemies. The earl
of Flanders never inclined in his courage
to pope Clement, that he should be right
pope, because Urban was first chosen at
Rome, who was archbishop of Bari.^ This
Clement, being cardinal of Geneva, wrote
letters unto the noble earl of Flanders how
there was a pope chosen by due election at
Rome and named Urban ; wherefore he
would not believe after on that Clement,
and as long as he lived he was of that
opinion, so was the king of Almaine and all
the Empire and also the king of Hungary.
Thus then I put in writing the state and
differences that I had seen in my days in
the world and in the Church : it was no
marvel though the' lords of the world
suffered and dissimuled the matter. This
brought to my remembrance how ^ that,
when I was but young and pope Innocent
1 ' Par leurs jangles et bourdes,' ' by their raillery
and jesting.'
'^ ' Because Clement was present at the first
election at Rome of the archbishop of Bari.'
3 'Thus then in writing of these estates and
differences that I saw in my time in the world
and in the Church, which was thus shaken, and
of the lords of land who suffered the matter and
dissembled, it came often to my remembrance how,'
etc. *
358
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
reigned in Avignon, he held in prison a
friarminor called friar John Roche-Taillade.
This clerk, as it was said, and I have
heard it privily in divers places, he shewed
and alleged divers authorities of the in-
cidents and fortunes that fell after in his
days in the realm of France, and also he
spake of the taking of king John, and
shewed certain things reasonable how the
Church should suffer much for the great
superfluities that he saw in them, and
while he was in prison, it was shewed me
what he said to the cardinal of Ostia,
called d'Arras, and to the cardinal of
Auxerre, who went to visit him and to
argue with him : then he laid to them an
ensample, as hereafter ye shall hear.
'Lords,' said this friar, 'there was once
a fowl appeared in this world without any
feathers ; and when all other fowls knew
that he was born, they came to see him,
because he was so fair and pleasant to be-
hold. Then they imagined among them
what they might do for this bird, for with-
out feathers they knew well he could not
live : and they said they would he should
live, because he was so fair. Then every
fowl there gave him of their feathers, and
the fairer bird the more feathers he gave
him, so that then he was a fair bird and a
well feathered and began to fly. And the
birds that had given him of their feathers,
when they saw him fly, they took great
pleasure : and when this bird saw himself
so well feathered and that all other fowls
honoured him, he began to wax proud and
took no regard of them that had made him,
but picked and spurred at them and was
contrary to them. Then the other birds
drew together and demanded each other
what was best to be done with this bird,
that they had made up of nought and now
so disdaineth them. Then the peacock
said : " He is greatly beautied by reason of
my feathers : I will take them again from
him." "In the name of God," said the
falcon, "so will I have mine": and so
said all the other birds, and then they be-
gan to take again from him all the feathers
they had given him. And when this bird
saw that, he humbled himself and know-
ledged of the wealth and honour that he
had not of himself but of them : for he
knew that he came into the world naked
and bare, and the feathers that he had, they
might well take from him again when they
list : then he cried them mercy and said
tfiat he would amend himself and no more
be proud. And so then again these gentle
birds had pity on him and feathered him
again, and said to him : "We would gladly
see thee fly among us, so thou wilt be
humble as thou oughtest to be : but know
surely, if thou be any more proud and dis-
dainous, we will take from thee all thy
feathers and set thee as we found thee
first."'
Thus said the friar John to the cardinals
that were in his presence : ' Sirs, thus shall
it fall on you of the Church, for the emperor
of Rome and of Almaine, and the other
kings christened and high princes of the
world have given you the goods and posses-
sions and riches, to the intent to serve
God, and ye spend it in pride and super-
fluity. Ye read not the life of Saint
Silvester, pope of Rome after Saint Peter.
Imagine and consider how the emperor_
Constantine gave him first the dimes of th^
Church, and on what condition. Sair
Silvester rode nother with two hundre
nor three hundred horse abroad in \\
world, but he held himself simply closed
Rome and lived soberly with them of tl
Church, when the angel of God shew<
him how the emperor Constantine, wl
was as then but an infidel, should send fd
him. In like wise the emperor had it
revelation of an angel that Silvester shoul^
shew him the way of health, for he w£
sick of the leprosy, so that his flesh fell ii
pieces. And when Silvester came beforl
him, he shewed him the way of baptist
and so christened him, and incontinent \\i
was whole. For the which the emperc
Constantine believed in God, and all hi^
Empire, and gave to Silvester and to th^
Church all the dimes, for before th<
emperor of Rome held them ; and besidj
that gave him many fair gifts and grej
seignories, augmenting our faith and thj
Church : but it was his intention that the^
goods and seignories that he had given
him, that he should govern it humbly and
truly, and not to spend it in pomp and
pride. But nowadays they of the Church
do the contrary, wherewith God is dis-
pleased, and hereafter will be more dis-
pleased, so that the great lords of the earth
will wax cold in their devotions and not be
AFFAIRS OF PORTUGAL, 1385, ETC.
359
so liberal in giving anything to the Church,
but rather to be ready to take from it that
was given before. And I think it will not
be long or this be seen.'
Thus this friar John of Roche-Taillade,
whom the cardinals held in prison in Avig-
non, shewed to them these words and
divers other, whereof the cardinals were
abashed and would gladly have put him
to death, if they might have found any just
cause against him : but they could find
none, and so suffered him to live ; but they
durst not let him out of prison, for he
shewed his matters so perfect, and laid for
them high scriptures, that peradventure he
might have made many in the world to have
erred. Howbeit, such as took more heed
to his saying than I did, saw many things
fall after according as he said and wrote
in prison ; and all that he said he would
prove by the Apocalypse. The true proofs
wherewith he armed himself saved him
from brenning, and also some of the car-
dinals had pity on him and would not do
their uttermost to him.
{The author sets forth the question of the
crown of Portugal, and then proceeds as
follows^ : —
Now let us return to the besynes of
Portugal, for they be not to be left for the
great adventures that there hath fallen, and
to chronicle all things as they have fallen, to
the intent that in time to come they should
be found written and registered. If ad-j
ventures were not known, it were great
damage, and by clerks that anciently have
written and registered the histories and
books, thereby the histories are known. \
There is not so perpetual a memory as is
writing, and truly I say to you and will,
that they that come after me should know
that for to know the truth of this history I
have taken therein great pain in my days
and have searched many realms and
countries to know the truth, and have hadj
acquaintance of many valiant men, and
have seen divers, both of France, of Eng-
land, of Scotland, Castile, Portugal and of
other lands, duchies and counties, such as
they and their lands hath been conjoined
in these wars, and with them I have spoken
and been instructed and informed, and I
would not that any inquest should pass un-
known, sith I knew it to be true and not-
able.^ And while I was in Beam with the
earl Gaston of Foix, I was there informed
of divers businesses such as fell between
Castile and Portugal, and when I was
returned again into my country in the
county of Hainault and in the town of
Valenciennes, and that I had refreshed me
there a season, then I determined me to
follow the history that I had begun. Then
I advised in mine imagination how I could
not sufficiently be instructed by the hearing
of them that sustained the opinion of the
king of Castile, but that in like wise I
ought to hear the Portugals, as well as the
Gascons and Spaniards that I heard in the
house of the earl of Foix. And in the way
going thither and returning I took no regard
to the pain or travail of my body, but so I
went to Bruges in Flanders to find there
some of the realm of Portugal and of Lisbon,
for there were ever some of that country.
Behold if my adventure were good or no.
If I had sought a season seven year, I could
not have come to a better point than I did
then. For then it was shewed me that if
I would go to Middleburg in Zealand, I
should find there a knight of Portugal, a
valiant man and a sage, and of the king of
Portugal's council, who was newly come
thither and was going thence by sea into
Pruce, and how he could justly and plainly
shew me of the besynes and adventures of
Portugal, for he knew and had been over
all the country. These tidings rejoiced
me, and so I went from Bruges with one of
Portugal in my company, who knew right
well this knight, and so we came to Sluys
and there took the sea and did so much by
the grace of God that we came to Middle-
burg, and the Portugals that were in my
company acquainted me with this knight,
and I found him right gracious, sage,
honourable, courteous, amiable and ac-
quaintable, and so I was with him six days
or thereabout, and this knight informed me
of all the besynes between the realm of
Castile and Portugal sith the death of king
Ferrant till the departing of that knight
out of that country. He shewed me every-
thing so plainly and so graciously, that I
took great pleasure to hear him and to
1 ' Nor would I have admitted any information
about any country, without I had well ascertained
after the information obtained that it were true and
notable.'
36o
TRONICLES OF FROISSART
write it ; and when I was informed by him
of all that I desired to know, I took leave
of him, and he conveyed me to my ship, and
so did divers other rich merchants of his
country, who were come from Bruges and
from other places to see him. And in his
company there was the son of the count
of Novarre in Portugal and divers other
knights and squires of that realm ; but he
had the chief honour among them, and
certainly by that I could see and imagine
of him and of his estate, he was worthy to
have honour, for he was of noble port and
goodly stature and likely to be a valiant
man ; and when I return again from Rome
into mine own country, I shall busy me to
make relation of the words of this gentle
knight called sir John Ferrant Pacheco,
and shall chronicle all that hath fallen in
Portugal and in Castile ^ unto the year of
our Lord mccclxxx. and x.
CHAPTERS XLIII-XLVI
SUMMARY.— After the battle of Alju-
barrota ainbassadors were sent by the king
of Portugal to get the aid of the duke of
Lancaster. One of these, named Lawrence
Fougasse [Foga^a), gave an account of the
events in Spain and Portugal and of the
battle of Aljubarj-ota. The duke of Lan-
caster sailed from Bristol in the tnonth of
May ivith two hund^-ed ships and went first
to Brest.
CHAPTERS XLVH, XLVHI
SUMMARY. — After raising the siege of
Brest the duke of Lancaster sailed on and
landed at Corogna in Galicia, whence he re-
moved after about a month to Compostella.
CHAPTER XLTX
SUMMARY. — Great preparations were
made by the French king and his council to
pass over into England, and a fleet assembled
1 This is nonsense ; but for the reading ' Rome '
instead of ' Bruges ' the French text is responsible.
It should be : ' Then I returned to Bruges and to
my own country, and I worked upon the words
and relations made by the gentle knight sir John
Ferrant Pacheco and chronicled all that which be-
fell in regard to Portugal and Castile,' etc. Also
note that it was Froissart who went on board the
knight's ship, and not vice versa.
at Sluys of more than twelve hundred ships.
The English prepared for defence.
CHAPTERS L-LHI [L, LI, LIH, \A\\^
SUMMARY. — The English took Roales
and Villalopos in Galicia, and the duke of
Lancaster sent an embassy to the king of
Porttcgal, ivho came to meet him. The
English took Pontevedra, Vigo and Bayona,
and besieged Ribadavia, while the king of
Castile hoped for the invasion of Englana _,
by the French king. ■
CHAPS. LIV-LXH [LHI-LV, LV-LX]
SUMMARY.— The French fleet was as-
sembled at Sluys, and the French king with
the dukes cf Burgundy and Botirbon arrived
there, and waited for the duke of Berry.
Meanwhile the king of Armenia passed over
into England and returned. Finally the
duke of Berry arrived, but owing to the
lateness of the season and the contrary winds
the voyage was deferred till the spring, and j
the king and lords returned from Sluys.
CHAPS. LXHI-LXVHI [LXI, LXI,
LXn, LXXH, LXXH, LXXHI]
SUMMARY.— Thei-e was much talk of\
the duel at Paris betzveen Jean de Carrouge'
and Jacques Legris, in ivhich the latter was I
defeated. King Peter of Ar agon died, andi
the young king had difficulties with the\
English and with them of Barcelona.
John of Brittany, son of Charles of BloisA
was delivered out of prison in Flngland by\
the means of Oliver de Clisson.
Aft expedition was sent from France to
help the king of Castile ; attd meanwhile
the Fle?nish fleet was defeated by the Eng-
lish, who landed in Flanders and plundered\
the country.
CHAPTERS LXIX-LXXVI [XLIV,
LXXIV-LXXX]
SUMMARY. — The English in Galicia\
took Ribadavia and Orres. The king oj
1 The mistaken numbering of the chapters from
this point to the end of the volume has been
corrected, but for convenience of reference the
numbers as printed in the text of Lord Berners'
translation are given throughout in brackets.
CAPTURE OF THE CONSTABLE DE CLISSON, 1387
361
Portugal was married to Philippa of Lan
caster. Besances ( Braganza) surrendered
to the duke of Lancaster.
Gauthier de Passac and other Fr-eftch cap-
tains arrived in Castile. They cuivised the
king of Castile not to give battle until the
duke of Bourbon came. Meanwhile the
duke of Lancaster resided at Besances^ and
thither came the king of Portugal, who
arranged with the duke of Lancaster to
advance into Castile.
CHAPTERS LXXVII-LXXIX
[LXXXI-LXXXIIIJ
SUMMAR Y. — There was great discontent
in England, especially because of the influence
of the duke of Ireland zoith the king.
The duke of Brittany, being fallen out of
favour with the English, thought to please
theju by taking prisoner the constable de
Clisson, who was preparing an expedition
to Eno'land.
CHAPTER LXXX [LXXXHI]
How the duke of Bretayne sent for all his
lords and knights to come to council unto
Vannes, and after council he desired the
constable to go and see his castle of Er-
mine, and how he took him there prisoner
and the lord of Beaumanoir with him.
On this foresaid imagination the duke of
Bretayne rested, and to come to his intent
he summoned his council to come to Vannes,
and desired all the lords and knights of
Bretayne affectuously for to come thither,
and he did send out his letters unto them,
and specially he required sir Oliver of
Clisson, constable of France, that he should
not fail but for to be there, saying how he
would gladlier see him than any other.
The constable would not excuse himself,
because the duke of Bretayne was his
natural lord, and was glad to have his good
will, and so he came to Vannes and so did
a great number of other lords of Bretayne.
This council was long, and many matters
debated therein touching the duke and his
country, without any word speaking of the
voyage that they were in purpose to make
into England : the duke dissimuled the
matter. This council was in the city of
Vannes in a castle called the Motte. The
duke made all the lords a great dinner and
fed them with fair loving words till it was
near night, and then they returned to their
lodgings into the suburbs without the city.
And the constable of France, to please the
knights and squires of Bretayne, he desired
them all the next day to dine with him.
vSome did so and some departed to their
own houses to take leave of their wives and
parents, for the constable was purposed, as
soon as he departed thence, straight to go
unto his navy at Lautreguier. The duke
of Bretayne knew it right well, but spake
no word thereof making semblant as
though he knew nothing. So this dinner
ended, whereas were the most part of the
barons of Bretayne, and suddenly unto
them came the duke of Bretayne right
amorously by seeming, but he thought
otherwise in his heart : none knew thereof
but such as he had discovered his mind
unto. As soon as he entered into the con-
stable's lodging, some said : ' Behold here
cometh the duke.' Then every man rose,
as reason was, and sweetly received him,
as they ought for to do their lord, and he
dealt right gently and he sat down among
them and ate and drank and kept good
company, and shewed them more tokens
of love than ever he did before. And he
said unto them : ' Fair lords, my lovers
and friends, God send you well to go and
well to come again, and send you joy and
that you may do such deeds of arms as
may please you and that it may be honour-
able unto you all.' And when they heard
these sweet words of the duke, they all
answered and said : ' Sir, we thank you,
and God reward you of your great kind-
ness, that it pleaseth you to come and see
us at our departing.'
This same season the duke of Bretayne
was making of a castle near to Vannes,
called the castle of Ermine, the which as
then was near furnished, and to the intent
to attrap the constable there, he said unto
him and unto the lord de Laval and to the
lord of Beaumanoir and to other lords that
were there : ' Sirs, I require you, or ye de-
part, to come and see my new castle of
Ermine : ye shall see how I have devised
it and also how I purpose for to do.'
They all agreed unto him, because they
saw him come so lovingly among them, for
362
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
\
they thought none evil. And so the most
part of them mounted on their horses and
rode forth with the duke to the castle of
Ermine. Then the duke, the constable, the
lord de Laval and the lord of Beaumanoir
and divers other lords and knights alighted
off their horses and entered into the castle,
and the duke led the constable by the hand
from chamber to chamber and into every
house of office, and made them drink in the
cellar. Then the duke brought them to the
chief tower, and at the door thereof he said
to the constable : ' Sir Oliver, I know no
man on this side the sea that knoweth more
in building than ye do. Wherefore I pray
you mount up the stairs and behold the
building of the tower. If it be well, I am
content ; and if anything be amiss, it shall
be reformed after your device. ' The con-
stable thinking none evil, said : ' Sir, with
right a good will : please it you to go be-
fore and I shall follow you.' *Nay, sir,'
said the duke, ' go your way up alone, and
in the mean time I will talk with the lord de
Laval.' The constable went up the stairs,
and when he was above and past the first
stage, there were men in a chamber laid in
a bushment, and they opened the door,
and some went down and did shut the door
beneath and the other went up all armed
to the constable. There they took and led
him into a chamber and fettered him with
three bolts of iron, and said to him : ' Sir,
pardon us, for we must needs do that we
do : we be thus commanded by our lord
the duke of Bretayne.'
If the constable were abashed at that
time, it was no marvel. The constable
ought not to have great marvel of that
chance ; for after that the displeasure fell
between the duke and him, for any letters
that the duke could write to him, or for
any device or safe-conduct to come and go
safely, yet for all that the constable would
never come in the duke's presence, for he
durst not trust him, and now he is come to
his misfortune, for he found the duke in
great displeasure with him, and that was
well shewed.
And when the lord de Laval, being be-
neath at the stair foot, saw the door closed,
his blood began to tremble and had great
fear of his brother ; ^ and beheld the duke,
1 'For his brother-in-law.' Oliver de Clisson
had married Catherine de Laval.
who waxed pale and green as a leaf. Then
he knew that the matter went amiss and
said : * Ah, sir, for God's sake have mercy.
What will you do? Take none evil will
against the constable.' *Sir,' said the
duke, ' take ye your horse and depart : ye
may go when ye will : I know well enough
what I have to do.' 'Sir,' said the lord
de Laval, ' I will not depart hence without
I have my brother the constable with me. '
With these words there came unto them
the lord of Beaumanoir, whom the duke
also hated, and he in like wise demanded
to have the constable. Then the duke
drew his dagger and came unto him and
said : ' Beaumanoir, wilt thou be in the
same point as thy master is in?' 'Sir,'
said he, * I trust my master is in good
case. ' * Well, ' said the duke, ' I demand
of thee if thou wilt be in like case.' * Yea,
sir,' said he. Then the duke took his
dagger by the point and said : ' If thou
wilt be in like case, it behoveth thee t
put out one of thine eyen.' The lord oi
Beaumanoir saw well the matter went noi
well, and saw the duke wax pale foi
anger : then he kneeled down on his kn
and said : ' vSir, I repute so great noblene
in you, that I trust in God and you that y
will do us right. We be at your mercyj
and we are come hither at your request :
we trust ye will not dishonour yourself to
accomplish any evil will that ye have to
us : it should be a strange novelty. "
' Well,' said the duke, * come on thy way]
for thou shalt have no more nor no le:
than he shall have.' So he was led int
another chamber and fettered also wit
three pair of irons. If he were abash
he had a great cause, for he perceivei
well the duke loved him but little nor the
constable also, but then he had no remedy.
Anon tidings spread over the castle and
also the town, how that the constable of
France and the lord of Beaumanoir and
also the lord de Laval were taken prisoners,
and how the lord de Laval might depart
when he would, for the duke demanded
nothing of him ; whereof the people had
great marvel, and also great cause why ;
1 ' II en seroit trop grant nouvelle,'_ ' there would
be much question {or talk) of it ' : as in speaking of
the deposition of Richard II., 'Car trop grans
nouvelles seroient en tous royaulmes crestiens de sa
prinse.'
to
I
CAPTURE OF THE CONSTABLE DE CLISSON
363
for every man said how the duke would
put them both to death, he hated them so
mortally. The duke was greatly blamed
of all knights and squires that heard there-^
of, and they said there was never a greater
defamation on any prince than was on the
duke of Bretayne, seeing that he had de-
sired the constable to dine with him and to
see his house and to make him good cheer,;
and so to take him prisoner. They said
they never heard of case like ; whereforei
he was infamed and never man more dis-
honoured, nor thereby no man should trust
in any prince, sith the duke had deceived
these noblemen. * What will the French
king say when he knoweth this? for by
this his voyage into England is broken.
There was never so great a shame imagined.
But now the duke sheweth what lay in his
heart. We trow there was never seen in
Bretayne case like, nor in none other place.
If a poor knight had done such a deed,
he were dishonoured for ever. In whom
should a man trust but in his lord ? and
that lord should maintain him in his right
and do him justice. Who shall make
correction of this deed? . None, but the
French king. Now the duke sheweth
plainly how he is on the English part and
will sustain and hold with the opinion of the
king of England, sith he hath thus broken
the voyage by the sea, that should have
gone into England. What shall become
now of the knights and squires of Bretayne,
when they shall hear these tidings? Nothing,
but incontinent come from their houses and
lay siege to the castle of Ermine and close
the duke within, and there tarry till they
have taken him other dead or quick, and
lead him like a false prince to the French
king.'
Thus the knights and squires about the
marches of Vannes spake and communed
together, and such as were come thither
to that council with the said lords ; and
they were in great doubt that the duke
would put them to death. Then some
other said : ' As for the lord de Laval is in
no jeopardy : ^ he is so wise that he will
temper the duke in all his business.' And
truly so he did, for an he had not been, the
1 ' The lord de Laval hath remained with him :
he would not suffer it : he is so wise,' etc. The
translator seems to have taken ' il ne le souffriroit
nullement ' to mean ' he will not suffer any harm.'
constable had been dead the first night, if
he had had a thousand lives.
It ought to be believed that sir Oliver of
Clisson was not at his ease when he saw
himself so taken and attrapped and fettered
and kept with thirty persons, and had no
comfort by them, for they knew not the
will of their lord, so that he reckoned him-
self but as a dead man, and also he had no
hope to live till the next day ; and surely
he was in great danger, for three times he
was unfettered and brought to have been
beheaded or else drowned, and surely so
he had been, if the lord de Laval had not
been. But when this lord de Laval heard
the duke's strait commandment to put him
to death, he kneeled down before him lift-
ing up his hands sore weeping and said :
' Sir, for God's sake take mercy : advise
you, shew not your cruelty against the con-
stable, he hath deserved no death. Sir, of
your grace that it may please you to shew
me the cause of your displeasure against
him, and, sir, I swear unto you, any trespass
that he hath done he shall make you such
amends with his body and goods, or else I
for him, as ye yourself shall demand or
judge. Sir, remember you how in your
yongth ye two were companions together
and brought up both in one house with the
duke of Lancaster, who was so gentle a
prince that there was none like him. Also,
sir, remember how before his peace was
made with the French king, always he
truly served you : he aided you to recover
your heritage ; ye have always found in
him good comfort and counsel : if ye be
now moved or informed against him other-
wise than reason should require, yet he
hath not deserved death.' 'Sir de Laval,'
said the duke, ' let me have my will ; for
Oliver of Clisson hath so oftentimes dis-
pleased me, and now is the hour come that
I may shew him my displeasure. Where-
fore depart you hence and let me shew my
cruelty, for I will he shall die. ' * Ah, sir,'
said the lord de Laval, ' refrain your evil
will and moderate your courage and regard
to reason ; for if ye put him to death, there
was never prince so dishonoured as ye shall
be. There shall not be in Bretayne knight
nor squire, city nor castle nor good town nor
no man, but he shall hate you to the death
and do that they can to disinherit you, nor
the king of England nor his council shall
3^4
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
I
give you no thank therefor. Sir, will you
lose yourself for the death of one man ?
Sir, turn your imagination ; for this thought
is nothing worth, but dishonourable, that
ye should cause such an honourable knight
as sir Oliver of Clisson is, to die, coming
unto you at your own desire. Surely, sir,
this deed should be treason and great re-
proach both before God and the world, to
desire him thus to dinner, and he coming
to you, and after that ye went to him into
the town desiring him to see your new
buildings, and he obeyed in everything to
you and drank of your wine ; and is this the
great love that ye shewed him, to put him
to death ? There was never so great blame
laid to any lord as shall be laid to you.
All the world shall reproach you and hate
you mortally and be glad to make you war.
But, sir, I shall shew you what ye shall do,
sith ye so sore hate him. Put him to ran-
som to a great sum of florins ; this ye may
well do : and if he hold other town or
castle that should be yours, demand them
again and ye shall have them : and look,
what covenant ye make with him, I shall
become pledge therefor.' And when the
duke heard the lord de Laval speak so
reasonably and pressed so sore on him as
in a manner all that night he would not
depart from him, then the duke studied a
little and somewhat refrained his evil will,
and at last spake and said : ' Sir de Laval,
ye be a good mean for him ; howbeit, I
will ye know sir Oliver of Clisson is the
man in the world that I most hate : for an
ye were not, he should not scape without
death this same night. Your words hath
saved him : go to him and demand if he
will pay me a hundred thousand franks
incontinent, for I will nother have him nor
you to pledge, nor nothing else but the
ready money, and beside that to yield to
me three castles and a town, such as I
shall name, the castle of Bourg, the castle
of Josselin, the castle of Blain, and the
town of Jugon, and put me in possession of
them, or my deputies : this done, I shall
deliver him to you.' ' This shall be done,'
said the lord de Laval, * and, sir, I thank
you that ye will thus do at my desire, and,
sir, be you sure all that ye have demanded
shall be done, these castles and town de-
livered and these hundred thousand franks
paid, or he depart. '
Then the lord de Laval was greatly
rejoiced, when he saw the constable out of
peril of death. Then the tower door was
opened and the lord de Laval mounted up,
and came thereas the constable was sitting
sore abashed, for he looked for nothing but
death. And when he saw the lord de
Laval, his heart revived, and thought there
was some treaty in hand. Then the lord
de Laval said to them that were thereby :
* Sirs, take off his irons, that I may speak
with him from the duke ' : and said to him :
' Sir, how say you ? will you do that I shall
shew you ? ' ' Yea truly, sir,' said the
constable. Then his irons were taken off,
and the lord de Laval drew him apart and
said : ' Fair brother, with great pain and
much business I have saved your life and
made your end ;^ but ye must pay, or
ye depart hence, in ready money a hundred
thousand franks, and moreover to yield up
to the duke three castles and the town of
Jugon, otherwise ye can have no deliver-
ance.' Then the constable said: 'I will
not refuse that bargain ; but who shall go to
Clisson to fetch this money ? Fair brother,'
said the constable, * I think ye must be
fain to go therefor.' 'Nay, sir, not so,'
said the lord de Laval, ' for I have pro-
mised never to depart out of this castle till
I have you with me ;• for I know well the
duke is right cruel, and peradventure in
mine absence will repent him by some light
information, and so then all were lost.'
' Why, who shall go then ? ' said the con-
stable. ' Sir,' said he, 'the lord of Beau-
manoir shall go. He is here in prison as
well as ye be ; he shall make all this pro-
vision.' ' That is well said,' said the con-
stable ; ' go your way down and ordain
everything as ye list.
CHAPTER LXXXL[LXXXV]
How the constable of France was delivered
at the request of the lord de Laval, pay-
ing certain ransom, and how the constable
delivered to the duke three castles and a
town and paid CM. franks.
Thus the lord de Laval went down out of
the tower to the duke, who was going to
1 ' J'ai fait vostre fin,' ' I have made your terms.'
The expression ' fair brother ' in the passage repre-
sents ' beau-frere. '
CAPTURE OF THE CONSTABLE DE CLISSON
365
bed, for of all that night he had not slept.
Then the lord do Laval kneeled down and
said : ' Sir, ye shall have all your demand,
but, sir, ye must deliver the lord of Beau-
manoir, that he may speak with the con-
stable, for he must go and fetch this
ransom and put your men in possession
of the castles that ye desire to have.'
' Well,' said the duke, ' deliver them out
of prison and put them into a chamber
and be you the mean of their treaty, for I
will not see them ; and return again to me
when I have slept, and I will speak with
you.' Then the lord de Laval issued out
of the chamber and went with two knights
thither, whereas the lord of Beaumanoir
was in prison, who was greatly abashed
and doubted sore the death. He feared,
when he heard the door open, that they
were come to have put him to death ; but
when he saw the lord de Laval enter, his
heart revived, and more when he heard
him speak, saying r * Sir of Beaumanoir,
your deliverance is made, wherefore ye
may be glad.' Then his fetters were taken
off, and so he went into another chamber,
and then the constable was also brought
thither, and meat and wine was brought to
them, for all the servants of the house were
glad of their deliverance, for they were
sorry of that case : howbeit, they might
find no remedy, it behoved them to obey
their master's commandment in right or in
wrong ; and as soon as the castle gate was
shut and the bridge drawn, there entered
nor issued nother man nor woman, for the
keys were in the duke's chaml)er and he
slept till it was three of the clock. And
the knights and squires that were without
abiding for their masters were sore abashed,
and said : ' Now our season and voyage by
the sea is lost and broken. Ah, constable,
what mishap is fallen to you ? what counsel
hath deceived you ? The council that was
made and assembled at Vannes was made
for none other intent but to attrap you.
Ye were wont to be of the opinion that if
the duke had sent for you and had made
you a thousand assurances, yet ye would
not have gone nor come at his command-
ment, ye doubted him so sore ; and now
ye went simply at his desire.' Ever}' man
through the duchy of Bretayne complained
for the constable and wist not what to do
nor say, and all knights and squires said :
' What do we here ? Why do we not go
and enclose the duke in his castle of
Ermine ? And if he have slain the con-
stable, serve him in like manner ; and if he
keep him in prison, let us do so that we
may have him again. There fell never
such a mischief in Bretayne.' Thus one
and other said, but there were none that
stirred forward, but tarried to hear other
news.
Thus tidings spread abroad, so that
within two days it was at Paris, wherewith
the king and his uncles, the duke of Berry
and the duke of Burgoyne, had great
marvel. As then the duke of Bourbon
was gone to Avignon to go into Castile,
and had seen the pope Clement on his way.
These tidings came to him as he was at
Lyon -sur-le- Rhone, and with him the
earl of Savoy. And the earl of Saint-Pol,
the lord of Coucy and [the] admiral of
France, being at Harfleur ready to have
entered into the sea toward their voyage,
when they heard how the duke of Bretayne
had taken the constable of France prisoner
in his castle of Ermine, and the lord de
Laval and the lord of Beaumanoir with
him, and they that brought those tidings
said how the bruit ran in Bretayne how the
duke of Bretayne had put to death the
constable of France and the lord of Beau-
manoir ; these were hard tidings to these
lords and they said : * Now our voyage is
broken : let us give leave to all our men of
war to depart, and let us go to Paris to the
king and see what he will do.' Then the
admiral said : ' It is good we do so, but let
not our men depart : peradventure the king
will send them to some other part, may
happen into Castile, for the duke of
Bourbon is going thither, or else peradven-
ture he will send them into Bretayne to
make war against the duke. Think you
that the French king will suffer that matter
thus to overpass ? Nay surely, for the king
shall receive by this bargain damage to the
sum of two hundred thousand florins, beside
the loss and hurt that is done to his constable,
if he scape the life. Was there ever case
like, thus the king to break his voyage,
who was in good mind to have done
damage to his enemies ? Let us tarry here
still a two or three days and peradventure
we shall hear some other tidings out of
France or out of Bretayne.'
366
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
CHAPTER LXXXII [LXXXVI]
How writings were made at the duke of
Bretayne's device for the constable to
render his town and castles to the duke
and to his heirs for ever, and how they
were delivered to the duke.
Now let us speak a little of the duke of
Bretayne, who when he had slept, rose and
made him ready, and then he sent for the
lord de Laval, who came to him, and there
they were together a long space. Finally
letters were written according to the duke's
will making mention that the constable sir
Oliver of Clisson renounced clean his title
for ever of the said town and castles and
yielded them purely to the duke of Bretayne
and to his heirs for ever, and that these
writings should be permanent without any
repeal. And then the lord of Beaumanoir
was ordained by the constable to go to
these castles and to cause them that had
the rule of them to depart thence, and
to put in possession the duke's men, and
beside that to levy in ready money a hun-
dred thousand franks to pay to the duke.
When all this was concluded, the gates
of the castle was opened and the lord of
Beaumanoir issued out charged and or-
dained by the constable to accomplish all
these ordinances, and he was desired to
make all the diligence that might be : and
with him went servants of the duke's, and
noised as they went how the constable was
sure of his life and was put to ransom.
All such as loved him, knights and squires,
were glad thereof and so thereby sat still ;
for they were determined to have gone and
laid siege to the castle of Ermine and have
closed the duke therein : they never did
thing that they would have been gladder
of. So these tidings ran abroad with the
wind, so that the lords and knights being
at Harfleur heard thereof and had certain
knowledge that the constable had been
dead, an the lord de Laval had not been :
and they said : ' As for the deliverance of
his town and castles, he shall recover them
again, or else other, at time and leisure : the
French king hath enow for him -if he need.
Now we may depart from hence ; our
voyage is broken : let us give our men
leave to depart and let us go to Paris and
learn tidings there ; for we hear say that
all such as were at Lautreguier are counter-
manded, the which is a sign that we shall
go nowhere at this season.' Thus theyj
gave licence to all their men of war to'
depart and themselves departed toward
Paris, where the king was.
The lord of Beaumanoir did so much,
that within four days he had set the duke
of Bretayne's servants in possession of the
foresaid castles and town of Jugon, and
after he paid the hundred thousand franks
for the constable's ransom, thereas the
duke commanded. When all was done,
the lord de Laval said to the duke : ' Sir,
ye have now that you demanded, the hun-
dred thousand franks, the town of Jugon,
the castle of Bourg, and the white castle of
Josselin ; ^ therefore, sir, now deliver me
the constable.' *I am content,' said the
duke : ' let him go when he will : I give
him leave.' Thus the constable was de-
livered, and he and the lord de Laval
departed from the castle of Ermine.
When they were abroad in the fields,
the constable made no long tarrying in
Bretayne, but mounted on a good horse,
and his page on another, and so rode
that within two days he came to Paris and
alighted at his own house, and then went
to the castle of Louvre, to the king and
his uncles, the duke of Berry and of Bur-
goyne. His men followed after him at
their leisure.
The king knew of his deliverance, but
he knew not that he was so near, and was
glad when he heard thereof, and caused the
chamber doors to be set open against him,
and so he came into the king's presence
and kneeled down before him and said :
' Right redoubted lord, your father, whom
God pardon, made me constable of France
which office to my power I have well and
truly exercised, and if there be any except
your grace and my lords your uncles that
will say that I have not acquitted myself
truly, or done anything contrary to the
crown of France, I am here ready to cast
my gage in that quarrel.' The king nor
none other made none answer to those
words. Then he said further : ' Right dear
sir and noble king, it fortuned in Bretayne
in doing of mine office the duke of Bretayne
i 'Chastel -Josselin et le Blain,' 'the castle of
Josselin and Blain.'
CAPTURE OF THE CONSTABLE DE CLISSON
367
took me and held me in his castle of
Ermine and would have put me to death
without reason by reason of his fierce
courage, an God had not been and the
lord de Laval. So that I was constrained,
if I would be delivered out of his hands, to
deliver to him a town of mine in Bretayne
and three castles and the sum of a hundred
thousand franks. Wherefore, right dear
sir and noble king, the blame and damage
that the duke of Bretayne hath done, greatly
regardeth your majesty royal ; for the
voyage that I and my company should
have made by the sea is broken. "Where-
fore, sir, I yield up the office of the con-
stableship : sir, provide for another, such
as shall please you, for I will no more bear
the charge thereof, I should have none
honour to do it.' 'Constable,' said the
king, ' we know well that we have hurt
and damage, and is a thing greatly to the
prejudice of our realm. \Ve will incon-
tinent send for the peers of France to see
what shall be best to be done in this case :
therefore take ye no thought, for ye shall
have right and reason.'
Then the king took the constable by the
hand and raised him up, and said : * Con-
stable, we will not that ye depart from your
office in this manner, but we will that ye
use it till we take other counsel.' Then
the constable kneeled down again and said :
' Sir, this matter toucheth me so near, that
I cannot use it. The office is great, for I
must speak and answer every man ; and
I am so troubled that I can answer no
man. "Wherefore, sir, I require your grace
to provide for another for a season, and I
shall always be ready at your command-
ment.' 'Sir,' said the duke of Burgoyne,
' he offereth enough : ye shall take advice.'
' It is true,' said the king. Then the con-
stable arose and went to the duke of Berry
and to the duke of Burgoyne and advised
to shew them his business and to inform
them justly all the matter, seeing the case
touched them greatly, in that they had
the governing of the realm : but in speak-
ing with them and hearing the whole matter
he perceived the matter touched not them
so sore as he made of,^ so that finally they
blamed him for going to "Vannes, saying to
him, ' Sith your navy was ready and that
knights and squires tarried for you at Lau-
1 'As the king's answer made it appear.'
treguier.^ And also when ye were at
"Vannes and had dined with the duke and
returned again to your castle of Bourke,^
what had you then anything to do to tarry
there any longer nor to go again to the duke
to the castle of Ermine?' ' Sir,' said the
constable, ' he shewed me so fair semblant
that I durst not refuse it.' ' Constable,' said
the duke of Burgoyne, 'in fair semblants
are great deceptions. I reputed you more
subtle than I take you now. Go your way,
the matter shall do well enough, we shall
regard it at leisure. '
Then the constable perceived well that
these lords were harder and ruder to him
than the king was : so he departed and
went to his own lodging, and thither came
to him certain of the lords of the parlia-
ment to see him, and said to him that the
matter should do right well ; and also
there came to him to counsel him the earl
of Saint- Pol, the lord of Coucy and the
admiral of France, and they said to him :
' Constable, make no doubt, for ye shall
have reason of the duke of Bretayne ; for he
hath done against the crown of France
great displeasure and worthy to be shamed
and put out of his country. Go your ways
and pass the time at Montlhery, there ye
shall be on your own, and let us alone with
the matter ; for the peers of France will
not suffer the matter to rest thus.' The
constable believed these lords and so de-
parted from Paris and rode to Montlhery.
So the office of constableship was void for
a season, as it was said that sir Guy of
Tremouille should be constable : but it was
not so ; he was so well advised that he
would not take it out of the hands of sir
Oliver of Clisson.
CHAPTERS LXXXIII-LXXXVII
[LXXXVII-XCI]
SUMMARY.— The dtike of Gueldres sent
his defiance to the French king, which
troubled the court of France, already em-
barrassed by the affairs in Brittany.
Meanwhile the duke of Lancaster took
1 The translator has cut do^yn this passage so as
to make it unintelligible : it should be : ' He
answered, that he was not able to excuse himself.
Yes," said the duke of Burgoyne, " ye might well,
sith your navy was ready," ' etc.
2 'Au bourg,' 'in the town.'
368
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
Orense, letting the garrison of Bretons go
with their plunder. 7'he king of Portugal
first attempted the castle of Saniarem, and
then returning to Galicia took Ferrol for
the duke of Lancaster. Finally the king of
Portugal and the duke of Lancaster drew
together, thinking to have battle with the
king of Castile.
The bishop of Langres and three others
%vere sent to the duke of B^-ittany to summon
hi?n to Paris.
The author then says (chap. Ixxxvi, [xc] ) : —
It might be demanded of me how I
knew all these matters, to speak so pro-
perly of them. I answer to all such that I
have made great diligence in my days to
know it, and have searched many realms
and countries, to come to the true know-
ledge of all the matters contained in this
history written and to be written, for God
gave me the grace to have the leisure to
see in my days and to have the acquaint-
ance of all the high and mighty princes
and lords, as well in France as in England ;
for in the year of our Lord God a thousand
three hundred fourscore and ten I had
laboured thirty-seven years, and as then I
was of the age of fifty-seven years ; and in
thirty-seven years a man being in strengths
and well retained in every coast as I was
(for after my young days I was in the king
of England's court five years with the queen,
and also I was welcome to king John of
France and to king Charles his son) might
well learn many things : and surely it was
always my chief imagination and pleasure
to enquire and to retain it by writing. And
how I was informed of the taking of the
constable of France I shall shew you.
A year after this matter fell I rode from
the city of Angers to Tours in Touraine,
and I lay on a night at Beaufort-in -the- Vale,
and the next day I met with a knight of
Bretayne called William d'Ancenis. He
was riding to see my lady of Maille in
Touraine, his cousin, and her children : she
was newly a widow. And I fell in acquaint-
ance with this knight and found him right
courteous and sweet of words. Then I
demanded of him some tidings, and speci-
ally of the taking of the constable, which
matter I was glad to hear and to know the
truth thereof : and he shewed me, and said
how he had been at the parliament at
Vannes with the lord of Ancenis his cousin,
a great baron of Bretayne ; and in hke
nmnner as sir Espang de Lyon informed me
of all things that had fallen in Foix, in
Beam and in Gascoyne, and also as sir
John Ferrant Pacheco shewed me of all
the matters of Portugal and of Castile, in
like manner this knight shewed me many
things, and more would have done, if I
had ridden longer in his company. Thus
between Monliherne and Prilly was four
great leagues, and we rode but softly, and
in this way he shewed me many things,
the which I bare well in my remembrance,
and specially of the adventures of Bretayne :
and thus as we rode and that we came
near to Prilly, we entered into a meadow.
There this knight rested and said : ' Ah,
God have mercy of the soul of the good
constable of France. He did here once a
good journey and profitable for the realm
under the banner of sir John de Bueil, for
he was not as then constable, but newly
come out of Spain.' And I demanded of
him how it was. 'I shall shew you,' said
he, ' when I am on horseback ' : and so w
mounted. Then we rode forth fair
easily, and as we rode he said :
SUMMARY.— Sir William d'Ancenis
lated how Bertrand du Guesclin defeated
the Englishmen, Gascons^ Bretons and
others ivho plundered the land, and after-
wards he told the legend of Bertrand du
Guesclin^ s faniily, to shew that he ought to
be called rather dti Glay-Aquin.
I
The atithor then continues thus (cha
Ixxxvii. [xci.] ) : —
If I had been as long in company wit
this knight sir William of Ancenis as I was
with sir Espang de Lyon, when I rode
with him from the city of Pamiers to Orth
in Beam, or else as long as I had bee
with sir John Ferrant Pacheco of Portugal
he would have shewed me many things
But it was not so ; for after dinner, whe
we had ridden a two leagues, we came to
forked way : the one way was right
Tours in Touraine, whither-as I purposed
to ride, and the other way was to Maillc;
whither the knight was determined to ride,
So at this way we brake company, taking
leave each at other, but between Prilly and.
our departing he shewed me many things
I
EVENTS OF THE YEARS 1386- 1388
369
and specially of the business in Bretayne,
and how the bishop of Langres was sent in
the stead of the bishop of Beauvais, who
died by the way, and how the bishop of
Langres with sir John de Bueil and other
came to the duke of Bretayne, and of the
answer that they had. And on the informa-
tion of this knight I took my foundation
and have written as followeth.
SUMMARY. — The ambassadors came to
Vannes attd summoned the duke of Brittany
to Paris, but he justified his action and de-
clined to come, with which answer the king
and his council were ill content.
CHAPS. LXXXVIII-XCVII [XCII-CI]
SUMMARY— In England the duke of
Gloucester headed the movevient of discon-
tent with the government of the duke of
Ireland. By his advice the londoners and
men of other towns jnade complaints to the
king, ajid a parliament was assembled to
examine the accounts. Seeing that things
went badly, the king and the duke of Ire-
lattd departed for Bristol : sir Simon Bur ley
was condemned and executed.
The duke of Ireland had commission from
the king to raise an army, and sir Robert
Trevelyan was sent as a spy to London^ but
captured attd executed.
The duke of Ireland was defeated on the
Thames belozv Oxford and fled to Flanders.
7 he king was brought to London and *a
parliament nict at Westminster, at xvhich
the oaths of homage were renewed.'^
CHAPTERS XCVHI-CVI [CH-CX]
SUMMARY. — The king of Portugal and
the duke of Lancaster, having Joined forces,
passed the Douro and entered Castile; but
they found the country all laid waste, and
the English suffered much from the climate.
The king of Castile declined battle. Finally
the sickness increased so mzich, that the duke
of Lancaster dismissed his army, obtaining
safe-conduct for his tnen to pass through Cas-
tile. The duke of Bourbon came to Btirgos
1 It is hardly necessary to remark upon the ex-
treme inexactitude of Froissart's account of these
events in England, especially as regards the
chronological order.
2 B
and returned straight to France, visiting
the earl of Foix on his way : also the French
companies left Spain, and the duke of Lan-
caster, who was sick, went by sea to Bayonne.
In the mean time the earl of Armagnac
treated with the captaitis of companies in
France and caused many to leave the realm.
CHAPTERS CVn-CXI [CXI-CXV]
SUMMARY. — In the quarrel between the
duke of Juliers and the duke of Brabant the
duke of Brabant was taken prisoner and the
duke of Gtieldres, brother of the duke of
Juliers, was killed in the year 1371. The
duke of Brabant roas released by co?nmand
of the emperor. William, son of the duke of
Juliers, succeeded to the duchy of Gueldres.
The dispute was continued between
Gueldres and Brabant, and the duke of
Gueldres against the advice of his father
made alliance ivith the king of England and
sent his defiance to the king of France, while
the duchess of Brabant sent to the king of
France for aid.
CHAPS. CXH-CXVni [CXVI-CXXII]
SUMMARY. — The king of Navaii-e died
by a strange accident.
Treaties went forward to rid France of
the companies, and the duke of Berry be-
sieged Geoffrey Tete-Noire in the castle of
Ventadour.
The duke of Burgundy sent help to the
duchess of Brabant.
Perrot of Beam with his company took
Mont f errand iji Auveigne, whereat the king
and his uncles were mt<ch displeased.
CHAPTERS CXIX-CXXV
[CXXHI-CXXIX]
SUMMARY.— The daughter of the duke
of Berry was married to Louis of Blois.
The comte d'' Etampes was sent to bring
the duke of Brittany to reason by fair meatis^
btit could effect nothing.
The English conquests in Galicia were
recovered by the king of Castile within
fiftern days.
The duke of Brittany allied himself with
the English and zvith the king of Navarre.
370
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
The Braban^ois laid siege to Grave.
The duke of Lancaster entertained pro-
posals for a marriage of his daughter
/Catherine with the duke of Berry.
The lord of Coucy was sent to the duke of
Brittany, who before he came restored the
castles which he had taken from Oliver de
Clisson.
In the mean time the duke of Lancaster
went on with his treaty of marriage with
the duke of Beny, while really intending to
marry his daughter to the son of the king of
Castile.
CHAPTERS CXXVI-CXXXV
[CXXX-CXXXIX]
SUMMARY. — The duke of Brittany was
persuaded to go to Paris to see the king, and
aboitt the same time the king of Sicily and
his mother came thither.
The English coming to aid the duke of
Brittany were long on the sea, and at length
disembarked near Rochelle.
The siege of Grave was continued by them
of Brabant, who were defeated by the duke
of Gueldres betzueen Ravestein and Grave.
The French king, having heard of this, de-
sired yet more to go into Gueldres, and his
uncles were compelled to allow him to go.
The French army advanced through the
Ardennes, to avoid passing through Brabant.
CHAPTER CXXXVI [CXL]
SUMMARY. — The Scots determined to
invade England. An English squire, sent
to find out their intent, was discovered and
captured. The ?nain army of the Scots %vent
towards Carlisle, while the earl Douglas with
a smaller body entered Northumberland.
CHAPTER CXXXVn [CXLI]
How the earl Douglas won the pennon of
sir Henry Percy at the barriers before
Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and how the Scots
brent the castle of Pontland, and how sir
Henry Percy and sir Ralph his brother took
advice to follow the Scots to conquer again
the pennon that was lost at the scrimmish.
When the English lords saw that their
squire returned not again at the time
appointed, and could know nothing what
the Scots did, nor what they were purposed
to do, then they thought well that their
squire was taken. The lords sent each to
other, to be ready whensoever they should
hear that the Scots were abroad : as for
their messenger, they thought him but lost.
Now let us speak of the earl Douglas
and other, for they had more to do than
they that went by Carlisle. When the
earls of Douglas, of Moray, of March and
Dunbar ^ departed from the great host,
they took their way thinking to pass the
water and to enter into the bishopric of
Durham, and to ride to the town and then
to return, brenning and exiling the country,
and so to come to Newcastle and to lodge
there in the town in the despite of all the
Englishmen. And as they determined, so
they did assay to put it in use, for they rode
a great pace under covert without doing of
any pillage by the way or assaulting of any
castle, tower or house, but so came into
the lord Percy's land and passed the river
of Tyne without any let a three leagues
above Newcastle not far from Brancepeth,
and at last entered into the bishopric of
Durham, where they found a good country.
Then they began to make war, to slay
people and to bren villages and to do many
sore displeasures.
As at that time the earl of Northumber
land and the other lords and knights o:
that country knew nothing of their coming
'I
When tidings came to Newcastle and to
Uurham that the Scots were abroad, an
that they might well see by the fires an
smoke abroad in the country, the earl sen
to Newcastle his two sons and sent com-'
mandment to every man to draw to New-
castle, saying to his sons : * Ye shall go to
Newcastle and all the country shall assemble
there, and I shall tarry at Alnwick, which
is a passage that they must pass by. If we
may enclose them, we shall speed well. ' Sir
Henry Percy and sir Ralph his brother
obeyed their father's commandment and
came thither with them of the country.
The Scots rode burning and exiling the
country, that the smoke thereof came to
Newcastle. The Scots came to the gates
of Durham and scrimmished there ; but
1 George, earl of March and Dunbar : the text
gives Mare, but there was at this time no earl of
Mar.
i
THE SCOTS INVADE ENGLAND, 1388
371
they tarried not long but returned, as they
had ordained before to do, and that they
found by the way took and destroyed it.
Between Durham and Newcastle is but
twelve leagues English and a good country :
there was no town, without it were closed,
but it was brent, and they repassed the
river of Tyne where they had passed be-
fore, and then came before Newcastle and
there rested. All the English kniglits and
squires of the country of York and bishopric
of Durham were assembled at Newcastle,
and thither came the seneschal of York,
sir Ralph Lumley, sir Matthew Redman,
captain of Berwick, sir Robert Ogle, sir
Thomas Grey, sir Thomas Holton, sir
John Felton, sir John Lilleburn, sir Thomas
Abingdon, the baron of Hilton, sir John
Coppledike and divers other, so that the
town was so full of people that they wist
not where to lodge.
When these three Scottish earls who
were chief captains had made their enter-
prise in the bishopric of Durham and had
sore overrun the country, then they re-
turned to Newcastle and there rested and
tarried two days, and every day they scrim-
mished. The earl of Northumberland's
two sons were two young lusty knights and
were ever foremost at the barriers to scrim-
mish. There were many proper feats of
arms done and achieved : there was fight-
ing hand to hand : among other there
fought hand to hand the earl Douglas and
sir Henry Percy, and by force of arms the
earl Douglas won the pennon of sir Henry
Percy's, wherewith he was sore displeased
and so were all the Englishmen. And the
earl Douglas said to sir Henry Percy:
* Sir, I shall bear this token of your
prowess into Scotland and shall set it on
high on my castle of Dalkeith, that it may
be seen far off.' ' Sir,' quoth sir Henry,
'ye may be sure ye shall not pass the
bounds of this country till ye be met withal
in such wise that ye shall make none
aviaunt thereof.' ' Well, sir,' quoth the earl
Douglas, ' come this night to my lodging
and seek for your pennon : I shall set it
before my lodging and see if ye will come
to take it away.' So then it was late,
and the Scots withdrew to their lodgings
and refreshed them with such as they had.
They had flesh enough : they made that
night good watch, for they thought surely
to be awaked for the words they had
spoken, but they were not, for sir Henry
Percy was counselled not so to do.
The next day the Scots dislodged and
returned towards their own country, and so
came to a castle and a town called Pont-
land, whereof sir Edmund of Alphel was
lord, who was a right good knight. There
the Scots rested, for they came thither be-
times, and understood that the knight was
in his castle. Then they ordained to assail
the castle, and gave a great assault, so that
by force of arms they won it and the knight
within it. Then the town and castle was
brent ; and from thence the Scots went to
the town and castle of Otterburn, an eight
English mile from Newcastle^ and there
lodged. That day they made none assault,
but the next morning they blew their horns
and made ready to assail the castle, which
was strong, for it stood in the marish.
That day they assaulted till they were
weary, and did nothing. Then they
sowned the retreat and returned to their
lodgings. Then the lords drew to council
to determine what they should do. The
most part were of the accord that the next
day they should dislodge without giving of
any assault and to draw fair and easily
towards Carlisle. But the earl Douglas
brake that counsel and said : ' In despite
of sir Henry Percy, who said he would
come and win again his pennon, let us not
depart hence for two or three days. Let
us assail this castle : it is pregnable : we
shall have double honour. And then let
us see if he will come and fetch his pennon :
he shall be well defended.' ^ Everyman
accorded to his saying, what for their
honour and for the love of him. Also they
lodged there at their ease, for there was
none that troubled them : they made many
1 Froissart says ' eight English leagues.' In the
next chapter the distance becomes ' seven little
leagues,' and later on, 'a six English miles,' where
the original is 'lieues.' The actual distance is
about thirty miles. The translator gives the form
'Combur' here, but 'Ottenburge' in the next
chapter, as the name of the place. It is remarkable
indeed how little trouble he seems to have taken
generally to give English names correctly. _ In
this chapter we have 'Nymyche' for 'Alnwick'
and ' Pouclan ' for ' Pontland,' forms rather less
like the real names than those which he found in
the French text, viz. Nynich and Ponclau.
2 Froissart says, ' if he comes, it shall be de-
fended.' The translator perhaps means 'he shall
be prevented.'
372
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
lodgings of boughs and great herbs and
fortified their camp sagely with the marish
that was thereby, and their carriages were
set at the entry into the marishes and had
all their beasts within the marish. Then
they apparelled for to assault the next day :
this was their intention.
Now let us speak of sir Henry Percy and
of sir Ralph his brother and shew somewhat
what they did. They were sore displeased
that the earl Douglas had won the pennon
of their arms : also it touched greatly their
honours, if they did not as sir Henry Percy
said he would ; for he had said to the earl
Douglas that he should not carry his
pennon out of England, and also he had
openly spoken it before all the knights
and squires that were at Newcastle. The
Englishmen there thought surely that the
earl Douglas' band was but the Scots' van-
guard and that their host was left behind.
The knights of the country, such as were
well expert in arms, spake against sir Henry
Percy's opinion and said to him : ' Sir,
there fortuneth in war oftentimes many
losses. If the earl Douglas have won your
pennon, he bought it dear, for he came to
the gate to seek it and was well beaten : ^
another day ye shall win as much of him
or more. Sir, we say this because we
know well all the power of Scotland is
abroad in the fields, and if we issue out
and be not men enow to fight with them,
and peradventure they have made this
scrimmish with us to the intent to draw
us out of the town, and the number that
they be of, as it is said, above forty thou-
sand men, they may soon enclose us and
do with us what they will. Yet it were
better to lose a pennon than two or three
hundred knights and squires and put all our
country in adventure.' These words re-
frained sir Henry and his brother, for they
would do nothing against counsel. Then
tidings came to them by such as had seen
the Scots and seen all their demeanour and
what way they took and where they rested.
CHAPTER CXXXVHI [CXLH]
How sir Henry Percy and his brother with a
good number of men of arms and archers
went after the Scots, to win again his
1 i,e. ' well fought with,'
pennon that the earl Douglas had won
iDefore Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and how
they assailed the Scots before Otterburn in
their lodgings.
It was shewed to sir Henry Percy and to
his brother and to the other knights and
squires that were there, by such as had
followed the Scots from Newcastle and had
well advised their doing, who said to sir
Henry and to sir Ralph : ' Sirs, we have
followed the Scots privily and have dis-
covered all the country. The Scots be
at Pontland and have taken sir Edmund
Alphel in his own castle, and from thence
they be gone to Otterburn and there they
lay this night. What they will do to-
morrow we know not : they are ordained
to abide there : and, sirs, surely their great
host is not with them, for in all they pass
not there a three thousand men.' When
sir Henry heard that, he was joyful and
said : * Sirs, let us leap on our horses, for
by the faith I owe to God and to my lord
my father I will go seek for my pennon and
dislodge them this same night.' Knights
and squires that heard him agreed thereto
and were joyous, and every man made him
ready.
The same evening the bishop of Durham
came thither with a good company, for he
heard at Durham how the Scots were
before Newcastle and how that the lord
Percy's sons with other lords and knights
should fight with the Scots : therefore the
bishop of Durham to come to the rescue
had assembled up all the country and so
was coming to Newcastle. But sir Henry
Percy would not abide his coming, for he
had with him six hundred spears, knights
and squires, and an eight thousand foot-
men. They thought that sufficient number
to fight with the Scots, if they were not
but three hundred spears and three thou-
sand of other. Thus they departed from
Newcastle after dinner and set forth in
good order, and took the same way as the
Scots had gone and rode to Otterburn, a
seven little leagues from thence and fair
way, but they could not ride fast because
of their foot-men. And when the Scots
had supped and some laid down to their
rest, and were weary of travailing and
assaulting of the castle all that day, and
thought to rise early in the morning in
1
I
BATTLE OF OTTERBURN, 1388 {Aug. 5)
373
cool of the day to give a new assault,
therewith suddenly the Englishmen came
on them and entered into the lodgings,
weening it had been the masters' lodgings,
and therein were but varlets and servants.
Then the Englishmen cried, ' Percy,
Percy ! ' and entered into the lodgings,
and ye know well where such affray is
noise is soon raised : and it fortuned well
for the Scots, for when they saw the
Englishmen came to wake them, then the
lords sent a certain of their servants of
foot-men to scrimmish with the English-
men at the entry of the lodgings, and in
the mean time they armed and apparelled
them, every man under his banner and
under his captain's pennon. The night
was far on, but the moon shone so bright
as an it had been in a manner day. It
was in the month of August and the
weather fair and temperate.
Thus the Scots were drawn together and
without any noise departed from their
lodgings and went about a little mountain,
which was greatly for their advantage.
P'or all the day before they had well advised
the place and said among themselves : ' If
the Englishmen come on us suddenly, then
we will do thus and thus, for it is a
jeopardous thing in the night if men of war
enter into our lodgings. If they do, then
we will draw to such a place, and thereby
other we shall win or lose.' When the
Englishmen entered into the field, at the
first they soon overcame the varlets, and
as they entered further in, always they
found new men to busy them and to scrim-
mish with them. Then suddenly came
the Scots from about the mountain and set
on the Englishmen or they were ware, and
cried their cries ; whereof the Englishmen
were sore astonied. Then they cried ' Percy ! '
and the other party cried ' Douglas ! '
There began a cruel battle and at the
first encounter many were overthrown of
both parties ; and because the EngHshmen
were a great number and greatly desired to
vanquish their enemies, and rested at their
pace ^ and greatly did put aback the Scots,
so that the Scots were near discomfited.
Then the earl James Douglas, who was
young and strong and of great desire to get
praise and grace, and was willing to deserve
to have it, and cared for no pain nor travail,
1 In French, 'ilz se arresterent,' without 'and.'
came forth with his banner and cried,
' Douglas, Douglas ! ' and sir Henry Percy
and sir Ralph his brother, who had great
indignation against the earl Douglas be-
cause he had won the pennon of their arms
at the barriers before Newcastle, came to
that part and cried, 'Percy!' Their two
banners met and their men : there was a
sore fight : the Englishmen were so strong
and fought so valiantly that they reculed
the Scots back. There were two valiant
knights of Scots under the banner of the
earl Douglas, called sir Patrick of Hepbourn
and sir Patrick his son. They acquitted
themselves that day valiantly : the earl's
banner had been won, an they had not
been : they defended it so valiantly and in
the rescuing thereof did such feats of arms,
that it was greatly to their recommendation
and to their heirs' for ever after.
It was shewed me by such as had been
at the same battle, as well by knights and
squires of England as of Scotland, at the
house of the earl of Foix, — for anon after
this battle was done I met at Orthez two
squires of England called John of Chateau-
neuf and John of Cantiron ; also when I
returned to Avignon I found also there a :
knight and a squire of Scotland ; I knew \
them and they knew me by such tokens
as I shewed them of their country, for I,
author of this book, in my youth had
ridden nigh over all the realm of Scotland,
and I was as then a fifteen days in the
house of earl William Douglas, father to
the same earl James, of whom I spake of
now, in a castle a five leagues from Edin-
burgh in the country of Dalkeith ; ^ the
same time I saw there this earl James, a
fair young child, and a sister of his called
the lady Blanche, — and I was informed by ,
both these parties ^ how this battle was as
sore a battle fought as lightly hath been
heard of before of such a number ; and I
believe it well, for Englishmen on the one
party and Scots on the other party are
good men of war, for when they meet there
is a hard fight without sparing, there is no
ho between them as long as spears, swords,
axes or daggers will endure, but lay on
1 'Which is called in the country Dalkeith.'
The French has ' que on nomme au pays Dacquest,'
of which the translator makes ' in the countrey of
Alquest.'
2 ' By both sides,' i.e. Scotch and English.
374
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
each upon other, and when they be well
beaten^ and that the one party hath
obtained the victory, they then glorify so
in their deeds of arms and are so joyful,
that such as be taken they shall be ran-
somed or they go out of the field, so that
shortly each of them is so content with
other that at their departing courteously
they will say, * God thank you ' : but in
fighting one with another there is no play
nor sparing, and this is true, and that shall
well appear by this said rencounter, for it
was as valiantly foughten as could be
devised, as ye shall hear.
CHAPTER CXXXIX [CXLIII]
How the earl James Douglas by his valiant-
ness encouraged his men, who were re-
culed and in a manner discomfited, and in
his so doing he was wounded to death.
Knights and squires were of good courage
on both parties to fight valiantly : cowards
there had no place, but hardiness reigned
with goodly feats of arms, for knights and
squires were so joined together at hand
strokes, that archers had no place of
nother party. There the Scots shewed
great hardiness and fought merrily with
great desire of honour : the Englishmen
were three to one : howbeit, I say not but
Englishmen did nobly acquit themselves,
for ever the Englishmen had rather been
slain or taken in the place than to fly.
Thus, as I have said, the banners of Douglas
and Percy and their men were met each
against other, envious who should win the
honour of that journey. At the beginning
the Englishmen were so strong that they
reculed back their enemies : then the earl
Douglas, who was of great heart and high
of enterprise, seeing his men recule back,
then to recover the place and to shew
knightly valour he took his axe in both his
hands, and entered so into the press that
he made himself way in such wise, that
none durst approach near him, and he was
so well armed that he bare well off such
strokes as he received.^ Thus he went
ever forward like a hardy Hector, willing
1 ' When they have well fought.'
2 ' No man was so well armed that he did not
fear the great strokes which he gave.'
alone to conquer the field and to discom-
fit his enemies : but at last he was en-
countered with three spears all at once,
the one strake him on the shoulder, the
other on the breast and the stroke glinted
down to his belly, and the third strake him
in the thigh, and sore hurt with all three
strokes, so that he was borne perforce to the
earth and after that he could not be again
relieved. Some of his knights and squires-
followed him, but not all, for it was night,
and no light but by the shining of the
moon. The Englishmen knew well they
had borne one down to the earth, but they
wist not who it was ; for if they had known
that it had been the earl Douglas, they had
been thereof so joyful and so proud that
the victory had been theirs. Nor also the
Scots knew not of that adventure till the
end of the battle ; for if they had known it,
they should have been so sore despaired
and discouraged that they would have fled
away. Thus as the earl Douglas was felled
to the earth, he was stricken into the head
with an axe, and another stroke through
the thigh : the Englishmen passed forth
and took no heed of him : they thought
none otherwise but that they had slain a
man of arms. On the other part the earl
George de la March and of Dunbar fought
right valiantly and gave the Englishmen
much ado, and cried, 'Follow Douglas,'
and set on the sons of Percy : also earl
John of Moray with his banner and men
fought valiantly and set fiercely on the
Englishmen, and gave them so much to do
that they wist not to whom to attend.
CHAPTER CXL [CXLIV]
How in this battle sir Ralph Percy was sore
hurt and taken prisoner by a Scottish
knight.
Of all the battles and encounterings that I
have made mention of herebefore in all
this histoiy, great or small, this battle that
I treat of now was one of the sorest and
best foughten without cowardice or faint
hearts. For there was nother knight nor
squire but that did his devoir and fought
hand to hand : this battle was like the
battle of Becherel,^ the which was valiantly
1 Or, according to another reading, ' Cocherel.'
BATTLE OF OTTERBUKN
375
fought and endured. The earl of Northum-
berland's sons, sir Henry and sir Ralph
Percy, who were chief sovereign captains,
acquitted themselves nobly, and sir Ralph
Percy entered in so far among his enemies
that he was closed in and hurt, and so sore
handled that his breath was so short, that
he was taken prisoner by a knight of the
earl of Moray's called sir John Maxwell.
In the taking the Scottish knight demanded
what he was, for it was in the night, so
that he knew him not, and sir Ralph was
so sore overcome and bled fast, that at last
he said: *! am Ralph Percy.' Then the
Scot said : ' Sir Ralph, rescue or no rescue
I take you for my prisoner : I am Maxwell.'
* Well, ' quoth sir Ralph, 'I am content:
but then take heed to me, for I am sore
hurt, my hosen and my greaves are full of
blood.' Then the knight saw by him the
earl Moray and said : ' Sir, here I deliver
to you sir Ralph Percy as prisoner ; but,
sir, let good heed be taken to him, for he
is sore hurt.' The earl was joyful of these
words and said : 'Maxwell, thou hast well
won thy spurs.' Then he delivered sir
Ralph Percy to certain of his men, and
they stopped and wrapped his wounds :
and still the battle endured, not knowing
who had as then the better, for there were
many taken and rescued again that came
to no knowledge.
Now let us speak of the young James
earl of Douglas, who did mai-vels in arms
or he was beaten down. When he was
overthrown, the press was great about him,
so that he could not relieve, for with an axe
he had his death's wound. His men
followed him as near as they could, and
there came to him sir James Lindsay his
cousin and sir John and sir Walter Sinclair
and other knights and squires. And by
him was a gentle knight of his, who
followed him all the day, and a chaplain
of his, not like a priest but like a valiant
man of arms, for all that night he followed
the earl with a good axe in his hands and
still scrimmished about the earl thereas he
lay, and reculed back some of the English-
men with great strokes that he gave. Thus
he was found fighting near to his master,
whereby he had great praise, and thereby
the same year he was made archdeacon of
Aberdeen. This priest was called sir
William of North Berwick : he was a tall
man and a hardy and was sore hurt.
When these knights came to the earl, they
found him in an evil case and a knight of
his lying by him called sir Robert Hart :
he had a fifteen wounds in one place and
other. Then sir John Sinclair demanded
of the earl how he did. ' Right evil,
cousin,' quoth the earl, 'but thanked be
God there hath been but a few of mine
ancestors that hath died in their beds : but,
cousin, I require you think to revenge me,
for I reckon myself but dead, for my heart
fainteth oftentimes. My cousin Walter and
you, I pray you raise up again my banner
which lieth on the ground, and my squire
Davie Collemine slain : but, sirs, shew
nother to friend nor foe in what case ye see
me in ; for if mine enemies knew it, they
would rejoice, and our friends discom-
forted.' The two brethren of Sinclair and
sir James Lindsay did as the earl had
desired them and raised up again hii,
banner and cried ' Douglas ! ' Such as
were behind and heard that cry drew
together and set on their enemies valiantly
and reculed back the Englishmen and
many overthrown, and so drave the Eng-
lishmen back beyond the place whereas
the earl lay, who was by that time dead,
and so came to the earl's banner, the which
sir John Sinclair held in his hands, and
many good knights and squires of Scotland
about him, and still company drew to the
cry of 'Douglas.' Thither came the earl
Moray with his banner well accompanied,
and also the earl de la March and of Dunbar,
and when they saw the Englishmen recule
and their company assembled together,
they renewed again the battle and gave
many hard and sad strokes.
CHAPTER CXLI [CXLV]
How the Scots won the battle against the
Englishmen beside Otterburn, and there
was taken prisoners sir Henry and sir
Ralph Percy, and how an English squire
would not yield him, no more would a
Scottish squire, and so died both ; and
how the bishop of Durham and his com-
pany were discomfited among themselves.
To say truth, the Englishmen were sorer
travailed than the Scots, for they came the
same day firom Newcastle-upon-Tyne, a
376
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
six English miles, and went a great pace to
the intent to find the Scots, which they did :
so that by their fast going they were near
out of breath, and the Scots were fresh and
well rested, which greatly availed them
when time was of their business : for in the
last scrimmish they reculed back the Eng-
lishmen in such wise, that after that they
could no more assemble together, for the
Scots passed through their battles. And
it fortuned that sir Henry Percy and the
lord of Montgomery, a valiant knight of
Scotland, fought together hand to hand
right valiantly without letting of any other,
for every man had enough to do. So long
they two fought that per force of arms sir
Henry Percy was taken prisoner by the
said lord of Montgomery.
The knights and squires of Scotland, as
sir Marc Adreman,^ sir Thomas Erskine,
sir William, sir James and sir Alexander
Lindsay, the lord of Fenton, sir John of
Saint-Moreaulx,2 sir Patrick of Dunbar,
sir John and sir Walter Sinclair, sir John
Maxwell, sir Guy Stuart, sir John Hali-
burton, sir Alexander Ramsay, Robert
Collemine^ and his two sons John and
Robert, who were there made knights,
and a hundred knights and squires that I
cannot name, all these right valiantly did
acquit themselves. And on the English
party, before that the lord Percy was taken
and after, there fought valiantly sir Ralph
Lumley, sir Matthew Redman, sir Thomas
Ogle, sir Thomas Gray, sir Thomas Hel-
ton, sir Thomas Abingdon, sir John Lille-
burn, sir William Walsingham, the baron
of Helton, sir John of Colpedich,* the
seneschal of York and divers other foot-
men. Whereto should I write long pro-
cess? This was a sore battle and well
foughten ; and as fortune is always change-
able, though the Englishmen were more
in number than the Scots and were right
valiant men of war and well expert, and
that at the first front they reculed back the
Scots, yet finally the Scots obtained the
place and victory, and all the foresaid
Englishmen taken, and a hundred more,
saving sir Matthew Redman, captain of
Berwick, who when he knew no remedy
1 Perhaps ' Malcolm Drummond.'
2 The true reading seems to be ' Sandilands,'
3 Perhaps 'Conuigham.'
4 Either ' Copeland ' or ' Copeldike.'
nor recoverance, and saw his company fly
from the Scots and yielded them on every
side, then he took his horse and departed
to save himself.
The same season about the end of this
discomfiture there was an English squire
called Thomas Waltham, a goodly and a
valiant man, and that was well seen, for of
all that night he would nother fly nor yet
yield him. It was said he had made a vow
at a feast in England, that the first time
that ever he saw Englishmen and Scots in
battle, he would so do his devoir to his
power, in such wise that either he would
be reputed for the best doer on both sides,
or else to die in the pain. He was called
a valiant and a hardy man and did so much
by his prowess, that under the banner of
the earl of Moray he did such valianlness
in arms, that the Scots had marvel thereof,
and so was slain in fighting : the Scots
would gladly have taken him alive, but he
would never yield, he hoped ever to have
been rescued. And with him there was a
Scottish squire slain, cousin to the king of
Scots, called Simon Glendowyn ; his death
was greatly complained of the Scots.
This battle was fierce and cruel till it
came to the end of the discomfiture ; but
when the Scots saw the Englishmen recule
and yield themselves, then the Scots were
courteous and set them to their ransom,
and every man said to his prisoner : ' Sirs,
go and unarm you and take your ease ;
I am your master ' : and so made their
%
prisoners as good cheer as though they had ;
been brethren, without doing to them any!
damage. The chase endured a five Eng-<
lish miles, and if the Scots had been men
enow, there had none scaped, but other
they had been taken or slain. And
Archambault Douglas and the earl ol
Fife, the earl Sutherland and other of the
great company who were gone towards
Carlisle had been there, by all likelihood
they had taken the bishop of Durham and
the town of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. I shall
shew you how. The same evening that the
Percies departed from Newcastle, as ye have
heard before, the bishop of Durham with
the rearband came to Newcastle and supped :
and as he sat at the table, he had imagination
in himself how he did not acquit himself
well to see the Englishmen in the field and
he to be within the town. Incontinent he
r
I
BATTLE OF OTTERBURN
377
caused the table to be taken away and
commanded to saddle his horses and to
sown the trumpets, and called up men in
the town to arm themselves and to mount
on their horses, and foot-men to order
themselves to depart. And thus every man
departed out of the town to the number of
seven thousand, two thousand on horse-
back and five thousand afoot ; they took
their way toward Otterburn, whereas the
battle had been. And by that time they
had gone two mile^ from Newcastle tid-
ings came to them how their men were
fighting with the Scots. Therewith the
bishop rested there, and incontinent came
more flying fast, that they were out of
breath. Then they were demanded how
the matter went. They answered and said :
' Right evil ; we be all discomfited : here
Cometh the Scots chasing of us.' These
tidings troubled the Englishmen, and began
to doubt. And again the third time men
came flying as fast as they might. When
the men of the bishopric of Durham heard
of these evil tidings, they were abashed in
such wise that they brake their array, so
that the bishop could not hold together the
number of five hundred. It was thought
that if the Scots had followed them in any
number, seeing that it was night, that in
the entering into the town, and the English-
men so abashed, the town had been won.
The bishop of Durham, being in the
field, had good will to have succoured the
Englishmen and recomforted his men as
much as he could ; but he saw his own
men fly as well as other. Then he de-
manded counsel of sir William Lucy and
of sir Thomas Clifford and of other knights,
what was best to do. These knights for
their honour would give him no counsel ;
for they thought to return again and do
nothing should sown greatly to their blame,
and to go forth might be to their great
damage ; and so stood still and would give
none answer, and the longer they stood,
the fewer they were, for some still stale
away. Then the bishop said : * Sirs, all
things considered, it is none honour to put
all in peril, nor to make of one evil damage
twain. W^e hear how our company be dis-
comfited, and we cannot remedy it : for to
go to recover them, we know not with
1 The word ' Heue ' is translated ' mile ' through-
out.
whom nor with what number we shall meet.
Let us return fair and easily for this night
to Newcastle, and to-morrow let us draw
together and go look on our enemies.'
Every man answered : ' As God will, so
be it.' Therewith they returned to New-
castle. Thus a man may consider the
great default that is in men that be abashed
and discomfited : for if they had kept them
together and have turned again such as
fled, they had discomfited the Scots. This
was the opinion of divers ; and because
they did not thus, the Scots had the victory.
CHAPTER CXLII [CXLVI]
How sir Matthew Redman departed from
the battle to save himself; and how sir
James Lindsay was taken prisoner by the
bishop of Durham ; and how after the
battle scurrers were sent forth to discover
the country,
I SHALL shew you of sir Matthew Redman,
who was on horseback to save himself, for
he alone could not remedy the matter. At
his departing sir James Lindsay was near
to him and saw how sir Matthew departed,
and this sir James, to win honour, followed
in chase sir Matthew Redman, and came
so near him that he might have stricken
him with his spear, if he had list. Then
he said : ' Ah, sir knight, turn ; it is a
shame thus to fly : I am James of Lindsay :
if ye will not turn, I shall strike you on the
back with my spear.' Sir Matthew spake
no word, but strake his horse with the
spurs sorer than he did before. In this
manner he chased him more than three
miles, and at last sir Matthew Redman's
horse foundered and fell under him. Then
he stept forth on the earth and drew out
his sword, and took courage to defend him-
self; and the Scot thought to have stricken
him on the breast, but sir Matthew Red-
man swerved from the stroke, and the
spear-point entered into the earth. Then
sir Matthew strake asunder the spear with
his sword ; and when sir James Lindsay
saw how he had lost his spear, he cast
away the truncheon and lighted afoot, and
took a little battle-axe that he carried at
his back and handled it with his one hand
quickly and deliverly, in the which feat
378
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
Scots be well expert, and then he set at
sir Matthew and he defended himself pro-
perly. Thus they tourneyed together, one
with an axe and the other with a sword,
a long season, and no man to let them.
Finally sir James Lindsay gave the knight
such strokes and held him so shorty that
he was put out of breath in such wise that
he yielded himself and said : ' Sir James
Lindsay, I yield me to you.' *Well,'
quoth he, ' and I receive you, rescue or no
rescue.' 'I am content,' quoth Redman,
' so ye deal with me like a good com-
panion.' 'I shall not fail that,' quoth
Lindsay, and so put up his sword. * Well,
sir,' quoth Redman, 'what will you now
that I shall do? I am your prisoner, ye
have conquered me. I would gladly go
again to Newcastle, and within fifteen days
I shall come to you into Scotland, whereas
ye shall assign me.' ' I am content,' quoth
Lindsay : ' ye shall promise by your faith
to present yourself within this three weeks
at Edinboro, and wheresoever ye go, to
repute yourself my prisoner.' All this sir
Matthew sware and promised to fulfil.
Then each of them took their horses and
took leave each of other. Sir James re-
turned, and his intent was to go to his own
company the same way that he came, and
sir Matthew Redman to Newcastle.
Sir James Lindsay could not keep the
right way as he came : it was dark and a
mist, and he had not ridden half a mile,
but he met face to face with the bishop
of Durham and more than five hundred
Englishmen with him. He might well
escaped if he had would, but he supposed
it had been his own company, that had
pursued the Englishmen. When he was
among them, one demanded of him what
he was. *I am,' quoth he, 'sir James
Lindsay.' The bishop heard those words
and stept to him and said : ' Lindsay, ye
are taken : yield ye to me. ' ' Who be
you ? ' quoth Lindsay. ' I am,' quoth he,
' the bishop of Durham. ' ' And from
whence come you, sir?' quoth Lindsay.
' I come from the battle,' quoth the bishop,
* but I struck never a stroke there : I go
back to Newcastle for this night, and ye
shall go with me.' 'I may not choose,'
quoth Lindsay, ' sith ye will have it so. I
have taken ^ and I am taken; such is the
adventures of arms.' 'Whom have ye
taken?' quoth the bishc^. 'Sir,' quot
he, ' I took in the chase sir Matthew Rec
man.' 'And where is he?' quoth
bishop. ' By my faith, sir, he is returne
to Newcastle : he desired me to trust hii
on his faith for three weeks, and so have
done.' 'Well,' quoth the bishop, 'let
go to Newcastle, and there ye shall speal
with him.' Thus they rode to Newcastle
together, and sir James Lindsay was prisonei
to the bishop of Durham.
Under the banner of the earl de la
March and of Dunbar was taken a squire
of Gascoyne, called John of Chateauneuf,
and under the banner of the earl of
Moray was taken his companion John do
Cantiron. Thus the field was clean avoided,
or the day appeared. The Scots drew
together and took guides and sent out
scurrers to see if any men were in the way
from Newcastle, to the intent that they
would not be troubled in their lodgings
wherein they did wisely, for when th
bishop of Durham was come again to New
castle and in his lodging, he was sore
pensive and wist not what to say nor do ;
for he heard say how his cousins the
Percies were slain or taken, and all the
knights that were with them. Then b
sent for all the knights and squires th
were in the town ; and when they wer
come, he demanded of them if they should
leave the matter in that case, and said :_
' Sirs, we shall bear great blame if we th
return without looking on our enemie
Then they concluded by the sun - risinj
every man to be armed, and on horsebac'
and afoot to depart out of the town and
go to Otterburn to fight with the Scots.
This was warned through the town by a
trumpet, and every man armed them and
assembled before the bridge, and by the
sun -rising they departed by the gate to-
wards Berwick and took the way towards
Otterburn to the number of ten thousand',
what afoot and a-horseback. They were
not gone past two mile from Newcastle,
when the Scots were signified that the
bishop of Durham was coming to them-
ward to fight : this they knew by their
spies, such as they had set in the fields.
After that sir Matthew Redman was re-
turned to Newcastle and had shewed to
divers how he had been taken prisoner by
sir James Lindsay, then it M^as shewed him
I
1
r^*
Id
d: ■.
II
11
AFTER THE BATTLE OF OTTERBURN
379
how the bishop of Durham had taken the
said sir James Lindsay and how that he was
there in the town as his prisoner. As soon
as the bishop was departed, sir Matthew
Redman went to the bishop's lodging to see
his master, and there he found him in a
study, lying in a window,^ and said :
' What, sir James Lindsay, what make you
here?' Then sir James came forth of the
study to him and gave him good morrow,
and said : ' By my faith, sir Matthew, for-
tune hath brought me hither ; for as soon
as I was departed from you, I met by
chance the bishop of Durham, to whom I
am prisoner, as ye be to me. I believe ye
shall not need to come to Edinboro to me
to make your finance : I think rather we
shall make an exchange one for another,
if the bishop be so content.' 'Well, sir,'
([uoth Redman, ' we shall accord right well
together, ye shall dine this day with me :
the bishop and our men be gone forth to
fight with your men, I cannot tell what
shall fall, we shall know at their return.'
' I am content to dine with you,' quoth
Lindsay. Thus these two knights dined
together in Newcastle.
When the knights of Scotland were in-
formed how the bishop of Durham came
on them with ten thousand men, they drew
to council to see what was best for them to
do, other to depart or else to abide the
adventure. All things considered, they
concluded to abide, for they said they
could not be in a better nor a stronger
place than they were in already : they had
many prisoners and they could not carry
them away, if they should have departed ;
and also they had many of their men hurt
and also some of their prisoners, whom
they thought they would not leave behind
them. Thus they drew together and
ordered so their field, that there was no
entry but one way, and they set all their
prisoners together and made them to promise
how that, rescue or no rescue, they should
be their prisoners. After that they made
all their minstrels to blow up all at once
and made the greatest revel of the world.
Lightly it is the usage of Scots, that when
they be thus assembled together in arms,
y Or rather, ' very pensive leaning against a
window,' and afterwards the expression ' came
forth of the study to him' should be 'broke oflf
his thought and came towards him.'
the foot -men beareth about their necks
horns in manner like hunters, some great,
some small, and of all sorts, so that when
they blow all at once, they make such a
noise, that it may be heard nigh four miles
off: thus they do to abash their enemies
and to rejoice themselves. When the
bishop of Durham with his banner and ten
thousand men with him were approached
within a league, then the Scots blew their
horns in such wise, that it seemed that all
the devils in hell had been among them,
so that such as heard them and knew not
of their usage were sore abashed. This
blowing and noise endured a long space
and then ceased : and by that time the
EngUshmen were within less than a mile.
Then the Scots began to blow again and
made a great noise, and as long endured
as it did before. Then the bishop ap-
proached with his battle well ranged in
good order and came within the sight of
the Scots, as within two bow-shot or less :
then the Scots blew again their horns a
long space. The bishop stood still to see
what the Scots would do and aviewed them
well and saw how they were in a strong
ground greatly to their advantage. Then
the bishop took counsel what was best for
him to do ; but all things well advised,
they were not in purpose to enter in among
the Scots to assail them, but returned with-
out doing of anything, for they saw well
they might rather lose than win.
When the Scots saw the Englishmen
recule and that they should have no battle,
they went to their lodgings and made merry,
and then ordained to depart from thence.
And because that sir Ralph Percy was sore
hurt, he desired of his master that he might
return to Newcastle or into some place,
whereas it pleased him, unto such time as
he were whole of his hurts, promising, as
soon as he were able to ride, to return into
Scotland, other to Edinboro or into any
other place appointed. The earl of March,
under whom he was taken, agreed thereto
and delivered him a horse litter and sent
him away ; and by like covenant divers
other knights and squires were suffered to
return and took term other to return or
else to pay their finance, such as they were
appointed unto. It was shewed me by the
information of the Scots, such as had been
at this said battle that was between New-
38o
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
i
castle and Otterburn in the year of our
Lord God a thousand three hundred four-
score and eight, the nineteenth day of
August, how that there were taken pri-
soners of the English party a thousand and
forty men, one and other, and slain in the
field and in the chase eighteen hundred
and forty, and sore hurt more than a thou-
sand : and of the Scots there were a hun-
dred slain, and taken in the chase more
than two hundred ; for as the Englishmen
fled, when they saw any advantage they
returned again and fought : by that means
the Scots were taken and none otherwise.
Every man may well consider that it was a
well fought field, when there were so many
slain and taken on both parties.
CHAPTER CXLIII [CXLVII]
How the Scots departed and carried with
them the earl Douglas dead, and buried
him in the abbey of Melrose ; and how sir
Archambault Douglas and his company
departed from before Carlisle and returned
into Scotland.
After this battle thus finished, every man
returned, 1 and the earl Douglas' dead body
chested and laid in a chare, and with him
sir Robert Hart and Simon Glendowyn,
then they prepared to depart : so they
departed and led with them sir Henry Percy
and more than forty knights of England,
and took the way to the abbey of Melrose.
At their departing they set fire in their
lodgings, and rode all the day, and yet lay
that night in the Enghsh ground : none
denied them. The next day they dislodged
early in the morning and so came that day
to Melrose. It is an abbey of black monks
on the border between both realms. There
they rested and buried the earl James
Douglas. The second day after his
obsequy was done reverently, and on his
body laid a tomb of stone and his banner
hanging over him. Whether there were
as then any more earls of Douglas, to
whom the land returned, or not, I cannot
tell ; for I, sir John Froissart, author of
this book, was in Scotland in the earl's
castle of Dalkeith, living earl William, at
1 That is, ' After the battle was over and every
man had returned,' but it should be, 'After all this
was done and everything was gathered together. '
which time he had two children, a son a
a daughter ; but after there were many of
the Douglases, for I have seen a five
brethren, all squires, bearing the name of
Douglas, in the king of Scotland's house,
David ; they were sons to a knight in Scot-
land called sir James Douglas, and they
bare in their arms gold, three oreilles gules,
but as for the heritage, I know not who
had it : as for sir Archambault Douglas, of
whom I have spoken before in this history
in divers places, who was a valiant knight,
and greatly redoubted of the Englishmen,
he was but a bastard.
When these Scots had been at Melrose
abbey and done there all that they came
thither for, then they departed each from
other and went into their own countries,
and such as had prisoners, some led them
away with them and some were ransomed
and suffered to return. Thus the English-
men found the Scots right courteous and
gentle in their deliverance and ransom, so
that they were well content. This was
shewed me in the country of Beam in the
earl of Foix's house by a knight named John
of Chateauneuf, who was taken prisoner at
the same journey under the banner of the
earl of March and Dunbar : and he great
praised the said earl, for he suffered him
pass in manner as he desired himself.
Thus these men of war of Scotland d
parted, and ransomed their prisoners
soon as they might right courteously, an
so returned little and little into their own
countries. And it was shewed me and I
believe it well, that the Scots had by reason
of that journey two hundred thousa
franks for ransoming of prisoners : for sii
the battle that was before Stirling in Sci
land, whereas sir Robert of Bruce,
William Douglas, sir Robert Versy,
Simon Eraser and other Scots chased th
Englishmen three days, they never had
journey so profitable nor so honourable for
them, as this was. When tidings came to
the other company of the Scots that were
beside Carlisle, how their company had dis-
tressed the Englishmen beside Otterburn,
they were greatly rejoiced, and displeased
in their minds that they had not been there.
Then they determined to dislodge and to
draw into their own countries, seeing their
other company were withdrawn. Thus
they dislodged and entered into Scotland.
he
I
AFFAIRS OF JULIERS AND GUELDRES
381
Now let us leave to speak of the Scots
and of the Englishmen for this time, and
let us return to the young Charles of France,
who with a great people went into Almaine,
to bring the duke of Gueldres to reason.
When the French king and all his army
were past the river of Meuse at the bridge
of Morsay, they took the way of Ardennes
and of Luxembourg, and always the
pioneers were before, beating woods and
bushes and making the ways plain. The
duke of Juliers and his country greatly
doubted the coming of the French king,
for they knew well they should have the
first assault and bear the first burden : and
the land of Juliers is a plain country ; in
one day the men of war should do much
damage there, and destroy and waste all,
except the castles and good towns. Thus
the French king entered into the country
of Luxembourg and came to an abbey,
whereas Wenceslas sometime duke of
Brabant was buried. There the king
tarried two days : then he departed and
took the way through Bastogne, and lodged
within a league whereas the duchess of
Brabant lay. She sent word of her being
there to the duke of Burgoyne, and he
brought her into the field to speak with
the king, who received her right honour-
ably, and there communed together. Then
the duchess returned to Bastogne, and
thither she was conveyed with sir John of
Vienne and sir Guy of Tremouille ; and
the next day the king went forward, ap-
proaching to the land of liis enemies, and
came to the entering into Almaine, on the
frontiers of the duchy of Juliers. But or
he came so far forward, Arnold bishop of
Liege had been with the king and had
greatly entreated for the duke of Juliers,
that the king should not be miscontent with
him, though he were father to the duke of
Gueldres ; for he excused him of the
defiance that his son had made, affirming
how it was not by his knowledge nor con-
sent, wherefore, he said, it were pity that
the father should bear the default of the
son. This excuse was not sufficient to the
king nor to his uncles : for the intent of the
king and his council was, without the
duke of Juliers would come and make other
manner of excuse, and to yield himself to
the king's pleasure, his country should be
the first that should bear the burden. Then
the bishop of Liege and the lords of Hes-
baing and the councils of the good towns
offered to the king and his council wholly
the bishopric of Liege for his army to pass
and repass paying for their expenses, and
to rest and refresh them there as long as it
pleased them. The king thanked them,
and so did his uncles, and would not refuse
their offer, for he knew not what need he
should have after.
CHAPTERS CXLIV, CXLV
[CXLVIII, CXLIX]
SUMMARY. — The duke of Juliers,
alarmed by the advance of the king of
Fratice, came and excused himself, as not
approving the conduct of his son the duke
of Gueldres, and by his tneans the duke of
Gueldres was persuaded to disavow his
letter of defiance: and so the king of France
returned.
CHAPTER CXLVI [CL]
SUMMARY.— The earl of Arundel with
the English fleet had come to land near
Rochelle : then hearing that sir Louis of
Sancerre was coming thither to fight with
him, he put to sea and came to Bordeaux.
The duke of Lancaster contracted his
daughter to the son of the king of Castile.
The French king took upon himself the
government, being more than twenty years
of age, and kept the feast of All Saints at
Rheims.
Sir John de Vienne went as ambassador
to the king of Castile to warn him against
an English alliance.
CHAPTERS CXLVII, CXLVHI
[CLI, CLII]
SUMMAR Y. — The duke of Berry proposed
a marriage first for his son afid then for him-
self with the young lady Jane of Boulogne,
who had been brought tip by the earl of Foix.
Geoffrey Tete- A^oire, besieged in Venta-
dour, made his will and died, appointing a
captain in his stead.
The duke of Gueldres was taken prisoner
?>7 Prussia, and being delivered by the grand
master of Prussia, returned to keep faith
tvith his captors.
382
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
CHAPS. CXLIX-CLI [CLIII-CLV]
SUMMARY. — Sir John de Vienne received
his answer from the king of Castile^ that
the intejided marriage would not prejudice
the alliance with France.
The earl of Artmdel with the Etiglish
retiirned home.
The duchess of Lancaster went with her
daughter into Spain.
The marriage took place of the duke of
Berry with the young lady of Boulogne, at
which the author was present.
CHAPTER CLH [CLVI]
SUMMARY. — A peace was agreed to for
three years between England and France, to
include allies on both sides.
The author thus continues : —
In this time great bruit was in France
and in other places of a great feast and
jousts that the young king Charles would
make at Paris at the first entering of Isabel
the French queen, against which feast
knights, squires, ladies and damosels ap-
parelled them to be at that triumph. Of the
which feast I shall speak more hereafter,
and of the charter of the peace that was
engrossed and sealed between the parties.^
Ye shall know that when I, sir John
Froissart, author of this history, was de-
parted from Orthez from the earl of Foix,
as ye have heard herebefore, and went in
company with the lord de la Riviere and
the lord Guilliam of Tremouille, who
brought the young duchess of Berry,
daughter to the earl of Boulogne, to the
duke of Berry, who wedded her in the
town of Riom in Auvergne, as it is con-
tained herebefore in this history ; for at all
these matters I was present, wherefore I
may well speak thereof And when I
came to Paris, I found there the gentle
lord of Coucy, a good lord of mine, who
had newly married a young lady, daughter
to the duke of Lorraine ; which lord made
1 Here ends the third book of the Chronicles, and
after this in the fuller text there comes the prologue
to the fourth book, which in the text followed by
the translator is placed (in a shortened form) con-
siderably later, to suit the division into volumes ;
see chap. 187 [191] of the translation, where the
fourth volume of the early printed editions begins.
me good cheer and demanded of me ne^
of the country of Foix and Beam, and of
pope Clement, being at Avignon, and of the
marriage between Berry and Boulogne,
and of another great friend of mine and
good lord and master, the earl Berault,
Dolphin of Auvergne ; and to all his de-
mands I answered all that I knew, so that
he was content. Then he desired me to
go with him into Cambresis, to a castle
that the king had given him called Creve-
coeur, a two leagues from Cambray and
nine leagues from Valenciennes. And so
I rode in his company. And as we rode
by the way, he shewed me how the bishop
of Bayeux and the earl of Saint- Pol and
other were at Boulogne, sent thither by
the French king to conclude the truce, and
how that for king Richard king of England
there were at Calais the bishop of Durham
and the earl of Salisbury with other, and
how they had been there the space [of] more
than a month abiding for the ambassadors
of Scotland, who were as then newly come
thither. He said how his cousin the earl
of Saint-Pol had written to him thereof
and how the French king had sent to tlj
king of Scots and to his council that
should agree to the truce, for the Englis
men would consent to no peace withod
the Scots were comprised in the sam^
Thus we rode till we came to Crevecoei
and there I was with him three dai
Then I took leave of him and went
Valenciennes, and there I tarried fifte
days. Then I went into Holland, to
a gentle lord and good master of min*|
the earl of Blois, and found him at School
hove. He made me good cheer and d^
manded of me some tidings, and I shew(
him such as I knew. I tarried with him a
month there and at Goude. Then I re-
turned into France to know the truth of
the conclusion that was taken between
England and France at Lelinghen. Also
I purposed to be at the feaSt that should be
at Paris at the entry of the French queen,
to know the truth of all these matters. I
returned through Brabant, and so came to
Paris eight days before the feast began.
Then I fell in company with the lords of
France and of Scotland, such as had been
at the making of the truce between Eng-
land and France, and I fell in acquaintance
with sir Guilliam of Melun, who shewed me
ENTRY OF THE QUEEN INTO PARIS, 1389
383
all the whole matter and how the earl of
Saint- Pol was passed into England to see
king Richard and to confirm the truce that |
was granted for three years, and that he
>hould return again to be at the said great
feast. Then I demanded of the said sir
(iuilliam what lords of Scotland had been
at the said treaty. I demanded it because
ill my youth I had been in Scotland and
searched all the realm to the wild Scots : and
while I was there, I tarried a space in the
court of king David of Scotland, and there
I had acquaintance of the most part of the
lords and knights of Scotland. Therefore
I demanded who had been there ; and this
sir Melun answered me and said how there
had been the bishop of Aberdeen and sir
James and sir David Lindsay and sir Walter
of Sinclair. I bare his saying away, and
did put in writing all that I had seen and
heard, and shall shew the truth what 1
saw and knew of this feast and of the
first entering of queen Isabel into Paris.
CHAPTER CLIII [CLVII]
Of the ordinance of the entry of queen Isabel
into the town of Paris.
I The Sunday the twentieth day of June in
the year of our Lord God a thousand three
hundred fourscore and nine there was people
in Paris and without such number that it
j was marvel to behold ; and the same Sun-
I day in the morning there was assembly
made in the church of Saint Denis of noble
ladies of France, such as should accompany
the queen, and of such lords as should
assist the queen's litters and other ladies' ;
and there was of the burgesses of Paris
twelve hundred an-horseback ranged in the
fields on both sides of the way, apparelled
in gowns of one suit of cloth of baudkin,
green and crimson. And the old queen
Jane and her daughter, duchess of Orleans,
entered first into Paris one hour before
noon in a litter covered, well accompanied
with lords, and passed through the high
street of Saint Denis and so rode to the
palace and there tarried for the king : that
day these two ladies went no further.
Then the French queen and the other
ladies set forward, as the duchess of Berry,
the duchess of Burgoyne, the duchess of
Touraine, the duchess of Bar, the countess
of Nevers, the lady of Coucy, and other
ladies and damosels all in good order : all
their litters were apparelled as richly as
might be ; but the duchess of Touraine
had no litter, she rode alone upon a fair
palfrey richly apparelled, and she rode on
the one side by the queen's litter, and it
was assisted with the duke of Touraine and
the duke of Bourbon at the fore head on
both sides, and in the midst on both sides
the litter were the duke of Berry and the
duke of Burgoyne, and at the feet was the
lord Peter of Navarre and the earl of
Ostrenavant : the queen's litter was richly
apparelled and discovered. Then next
followed on a rich apparelled palfrey the
duchess of Berry, and she was assisted with
the earl de la Marche and with the earl of
Nevers, and she riding a soft pace between
them both. Then followed the litter all
discovered and open of the duchess of
Burgoyne and Margaret of Hainault her
daughter, countess of Nevers. That litter
was assisted with .the lord Henry of Bar
and the young earl of Namur called sir
Guilliam. And then the lady of Orleans
on a palfrey richly apparelled, and the lord
James of Bourbon and the lord Philip
d'Artois assisted the lady of Orleans. Then
another litter with the duchess of Bar and
the daughter of the lord of Coucy.^ Of
other ladies and damosels that came after
in chariots and palfreys, and knights that
followed, there was no mention made. And
as for sergeants and officers of arms, had
business enough to do to make way and
to break the press. There was such people
in the streets that it seemed that all the
world had been there.
At the first gate of Saint Denis entering
into Paris there was a heaven made full of
stars, and within it young children ap-
parelled like angels sweetly singing, and
among them an image of our Lady holding
in figure a little child ^ playing by himself
with a little mill made of a great nut : this
1 Marie, daughter of the sire de Coucy, was
daughter-in-law of the duchess of Bar, therefore the
reading, ' et sa fille, fille au sire de Coucy,' which
is condemned by Lettenhove (xx. 250) on the
ground that the daughter of the sire de Coucy
could not be also the daughter of the duchess of
Bar, is probably correct.
2 ' Holding in figure her little child ' ; that is,
holding a child set there to represent the infant
Christ (and kept quiet apparently by having the
little windmill to play with).
I
384
THE CHRONICLES OF FRO I SS ART
heaven was high and richly apparelled
with the arms of France, with a banner of
the sun shining of gold, casting his rays ;
this was devised by the king ^ for the feast
of the jousts. The queen and the other
ladies, as they passed under in at the gate,
they had great pleasure to behold it, and
so had all other that passed by. Then
when the queen and the ladies were passed
by, then they came a soft pace before the
fountain in the street of Saint Denis, which
conduit was covered over with a cloth of
fine azure painted full of flower-de-luces of
gold, and the pillars were set full of the
arms of divers noble lords of France ; and
out of this fountain there issued in great
streams piment and claret, and about this
fountain there were young maidens richly
apparelled, with rich chaplets on their
heads, singing melodiously, great pleasure
it was to hear them, and they held in their
hands cups and goblets of gold, offering
and giving to drink all such as passed by ;
and the queen rested there and regarded
them and had great pleasure of that device,
and so did all other ladies and damosels
that saw it,
Then after, under the minster of the
Trinity in the street there was a stage and
thereupon a castle, and along on the stage
there was ordained the pass of king Saladin^
and all their deeds in personages,^ the
Christen-men on the one part and the
Saracens on the other part, and there was
in personages all the lords of name that of
old time had been armed and had done
any feats of arms at the pass of Saladin,
and were armed with such armour^ as they
then used. And then a little above them
there was in personages the French king
and the twelve peers of France armed with
the blason of their arms. And when the
French queen's litter was come before' this
stage, she rested there a season. Then the
personage on the stage of king Richard^
departed from his company and went to the
French king and demanded licence to go
and assail the Saracens ; and the king gave
him leave. Then king Richard returned
1 ' Which was the device of the king.'
2 ' Le Pas du roy Salhadin,' i.e. the fight with
Saladin.
3 By representation of actors.
4 Or rather, 'wearing such coats of arms.'
o ' The person who represented king Richard on
the stage.'
to his twelve ^ companions : then they a
set them in order and incontinent went an
assailed the king Saladin and the Saracens.
There in sport there seemed a great battle
and it endured a good space : this pageant
was well regarded.
Then the queen passed forth and cam
to the second gate of Saint Denis, and
there was a castle ordained as was at the
first gate and a heaven clouded and full of
stars richly devised, and therein the figure
of God sitting in majesty, the Father, the
Son and the Holy Ghost, and within the
heaven children in figure of angels sweetly
singing, which pageant was greatly praised.
And as the queen's litter passed under the
gate of Paradise, there were two angels
came out and came down holding in their
hands a rich crown of gold garnished with
precious stones, and they set fair and easily
the crown on the queen's head, singing right
sweetly this verse : ' Dame, as ye be en-
closed between the flower-de-luces, so ye
be queen of the realm of France,' and s
drew again into Paradise.^ Then the;
passed forth and came before the chapel o:
Saint James, and there was a scaffold richly
devised on the right hand as the queen rode,
covered over with rich arras and drawn
about with curtains in manner of a cham-
ber, and within there were men playin
upon organs right sweetly. And all th(
street of Saint Denis was covered ove
with cloths of silk and camlet, such plent
as though such cloths should cost nothing,
And I, sir John Froissart, author of thi
history, was present and saw all this an^
had great marvel where such number ol
cloths of silk were gotten ; there was
great plenty as though they had been in
Alisandre or Damas : and all the houses on
both sides of the great street of Saint Denis
unto the bridge of Paris were hanged with
cloths of Arras of divers histories, the which
was pleasure to behold.
Thus they passed forth a soft pace and
1 The word ' twelve ' is due to the translator.
2 The lines were these :
' Dame enclose entre fleurs de lis,
Royne estes-vous de Paris,
De France et de tout le pays.
Nous en ralons en paradis.'
The last line is mistranslated : it should be given as
part of the angels' song, 'We return to Paradise.'
The second line was partly omitted by the trans-
lator, probably because he found the reading
' paradis ' for ' Paris,' and was puzzled by it-
i
ENTRY OF THE QUEEN INTO PARIS
385
so came to the gate of the Chatelet of
Paris, and there the queen rested to see
the other goodly devices that were there
ordained. At the gate of the Chatelet
of Paris there was a castle made of wood
and timber, as strongly made as it should
have endured forty years, the which castle
was embattled and at every loop there was
a man of arms armed at all pieces ; and in
the same castle there was a bed made, richly
encurtained and apparelled, as it had been
to have stood in the king's chamber, and
this bed was called the bed of Justice, and
in this bed there lay by figure Saint Anne.
In this castle there was a plain, for the
castle contained a great space, and this
plain was full of trees and full of hares,
conies and birds, that flew in and out, for
when they were abroad they flew thither
again for fear of the people. And out of
these trees there issued a white hart and
went to the bed of Justice, and out of the
other part of the wood there issued out a
lion and an eagle properly, and freshly
approached ^ the hart and the bed of Justice.
Then came there out of the trees a twelve
young maidens richly apparelled with
chaplets of gold on their heads, holding
naked swords in their hands, and they
went between the hart, the lion and the
eagle, and there* they shewed themselves
ready to defend the hart and the bed of
Justice. This device the queen and all
other had great pleasure to regard.
Then they passed forth and came to the
bridge of Paris, which was covered and
richly beseen, the covering of green and
crimson full of stars and the streets hanged,
to Our Lady's church. And by that time
that the queen and the ladies were past the
bridge and approached to the church of
Our Lady, it was late, for all the way as
they went they rode but a soft pace ; and
or the queen and the ladies entered into
the church of Our Lady, they found by
their way other plays and pastimes greatly
to their pleasure. Among all other there
was a master came out of Genes : he had
tied a cord on the highest house on the
bridge of Saint Michael over all the houses,
and the other end was tied on the highest
tower in Our Lady's church ; and as the
queen passed by, and was in the great
street called Our Lady's street, because it
1 ' Verj' properly made, and approached,' etc.
2C
was late this said master with two brenning
candles in his hands issued out of a little
stage that he had made on the height of
Our Lady's tower, and singing he went
upon the cord all along the great street, so
that all that saw him had marvel how it
might be, and he bare still in his hands
two brenning candles, so that it might well
be seen over all Paris and two mile with-
out Paris : he was such a tumbler that his
lightness was greatly praised.
And before the church of Our Lady the
bishop of Paris was, revested with the arms
of our lord Jesu Christ, with all the college
and great number of other of the clergy.
There the queen alighted out of her litter
and was taken down by the four dukes, that
is to say, the duke of Berry, the duke of
Burgoyne, the duke of Touraine and the
duke of Bourbon, and all other ladies in
like wise taken down by them that were
their assisters, both out of their litters and
from their horses and in good order. So
they entered into the church, the bishop
and the clergy before them, singing in the
honour of God and of our blessed Lady.
The queen was led and assisted and brought
up to the high altar, and there she kneeled
down and said her prayers, such as pleased
her, and offered to the treasury of our Lady
four cloths of cloth of gold and the goodly
crown that the angels did set on her head ;
and then incontinent sir John de la Riviere ^
and sir John le Mercier delivered the bishop
of Paris a more richer crown, and the bishop
and the four dukes did set it on the queen's
head. Then they returned again through
the church, and the queen and the ladies
set again in their litters, as they were be-
fore : there were more than five hundred
torches brenning, for it was late. Thus
they were brought to the palace of Paris,
where the king, the old queen and the
duchess of Orleans her daughter were.
There the queen and her ladies lighted
from their litters, and each of them brought
into several chambers ; and the lords went
to their lodgings after the dancing was past.
The next day, Monday, the king made
them all a dinner at his palace, and at the
hour of the high mass the queen was
led with the foresaid four dukes into the
Holy Chapel, and there in the mass season
the queen was sacred and anointed, as a
1 His true name was Bureau de la Riviere.
386
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
queen ought to be, and the archbishop of
Rouen did the observance, who was called
sir William of Vienne. After the mass
sung solemnly the king and the queen re-
turned into their chambers, and all other
ladies such as had chambers in the palace.
Then anon after the king and the queen
returned into the hall, and all other ladies.
The great table of marble that always
standeth still in the hall was made longer
with a great plank board of oak of four
inches thick, which board was richly
covered. And above the great table
against one of the pillars was the king's
dressing -board standing full of vessel of
gold and silver, which was greatly coveted
of many that saw it. Before the table
along descending down there were barriers
made of wood with three alleys, and there
were sergeants and ushers a great number
keeping the entries, to the intent that none
should enter but such as were servitors of
the table ; for the hall was so full of people
that a man could not turn him but with
much pain. Minstrels a great number
pleasantly played, every man after his
faculty. Then the king and the prelates
and the queen and the ladies washed and
sat down at the tables. At the king's table
sat down as chief the bishop of Noyon,
then the bishop of Langres, then the king,
and by the king the archbishop of Rouen.
The king sat in a surcoat of scarlet furred
with ermines and a rich crown of gold on
his head : then the queen, and by her the
king of Armenia, then the duchess of
Berry, then the duchess of Burgoyne and
the duchess of Touraine, then the lady of
Nevers and the good damosel of Bar,^ then
the lady of Coucy and Mary of Harcourt :
no other sat at the high table, saving be-
neath all sat the lady of Sully, wife to
sir Guy of Tremouille. And at two other
tables along down the hall sat more than
five hundred ladies and damosels. The
press was so great that it was great pain to
serve them with their messes, which were
great and notable. I have not to do to
make great process thereof : I shall some-
what speak of the pastimes that were made
between the messes, the which had been a
great pleasure for the king to have seen,
if he had tarried out the whole dinner.
1 The French text has ' ma damoiselle Bonne de
Bar,' but the better reading is ' madame de Bar.'
First, in the midst of the palace there
was a castle made of timber forty foot lonj
arid twenty foot broad, with four towers, ii
every quarter one, and one in the midst
higher than the other. This castle was
figured for the city of Troy and the towerj
in the midst for the palace of llion, and!
there were pennons with the arms of the]
Troyans, as of king Priamus, Hector his son]
and his other children, and also the arms ■
of such other kings and princes as were
enclosed in Troy with king Priam : this
castle went upon wheels, the which might
be turned every way properly. This castle
came to assail another sort ^ that was there-
by in a pavilion, which also went upon
wheels so softly and covertly that the
moving thereof could not be perceived,
and there was the arms of the kings of^
Greece and of other such as were at the
siege. Also there was a ship properlj
devised, wherein might well be a himdrec
men of arms, and all moved by the craft ol
wheels, both the castle, pavilion and ship]
They of the pavilion and of the shi|
assailed ever the castle and they withii
the castle made great deience ; but this
sport endured not long, for the press
the people was so sore about them that nd
man could stir. The people were soi
chafed with the heat and put to muc
pain. And there was a table by the parlij
ment chamber door, whereat sat mani
ladies and damosels : it was by reason
the press overthrown to the earth and tl
ladies caused suddenly to rise withoi
order, and sore chafed with the press ai
heat that was in the palace. The quee
herself was at the point to have been sor
displeased : 2 perforce a back door^ wi
broken up to get fresh air. The lady o^
Coucy was sore dis-eased. When the king
saw this matter, he commanded to cease
and the tables in great haste to be taken up
to let the ladies and damosels at large : they
left taking of ^ wine and spices and went to
their chambers. Then some of the ladies
tarried still in the palace and some went
into the town to their lodgings, to be the
more at their ease, for with press and with
1 'Autres gens.' 2 ' Mesaisee.'
3 ' Una barriere,' but the better reading is * une
verriere,' ' a glass window.'
4 'On se d^Hvra de donner,' 'they made haste
to serve.'
ENTRY OF THE QUEEN INTO PARIS
387
heat they had been sore grieved. The
lady Coucy went to her lodging and held
her there till it was late.
Then about five of the clock the French
queen, accompanied with the foresaid
duchesses, departed from the palace of
Paris and took their litters all open and
so went through the streets to the king's
lodging, called Saint- Pol on the river of
Seine. ^ With the queen there were more
than a thousand horses, and the king went
from the palace to the river of Seine and
took there a barge and went by water to
his house of Saint-Pol. And for all that
the house was great and large and well
amended, yet the king had caused in the
great court near to the gate from the river
to be made a great hall, which was covered
over with cloths of the arms of Normandy,
and the walls were hanged with cloths of
Arras of sundry histories. In this hall the
king gave the ladies a supper ; but the
queen kept her chamber, she was no more
seen that night. The other ladies and the
king and the lords danced and revelled all
that night, near hand till it was day in the
morning : then every person departed and
went to their lodgings to sleep, for it was
good time.
Now I shall shew you what gifts and
presents they of Paris gave on the Tuesday
before noon to the queen and to the
duchess of Touraine, who was but newly
come into France out of Lombardy ; for
she was daughter to the duke of Milan and
she had the same year wedded Louis duke
of Touraine ; she was named Valentine ;
she had never before been at Paris, there-
fore the burgesses of Paris gave her her
welcome. On this Tuesday about twelve
of the clock about a forty burgesses of
Paris of the most notablest persons of the
city, all in one suit of clothing, came to the
king's house of Saint -Pol and brought a
present for the queen through the streets
of Paris. The present was in a litter richly
wrought and borne between two strong
men properly apparelled like two ancient
sage persons. 2 The litter had a celler of
a thin fine cloth of silk, so that the jewels
that were in the litter might well be seen
through. When they came to Saint-Pol,
1 Saint-Pol-sur-Seine.
2 ' Homines saiges,' but this is a corruption of
' hommes sauvages,' 'wild men.'
first they came into the king's chamber,
which was ready apparelled to receive
them, for always such as bringeth anything
are welcome. Then these burgesses set
down the litter on two tressels in the midst
of the chamber. Then they kneeled down
before the king and said : ' Right dear lord
and noble king, your burgesses of Paris
presenteth your grace these jewels here in
this litter in the welcoming of your grace
into the governance of your realm of
France. ' Then the king said : ' Good
men, I thank you : they are right goodly
and rich.' Then the burgesses rose and
drew back and therewith took their leave.
When they were gone, the king said to sir
William of Bordes and to Montague, who
were by him : ' Sirs, let us go near to this
litter and see these presents more nearer.'
Then the king well regarded them. First
there were four pots of gold, six lavers of
gold and six plates of gold ; ^ all this
vessel weighed a hundred and fifty mark
of gold. In like manner another sort of
burgesses richly apparelled all in one livery
came to the queen and presented her
another litter, which was borne into her
chamber, shewing how the good men of
Paris did recommend them to her grace
and sent her that present : which present
was a ship of gold, two great flagons of
gold, two dredge-boxes ^ of gold, two salts
of gold, six pots gold, six lavers of gold,
twelve lamps of silver, two basons of
silver ; the sum was three hundred mark,
what gold, what silver. This present was
brought in a litter between two men, one
in semblance of a bear and the other in
semblance of an unicorn. The third
present in like wise was brought into the
duchess of Touraine's chamber by two men
figured in the form of two black Moors
richly apparelled, with white towels about
their heads like Saracens. The litter was
fair and rich, covered with a fine cloth of silk
and brought by twelve burgesses all in one
apparel, who gave this present to the said
duchess, in the which present there was a
ship of gold, a great pot of gold, two ewers
gold, two great plates gold, two salts gold,
six pots silver, two dozen saucers silver,
two dozen bowls silver ; sum, gold and
1 The full text has also, 'four salt -holders of
gold, twelve cups of gold, twelve basons of gold.'
2 'Drageoirs,' 'comfit-boxes.'
388
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
silver, two hundred marks. This present
greatly rejoiced the duchess of Touraine,
as it was reason, for it was goodly and
rich ; and courteously she thanked them of
their gift. Thus this Tuesday these pre-
sents were given to the king, the queen
and to the duchess of Touraine. It was
greatly to be considered the value of these
presents and also the puissance of the
Parisians ; for it was shewed me by one
who saw all these presents that they cost
the Parisians more than threescore thou-
sand crowns of gold. After these presents
thus delivered it was time to go to dinner ;
but that day the king and the queen and
other ladies dined in their chambers, the
sooner to have done, for at three of the
clock at after dinner they should draw into
the field of Saint Katherine, whereas there
was ordained stages and scaffolds a great
number for the king and the queen and
other to behold the jousts.
SUMMARY. — The jousts were held on
this Tuesday and on the foUowhtg day, atid
prizes awarded. On Friday the king gave
a great dinner to the ladies and there was
jousting after it. Then lords and ladies
took leave of the king and queen and returned
home.
CHAPS. CLIV, CLV [CLVIII, CLIX]
SUMMAR Y.—The truce between England
and France for three years was confirmed.
The young son of the duke of Anjou, styled
king of Sicily, was marj'ied to the daughter
of the king of Aragon.
CHAPTER CLVI [CLX]
How the French king had desire to go
and visit the far parts of his realm, and
how he went first into Burgoyne and to
Avignon, to see pope Clement.
After this great feast was accomplished
and that every lord and lady were gone
home to their own houses, as ye have heard
herebefore, and that the French king saw
that he had truce with England for three
year, he had then imagination to go and
visit his realm, specially the utward
marches of Languedoc : for the lord de la
Riviere and sir John Mercier, who were
as then chief of his privy council, they ex-
horted him to go to Avignon to see pope
Clement and the cardinals, who desired to
see him, and also to go to Toulouse ; for
they said to the king : ' vSir, a king in his
youth ought to visit his realm and to know
his people and to learn how they be
governed, the which should be greatly to
his profit and the better to be beloved
with his subjects.' The king lightly in-
clined to their counsel, for he had desire to
travel and see new things ; and the lord de
la Riviere, who was but newly come out
of those marches, heard great complaints
of the people of Toulouse, of Carcassonne
and of Beaucaire, and they desired greatly i
to see the king ; for they had been sorej
charged with tailles and aids by the dukej
of Berry by the information of a servant ol
his called Betisac, who had pity of no man,'
he so pilled the people that nothing was!
left : therefore he counselled the king toi
go thither to provide some remedy, and!
also that the king should send for the earl
of Foix to come to him to Toulouse. Thej
king made him ready to go thither and sent]
afore all the way that provision should be
made for his coming, and sent word thereof
to his uncle the duke of Burgoyne and t(
his aunt the duchess, how he would com<
along through their country and would se€
his cousins their children, and to bring ir
his company his brother the duke oi
Touraine and his uncle of Bourbon ; whichi
pleased greatly the duke and the duchess,
and the duke caused to be proclaimed
feast and a jousts to be holden at Dijon,]
and knights and squires of Burgoyne, of
Savoy and of other marches adjoining
were required to be at this feast ; and sc
every man ordered themselves accordingly. I
Thus whiles the king's provision was
making to go to Avignon and to Langue-
doc, the duke of Burgoyne on his part made
great provision to receive the king, and so
did every man in their marches that pur-
posed to be at the feast at Dijon. The
same season other matters fell in France.
Ye have heard how the duke of Ireland,
who was called earl of Oxford, was
banished out of England by the uncles
of king Richard, and specially the duke
of Gloucester had greatest displeasure to
him, so that to save himself he was fled
into Holland, and tarried there but a small
season in the town of Dordrecht, for he
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1389
389
was fain to depart thence, for duke Aubert,
who was lord of that town and of Holland,
denied him the tarrying in his country ; for
he would not keep him against the will of
his cousins -germans of England: for all
that the king of England had written for
him, yet he was fain to depart and to go to
Utrecht, a frank town for all manner of
people paying for that they take ; and the
duke of Ireland had enough to pay, for
beside that he brought with him he had
threescore thousand franks out of France
from the constable for the redemption of
John of Bretayne. And he was come to
the French king under safe - conduct and
was there with him more than a year.
The king made him good cheer, because
he was a stranger ; howbeit, true it was,
though this duke was with the king, yet
the lord of Coucy hated him in his heart,
for he had good cause ; for though the
duke in all affairs was provided of wit,
honour, eloquence and of great largess,
yet he had greatly trespassed against the
lord of Coucy's daughter, who was his wife
lawfully spoused, and forsook her without
any title of reason, but by false and evil
temptation and deceit was deceived and
took another wife, a damosel of the queen
of England's of the country of Boeme, and
the king and the queen of England sin-
fully consented thereto and he was dis-
pensed by pope Urban of Rome at the
instant desire of the king and queen of
England. This sin grieved greatly the
conscience of the duke of Ireland, and
because the lord of Coucy,^ who was of the
council of France and well worthy so to
be, for he had done good service and was
well able to do, he procured so much by
means of his friends, as sir Oliver of
Clisson and the lord de la Riviere, sir
John Mercier and other, that it was said
"to the duke of Ireland that he should
depart out of France and to go and choose
himself another place to abide in, where
he list, so that it be not in the realm of
France, and thither he should surely be
conveyed. The duke of Ireland saw well
how he was daily in peril by means of the
lord of Coucy and his lineage ; wherefore
he thought it should be best for him to go
1 'This sin weighed heavily on the duke of
Ireland both in conscience and in all other matters,
and for this reason the lord of Coucy,' etc.
far off rather than to abide near. Then he
advised him to draw into Brabant, and
desired the king to write to the duchess of
Brabant, that it would please her to suffer
him peaceably to abide in her country.
The king wrote to his aunt the duchess of
Brabant, and she condescended to the king's
desire. The duke of Ireland was conducted
by men of the king's to Louvain and there
he tarried, and sometime he went to a
castle not far off from the town of Louvain,
the which he had borrowed of a knight of
Brabant. With the duke of Ireland was
the archbishop of York, who in like wise
was banished out of England, all for one
cause : this bishop was one of the Nevilles
of England, who in the country of Northum-
berland were puissant men both of lands
and lineage. There tarried these two lords
at Louvain or thereabout, as I heard say,
as long as they lived, for they could never
come to mercy nor peace with the king of
England's uncles : I can no further speak
of them.
About the feast of Saint Michael the
French king departed from his house of
Beaute beside Paris and left there the queen,
and took the way by Troyes in Champagne
to go into Burgoyne, and his uncle the
duke of Bourbon and duke Louis of Tou-
raine and the lord of Coucy and many other
lords and knights in his company. The
king rode so long that he came to Dijon :
the duke of Burgoyne and the earl of
Nevers his son were come before to the
Chatillon on the river of Seine. When
the king was come to Dijon, the duchess
of Burgoyne and the countess of Nevers
her daughter received the king joyfully,
and all other lords for love of the king ; and
to his welcoming to Dijon many ladies and
damosels were come thither to see him.
There was the lady of Sully, the lady of
Vergy, the lady of Pagny and divers other
fair ladies and fresh and well apparelled.
Then began feasting, dancing and carolling.
These ladies enforced themselves to dance
and to sing and to make joy for love of the
king and the duke of Touraine, the duke
of Bourbon and of the lord of Coucy.
Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday, all
three days, there was goodly jousts and
prizes given to the best doers. The king
was eight days in the town of Dijon in
great triumph and sport : the tenth day he
390
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
took leave of his uncle the duke of Bur-
goyne and of the duchess and their children.
The intent of the duke of Burgoyne was
shortly after to follow the king his nephew
and to go with him that journey. The
king departed from Dijon, when he had
taken leave of all ladies and damosels, and
rode so long by his journeys that he came
to Villeneuve beside Avignon. There his
house royal was apparelled for him and
there was the cardinals of Amiens, of Aigre-
feuille, of Saint- Marcel, of Chateau-neuf
and more than thirteen other came and met
the king in the field, and all were glad of
the king's coming.
The duke of Berry was come to Avignon
and lodged in the pope's palace, but he
came to Villenevive to the king and lay in
the livery of Arras called a Montais,^ in
the way to Montpellier. The duke of
Burgoyne arrived there the next day that
the king came thither, by the water of
Rhone, for the duke took a barge at Lyon-
sur-le- Rhone. Thus the king and these
four dukes were together : then they
determined to pass the bridge of Avignon
and to go and see the pope ; and about
nine of the clock in the morning the king
passed the bridge accompanied with his
brother and his three uncles and twelve
cardinals, and so went to the pope's palace,
and pope Clement was ready in his chamber
of consistory sitting in his chair of papality.
When the French king came into the
chamber and saw the pope, he inclined
himself, and when he came near, the pope
rose and the king kissed his hand and his
mouth. Then the pope sat down and
caused the king to sit down by him on a
place purposely prepared for him : then
the dukes kissed the pope's hand and sat
down among the cardinals. Anon it was
time of dinner : then they drew into the
pope's great chamber, where the tables
were ready covered. The pope washed
and sat down at a table alone and kept
his estate : the French king sat down at
another table alone, and the cardinals and
dukes sat down in order. The dinner
was plentiful, and after dinner they had
1 'Enlalivree d'Arras que on dist a Montais.'
It may be supposed that this was an inn at
Monteaux near Villeneuve, but Lettenhove con-
fesses that he does not understand this use of the
word Mivr^e.'
wine and spices. Then the king and the
four dukes went into their chambers : each
of them had a chamber apparelled in the
palace, and there they tarried a certain days.
The fifth day after that the king came
thither, the young earl of Savoy, cousin to
the king and nephew to the duke of
Bourbon, came thither : the king was
right joyful of his coming. The French
king, the duke of Touraine his brother,
and the earl of Savoy, who were light of
courage and of spirit, though they were
lodged in the pope's palace near to the
pope and to the cardinals, yet for all that
they would not abstain to dance and to
carol and to make sport among the ladies
and damosels of Avignon, and the earl
of Geneva, brother to the pope, brought
them in acquaintance with the ladies and
damosels of the town. The king gave
great gifts to the ladies and damosels,
whereby he had great laud and praise.
The pope and the cardinals were right
joyful of the king's being there, as it was
reason that they should so be, for without
the love of the French king their port
should have been but small ; for they con-
sidered, or ought to have considered, that
there was no king christened that were
obedient to them, except it were for love
and favour and alliance of the French
king. The king of Spain and the king of
Scots obeyed this pope Clement, and the
king of Aragon was but newly so deter-
mined ; and that made the queen Yolande
of Bar, who was cousin -german to the
French king, else he had not done so, for
before the king of Aragon, and his father
before him, was as neuter. Therefore this
pope and cardinals ought well to feast the
French king, seeing their puissance and
profit that they lived by to keep their
estate came by means of the French king.
Thus the king tarried there a certain season
in great joy and sport : and for love of the
king's coming thither, the pope opened his
graces to all clerks being in the court
for the space of a month, and gave the
nominations to the king of all colleges and
cathedrals, and to every college two
prebends, and revoked all other graces
before given, and would that the king's
graces should proceed before, as they did,
whereby many of the king's clerks were
promoted. Also the pope gave graces to
THE KING OF FRANCE AT AVIGNON, 1389
391
the duke of Touraine, the duke of Berry, the
duke of Burgoyne and to the lord Coucy :
all other were stopped that had been granted
before. The pope was so courteous and
liberal, that for love of the king's coming
he granted everything that was asked.
When the king had been there a certain
space, the pope shewed him his complaint,
how that the other pope of Rome greatly
hindered his right and made much trouble
and difference in the Church. The king
heard him well, and promised this pope
Clement, that after his return again into
France he would intend to none other
thing but to bring the Church in one
accord. With those words the pope was
greatly comforted. The king took his
leave and returned to Villeneuve and so
did his brother and uncles of Berry and
Burgoyne : and there on a day the king
made a dinner to all the cardinals and to
the earl of Geneva, brother to the pope.
After dinner they took their leaves, for the
king said that the next day he would ride
toward Montpellier, and he thanked them
of the reverence that they had done to
him. The cardinals returned to Avignon.
Then it was ordained that the king should
depart the next day, his brother and the
duke of Bourbon in his company ; and so
he did, and took leave of his uncles of
Berry and of Burgoyne, and said how they
should return into their own countries, for
they should go no further with him at that
time ; for he said he would go to Toulouse
and send for the earl of Foix to come
thither. His uncles were content there-
with, for as then the king had such counsel
about him, that the duke of Berry and the
duke of Burgoyne's voices were not heard,
without it were in small matters. The
governing of Languedoc was taken away
from the duke of Berry and divided into
seneschausses to the king's profit, whereof
the countries and marches of Carcassonne,
of Beziers, of Narbonne, of Fanjeaux, of
Bigorre and of Toulouse were greatly
rejoiced ; for before that season they had
been sore oppressed with tallies that the
duke of Berry had raised on them, as ye
shall hear after when the matter requireth it.
When the duke of Berry and the duke
of Burgoyne saw that the king would go
to Montpellier and visit Languedoc and
would not suffer them to go in his com-
pany, they were sore displeased therewith.
Howbeit, sagely they dissimuled the matter
and said each to other : ' The king goeth
into Languedoc to make inquisition on
them that governed there and to make a
treaty with the earl of Foix, who is the
most proudest earl now living : he never
loved nor praised any neighbour that ever
he had, nother French king, England,
Spain, Aragon nor Navarre. The king
taketh with him of his council no more but
Riviere and Mercier, Montague and the
Begue of Villaines. How say you to this,
brother,' quoth the duke of Berry. The
duke of Burgoyne answered and said :
* The king our nephew is young and he
believeth young counsel. They shall de-
ceive him, for surely the conclusion shall
not be good, and that ye shall see. It
must behove us to suffer for this present
time, but the time shall come that such as
counselleth him shall repent, and the king
also. Let him go in God's name whither
it shall please him, and let us return into
our own countries. As long as we hold
together, there is none shall do us any
wrong : we are two of the chief members
of France.' Thus these two dukes devised
together, and the French king departed the
next day and took the way to Nimes and
rode thither to dinner. The said two
dukes tarried still with the pope three days,
and the lord of Coucy in like wise : the
fourth day they departed and rode into
their own countries ; and the king went
from Nimes and lay all night at Lunel.
When the king departed from Lunel, he
went to dinner to Montpellier, it was but
three little miles. ^ There he was received
of the burgesses, ladies and damosels of the
town, for they greatly desired to see the
king, and many rich presents were given to
him, for Montpellier is a puissant town,
rich and full of merchandise. The king
praised the town much and well considered
their puissance ; and it was shewed the king
that the town had been much richer before
than it was at that present time, for the duke
of Anjou and the duke of Berry, each of
them in their turn, had greatly pilled them.
The king was sorry that the good people
had endured so much damage, and said
how he would reform the country into a
better state. Then it was shewed the
1 ' Lieues ' : the distance is about twelve miles.
392
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
1
he ■!
ns ■!
nrr ^Bl
king that the poverty of that town was
nothing to that he should find forward ;
for that town of itself hath good means of
recoverance by reason of the merchandise
that is there used both by land and by sea ;
but in the marches of Carcassonne and
Toulouse and thereabout, whereas the said
two dukes had the governance, look, on
v/hat thing they had puissance to lay on
their hands there was nothing left, but all
taken away : ' for ye shall find the people
there so poor, that such as were wont to
be rich and puissant, now they are scant
able to labour their vines nor lands : it is
a great pity to see them, their wives and
children, for they have had every year five
or six tailles laid on their shoulders and are
ransomed to the third or fourth part of their
substance, and sometime to all together :
one taille could not be paid, but that another
was ready on the neck thereof. For, sir,
as it is well known, these two dukes your
uncles, while they ruled in Languedoc,
they have levied in the country from Ville-
neuve into Toulousain, round about to the
river of Garonne and returning to the river
of Dordogne, the sum of thirty hundred
thousand franks : and specially sith the
duke of Anjou departed, the duke of Berry
hath done the more damage ; for he found
the plain country and commonty in good
case, for the duke of Anjou took but of the
rich men, who had wherewith to pay, but
the duke of Berry spared nother poor nor
rich, for he gathered all before him, speci-
ally by one of his council, his treasurer
named Betisac, who is of the nation of the
city of Beziers, as ye shall hear by the com-
plaints of the people that will cry out on
him.' To these words the king said : ' As
God have my soul, I shall provide for this
matter, or I return, and I shall punish the
trespassers ; for I shall make an inquisition
of the servants and officers of mine uncles,
such as had ruled herebefore in the parts
of Languedoc, and such as have deserved
shall be corrected.'
The king tarried at Montpellier the space
of twelve days, for the order of the town
and the pastime of ladies and damosels,
such as he found there, pleased him greatly.
To say truth, the king as at that time was
in his lusty youth and light and quick of
spirit : he danced and carolled among the
frisk ladies and damosels of the town some-
time all night, and gave and made banquets
and suppers largely, and would give to the
ladies and damosels rings of gold and chains
to them that he reputed worthy. The king
did so much that he had great laud and
praise, and some of them would that he
had tarried there longer than he did, for he
kept revel, dancing and solace, and every
day it was new to begin.
SUMMARY. — Three knights of the king's
following were moved by the company of the
ladies of Montpellier to undertake deeds of
arms, taking occasion from the incident of
sir Peter Cou?-teney s coming into France in
the days of king Charles V.
CHAPTERS CLVII, CLVIII
[CLXI, CLXII]
SUMMARY. — The author relates the inci-
dent of sir Peter Courteney and the sire de
Clary.
This matter, told at Montpellier, moved
the three knights aforesaid to give a challenge
for the ensuing stimmer, offering to Joust
zvith all comers at Saint- Inglevert in the
marches of Calais.
The king left Montpellier and came by
Lezignan and Saint- Thibery to Beziers,
Betisac being always in his company.
CHAPTER CLIX [CLXIH]
Of the complaints made to the king by the
people of Languedoc in the town of
Beziers against Betisac, treasurer to the
duke of Berry, of the great extortions that
he had made ; and of the confession that
he made and of the cruel death that he
had -in the said town.
Three days the king was at Beziers in
great joy and revel among ladies and
damosels, and all that time Betisac was
nothing spoken unto : but the inquisitors
who were ordained by the king did secretly
enquire of his deeds, and they found by
inquest divers cases horrible, not to be
pardoned. The fourth day that the king
had been there this Betisac was called
before the king's council in a chamber and
there straitly examined ; and it was said to
him : ' Betisac, answer wisely to these
THE KING IN LANGUEDOC, 1389
393
writings that ye see here.' There was
shewed him a great number of bills of
complaints that were put up to the king
against him, making mention of the extor-
tions that he had done to the people : all
these bills of complaints were read before
him one after another. To some he
answered wisely making his excuse, and to
some he plainly denied them and said :
' I know nothing of those matters : lay
tliem to the seneschals of Beaucaire and
of Carcassonne and to the chancellor of
l^crry : it pertaineth to them to answer to
those matters.' Howbeit, finally it was
sliewed him that he must keep prison for a
lime, till the matter were better examined.
lie obeyed, because he might not choose.
As soon as he was in prison, the inquisitors
went to his lodging and took into their
hands all such writings and accounts as
they found there, which pertained to such
matters as he had intermeddled withal
before, and they aviewed them at leisure
and found in them the reckonings of great
sums of money, such as had been raised
and levied of the people. Then he was
demanded where all that money was be-
come, and whether the sums' were true or
not. He answered and said : ' As for the
sums, are true.^ and the money delivered to
the duke of Berry and so passed through
his hands and his treasurers', whereof I
have good quittances in my lodging in
such a place.' The which quittances were
sent for before the council and there they
were read, and they agreed with the sums of
his receipt. Then the council and the inqui-
sitors were appeased and Betisac sent again
to a courteous prison. Then the council com-
muned together on that matter and said: ' It
seemeth that Betisac is clear of such causes
as are laid to his charge, for the money
that hath been raised the duke of Berry
hath had it, howsoever it hath been spent.'
All things considered, Betisac's excusa-
tions were lawful, for the duke of Berry
was the most covetous man in all the
v/orld : so he might get good, he cared not
where nor how he had it; and when he had
1 i.e. 'they are true.' It is a characteristic of
the translator's style to omit the pronoun subject in
such clauses: e.g^. chap. 167 [171]: 'as for the
Genoways, are our neighbours ' ; and chap. 184
[187! : 'as to the covenants of marriage between
our children, by the grace of God shall not be
broken on my part.'
it, he would bestow it but simply, as many
lords do and have done in times past.
Thus the king's council saw no fault in
Betisac, whereby he should lose his life :
some were of that opinion and some con-
trary, and said : ' Betisac hath done so
many cruel deeds and hath so sore im-
poverished the people for to accomplish
the desire of his lord the duke of Berry,
that the blood of the poor people crieth
out and saith how he hath deserved death :
for he that is a man born in these parts,
and councillor with his master, and seeing
the poverty of the people, he ought in good
manner to have shewed the truth to the
duke his master ; and if the duke would
not have heard him, then he should have
come to the king and to his council and
have shewed them the poverty of the
people, and how the duke of Berry had
dealt with them : then he had been well
excused.' So Betisac was sent for again to
the council and straitly examined where
the money that had been gathered was be-
come, for they found the sum of thirty
hundred thousand franks received. He
answered thereto and said : ' My lords, it
were hard for me to tell where my lord the
duke of Berry hath bestowed it : much he
hath laid out on buildings and reparations
of castles and houses ; also he hath bought
certain lands in the county of Boulogne
and in the county of Estampes ; also he
hath spent much in buying of precious
stones and jewels, the which ye know well
he hath always been desirous to buy ; also
he is well stuffed to maintain the estate that
he hath always kept ; also he hath given
such gifts and rewards to Thibault and
Morinot and to his servants about him, in
such wise that they be rich men. ' ' Well,
Betisac,' quoth they of the council, 'and
ye have had for your part to your singular
profit a hundred thousand ' franks. ' ' My
lords,' quoth he, 'that I have had was by
the consent of my lord the duke of Berry,
for he would that his servants should be-
come rich.' Then the council said all
with one voice : ' Ah, Betisac, that word
is foolishly spoken : that riches is not good
nor reasonable that is evil gotten. Ye
shall return again into prison, and we shall
take further advice on that ye have said
and spoken. Ye must abide the pleasure
of the king, to whom we shall shew all
394
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
your excusations.' 'My lords,' quoth he,
'all shall be as God will.' Then he was
again set in prison and there remained four
days, or he was sent for again.
When these tidings were spread abroad
in the country, that Betisac was in prison,
and that enquiry was made of his deeds,
and that it was published that whosoever
had any matter to him should come forth,
thereby much people came to Beziers and
put up supplications to the king of the cruel
deeds of Betisac. Some complained of
him that he had disherited them without
cause or reason, and other complained of
him that he had by force taken their wives
and daughters. When the king's council
saw so many great causes laid to Betisac,
they were weary thereof, and beside all
these complaints he was sore behated with
the people, and all this came to him by
reason to fill the duke of Berry's purse : he
did ever what he would have him to do.
The king's council wist not what to do, for
then there was come thither two knights
from the duke of Berry, the lord of Nan-
touillet and sir Peter Mespin, who had
brought letters to the king from the duke,
and they in the duke's behalf avowed all
that ever Betisac had done before, and the
duke required the king and his council to
have again his man and treasurer. The
king had great hatred to Betisac because of
the evil name and fame that ran upon him :
the king and the duke of Touraine his
brother inclined greatly to have had him
hanged, saying how he had well deserved
it ; but the king's council durst not judge
him for doubt of the duke of Berry. They
said to the king : ' Sir, if the duke of Berry
avow all his deeds, whatsoever they be, we
cannot see by no way of reason that he
hath deserved death ; for the season that
he meddled in_ these countries by cessing
of tallies, subsidies and aids and receiving of
them, he did it at the instance of the duke
of Berry, who had at that time there puis-
sance royal, as well as ye have now. But,
sir, according to the deserts of his deeds ye
may seize into your hands all his moveables
and heritages and leave him in the same
case as the duke of Berry found him first,
and with his goods make restitution to such
poor men as be undone by him.' What
should I make" long process ? Betisac was
at the point of his deliverance with the loss
of his goods, till at the last other tiding:
came in place : I shall shew you what.
. I knew not nor I could not know ^ but b;
knowledging of himself, if he were indeed
so evil as he judged himself : he said he
was an heretic and had done many horrible
deeds. As it was shewed me, there came
some to him on a night, being in prison, to
put him in fear ; whether they were his
friends or foes I know not. They said :
' Betisac, thou art in a hard case : the
French king, his brother and the duke of
Bourbon doth hate you mortally : there be
so many complaints put up against you
from divers places of such oppressions as
ye have done when ye had rule in Langue-
doc, so that they all judge you to be
hanged : for ye cannot scape with the loss
of your goods, the which hath been offered
to the king ; but the king, who hateth you
mortally, hath answered how that all your
goods are his and your body also, the which,
he saith, he will not keep long. I shew
you this for good will, for to-morrow it is
thought ye shall be delivered to be judge
to die.' Those words greatly affraye
Betisac, and said to them : ' Ah, Sain
Mary, is there no remedy?' 'Yes,' quot
they, ' to-morrow say how ye would spea
with the king's council, and then othi
they will come to you or send for you t
them ; and when ye be in their presence
then say thus : " My lords, I knowledg(
myself I have greatly displeased God, an
for the displeasure he hath to me this falsi
slander is raised on me." Then they wil
demand of you wherein. Then ye shal
answer how ye have a long season erred i
your faith, and that ye be an heretic an
keep still that opinion. When the bisho
of Beziers shall hear that, he will the
challenge to have you in his keepingj
Then ye shall be delivered to him, for such'
causes ought to be declared by the law of
the Church. Then ye shall be sent to
Avignon : there will be none against the
duke of Berry, the pope will not displease
him, and by this means ye may be de-
livered and nother lose body nor goods : but
if ye bide still in the case that ye be in, ye
shall not scape past to-morrow, but that ye
shall be hanged ; for the king hateth you
because of the slander of the people.'
Betisac, who trusted on that false informa
1 * I know not, nor can I know.'
THE KING m LANGUEDOC
395
tion, for he that is in peril of death knoweth
not well what to do, wherefore he answered
and said : ' Ye be my friend and counsel me
truly, whereof God thank you, and I trust
the time shall come that I shall thank you.'
The next morning he called the gaoler
and said : ' Friend, I require you cause
such men and such to come to speak with
me,' and named such as were the inquisitors
over him. The gaoler shewed them how
Betisac would speak with them. They
came to him and demanded what he would.
He answered and said : ' Sirs, I have
searched my conscience : I knowledge my-
self I have highly displeased God, for long
time I have erred against the faith. I
never believed of the Trinity, nor that the
Son of God would come so low as to come
from heaven to come into this world to
take human kind of a woman ; for ^ I be-
lieve and say that when we die there is
nothing of the soul.' 'Ah, Saint Mary,'
quoth they, * Betisac, ye are greatly against
Holy Church : your words demandeth for
a fire : advise you better.' ' I cannot tell,'
quoth Betisac, ' whether my words de-
mandeth fire or water, but I have holden
this opinion sith I have had knowledge,
and shall hold it till I die.' The inquisitors
would hear no more of him at that time,
and were glad to find such a matter against
him, thereby to put him to death. Then
they commanded the gaoler to keep him
straitly and to suffer no man to speak with
him, to the intent that he should not be
turned from that opinion. Then they went
to the king's council and shewed them all
the matter : then they went to the king
and shewed him all the manner of Betisac,
as ye have heard, whereof the king had
great marvel and said : ' We will that he
be put to death : it is an evil man, he is a
false heretic and a thief: we will he be
brent and hanged, then he shall have as
he hath deserved. He shall not be excused
for all mine uncle of Berry.'
Anon these tidings were spread abroad
in the city of Beziers, how Betisac had of
his own voluntary will without any con-
straint confessed how he was an heretic
and had used long the sin of bulgary,^ and
1 'And.'
- ' Tenoit et avoit tenu longtemps ropinion des
bougres.' The ' opinion of the Bulgarians ' means
heresy, and 'bougre' in old French means 'heretic'
how the king had said how he should be
brent and hanged, whereof much people
were right joyous, for he was sore hated.
The two knights that were come thither
from the duke of Berry were greatly
abashed and wist not what to suppose.
Then sir Peter Mespin said to the lord of
Nantouillet : ' Sir, I fear me Betisac is
betrayed : peradventure some person hath
been with him secretly in the prison and
hath borne him in hand that if he hold
that horrible error, that the Church then
shall challenge him, and so be sent to
Avignon to the pope and ihereby be de-
livered. Ah, fool that he is, he is deceived,
for the king saith he will have him both
brent and hanged. Let us go to the prison
to him and reform him and bring him to
another state ; for he is far out of the way
and evil counselled.' They went straight
to the prison and desired the gaoler that
they might speak with Betisac. The gaoler
excused himself and said : ' Sirs, ye must
pardon me, for I am straitly charged to
suffer no man to speak with him, and also
here be four sergeants of arms sent by the
king to keep him, and we dare not break
the king's commandment.' Then the two
knights saw well how they laboured in vain,
and how there was no remedy by all likeli-
hood, but that Betisac should die. Then
they returned to their lodging and reckoned
and paid, and took their horses and returned
to their lord the duke of Berry and shewed
him all the case.
The conclusion of Betisac was such, that
the next day about ten of the clock he was
taken out of prison and brought to the
bishop's palace, and there were ready the
judges and officers spiritual : and the baily
of Beziers brought forth the prisoner and
said : ' Behold, sirs, here is Betisac, whom
I deliver to you for an heretic and a sinner
in bulgary, and if he had not been a clerk,
he had been judged or this according to
his deserts.' Then the official demanded
of Betisac if it were with him according as
he was accused, and to confess the truth
there openly before all the people. And
Betisac, who thought to have said well
and to have scaped by reason of his con-
fession, he answered and said that all
was true. He was demanded this three
times, and at every time he confessed it to
be true before all the people. Thus ye
396
THE CHRONICLES OF EROISSART
may know whether he was deceived or
not, for if he had made no such confession,
he had been delivered ; for the duke of
Berry had fully avowed all his deeds, the
which he had done at his commandment
in the country of Languedoc : but it was to
be supposed that fortune played her turn
with him, for when he thought to have been
most assuredest on the height of fortune's
wheel, he was turned up-se-down from her
wheel, as she hath done a hundred thousand
more sith the world began. Then Betisac
was delivered again by the spiritual judge
to the baily of Beziers, who under the king
ruled the temporalty ; the which Betisac
without delay was brought to a place before
the palace, he was so hasted forward that
he had no leisure to answer nor to say nay,
for when he saw a fire ready prepared in
the place and saw that he was in the hands
of the hangman, he was sore abashed, and
saw well then that he was deceived and
betrayed. Then he cried out aloud re-
quiring to be heard, but then was no heed
taken to his saying, but the hangman said :
* It is ordained that ye shall die, for your
evil works hath brought you to an evil
end. ' He was hasted forward to his death
and the fire made ready : there was also
raised a pair of gallows and thereto tied a
chain of iron, and at the end thereof a
collar of iron, the which was put about his
neck, and then the chain drawn up a-high
and tied round about the gallows. Then
he cried and said : ' Duke of Berry, they
cause me to die without reason, they do me
wrong.' As soon as he was tied to the
gallows, there was set round about dry
sedge, reed and faggots, and fire put
thereto, and incontinent the faggots were
afire. Thus Betisac was hanged and brent,
and the French king out of his chamber
might well see him, if he would. To this
poor end came Betisac, and so the people
were revenged of him ; and for to say the
truth, he had done many extortions and
damages to the people while he had the
governing of the country of Languedoc.
CHAPTER CLX [CLXIV]
SUMMARY. — The earl of Foix came to
Toulouse to see the king, and did homage
for the county of Foix.
CHAPTER CLXI [CLXV]
Of the feat and covenant that was done be-
tween the king and the duke of Touraine
his brother, which of them should soonest
come to Paris from Montpellier, which is
a hundred and fifty leagues asunder, each
of them but with one knight.
The French king being at Toulouse, he
fcrdered all his business and removed and
renewed seneschals and officers, and re-
formed the country into good estate, so
that every man was well contented ; and on
a day the king, present his brother, his
uncle of Bourbon and the lords of France
and Gascoyne to the intent to have a per-
petual memory, gave to his coxisin-german,
sir Charles d'Albret, for the augmentation
of his honour, two quarters of arms of
France with flower-de-luces ; for afore the
lords d'Albret bare always in their arms a
field of gules plain without any other thing :
now they be quartered with the arms of,
France : which thing the lord d'Albret took
for a great gift. Which lord made the same
day a great dinner, which cost him more
than a thousand franks, and he gave to
heralds and minstrels two hundred franks.
Anon after it was ordained that the king
should depart from Toulouse to return into,
France : every man made him ready and
took leave of the king, the bishop of Tou-
louse, the seneschal and the burgesses and
lords and damosels of the town. The kingj
departed and rode that night to Castel-
naudary and so forward every day, so that]
he came to Montpellier, where he was
joyfully received, and there tarried three
days, for the ladies and damosels there
pleased him much. Then he had great
desire to return to Paris to see the queen :
on a day, as he communed in sport
with his brother of Touraine, he said :
' Fair brother, I would that you and I
were at Paris and all our estate here still
as it is, for I have great desire to see the
queen and your fair sister^ of Touraine.'
Then the duke said : ' Sir, we cannot be
there with wishing : it is a far journey
hence.' 'That is true,' quoth the king,
1 ' Et vous belle soeur de Thouraine,' ' and you
(have great desire to see) my fair sister of Tou
raine' : but the better reading is ' et ma belle soeur
de Thouraine.'
*
AFFAIRS OF THE CHURCH, 1389
397
* yet I think I might be soon there, an I
would.' 'Yea,' quoth the duke, 'with
help of good horses ; for so could I be, but
my horse must bear me.' 'Well,' quoth
the king, 'lay a wager you and I, who
shall be there soonest' 'I am content,'
quoth the duke : for he was ever ready to
win money of the king. The wager was
laid between the king and the duke, that
whosoever of them twain came soonest to
Paris should win five thousand franks of
the other, and to depart the next day all
at one hour, and each of them to take but
one knight or servant with them : there was
no man that durst break their wager. The
next day they departed as it was ordained :
the lord of Garencieres rode with the king,
and the lord of Viefville was with the duke
of Touraine. Thus these four rode night
and day like young lusty gallants ; they
changed many horses ; thus they rode in
post. The duke of Bourbon returned by
Puy in Auvergne and rode to see his grand-
father^ by the way, the earl Dolphin of
Auvergne, and the countess and their chil-
dren, of whom there were to the number
of eight, what sons what daughters, all
brethren and sisters to the duchess of Bour-
bon, his wife, but that was by reason of
two marriages.
Thus the French king and his brother
the duke of Touraine rode in great haste
each of them to win the wager. Consider
well the great pain of these two great and
rich lords : youth and liberty of courage
made them to do that enterprise ; their
estates abode behind. The French king
made it four days and a half or he came
to Paris, and the duke of Touraine no more
but four days and a quarter of a day, they
followed each other so near. The duke
won the wager by reason that the French
king rested himself about eight of the clock
at Troyes in Champagne, and the duke
took a barge in the river of Seine and went
along the river to Melun,'^ and there took
horse and rode so till he came to Paris,
and so went to Saint-Pol to the queen and
1 A better reading is 'father-in-law.'
2 The duke of Touraine rested for the night on
a barge going down the river, while the king re-
mained at Troyes ; thus the duke gained some
hours' advantage. The distance from Montpellier
to Paris cannot be much less than 400 English
miles, but there is good evidence that the match did
not take place quite as Froissart reports it.
to his wife and demanded tidings of the
king, for he wist not whether he were come
or not. And when he knew that the king
was not come, he was joyful and said to the
queen : ' Madam, ye shall shortly hear tid-
ings of the king.' fie said truth, for the
king came soon after. When the duke of
Touraine heard that the king was come, he
went and met him and said : ' Sir, I have
won my wager, let me be paid.' ' It is
reason,' quoth the king, ' and so ye shall.'
There they shewed before the ladies all
their journey, and how that in four days
and a half they were come from Mont-
pellier to Paris, which was a hundred and
fifty leagues asunder. The ladies turned
all the matter to sport and laughing, but
they well judged that they had endured
much pain, and judged that youth and
courage of heart caused them to do it.
And the duke of Touraine was truly paid
for his wager.
CHAPTER CLXII [CLXVI]
Of the death of pope Urban of Rome, called
the antipope, and how pope Clement
wrote to the French king and to his uncles
and to the university, and of the election
of pope Boniface by the cardinals of Rome.
About the said season died at Rome pope
Urban the sixth. The Romans were sore
displeased with his death, for he was well
beloved. He was buried in the church of
Saint Peter, and after his obsequy done
well and reverently, then the cardinals
went into the conclave to choose a new
pope ; and so they did, or that pope
Clement knew thereof in Avignon, for it
was ten days past or they knew it. And
as soon as pope Clement and his cardinals
knew thereof, they assembled together at
the pope's palace and had great communi-
cation together, and were in great hope
that the business of the Church should leave
and be concluded and to come to a full
union, for the error had long endured.
They thought that the cardinals at Rome
should not agree so soon to enter into con-
clave, but rather to submit themselves to
pope Clement at Avignon. They sent also
word to the French king of the death of
Urban, called the antipope, and desired
398
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
ro so.Bi
him (the sooner to come to their purpose)
that he would write to his cousins the king
of Almaine and the king of Hungary, to the
earl of Vertus and to the duke of Austria,
who had ever holden with pope Urban,
that they should now cease, and help to
make rest and peace in the Church, and to
shew them by his letters that in our faith
there ought to be no variation, for as there
is but one God in heaven, so there ought
to be but one God in earth. The same
season the duke of Burgoyne was with the
king at Paris, to whom pope Clement and
the cardinals wrote in like manner : then
the king shewed his uncle these news and
was right joyful and said : ' Fair uncle, we
have had great desire to go with great
puissance to Rome to destroy the infidels ;
but as now our journey is well shorted, for
Urban the antipope is dead, as Clement
hath written to us ; and he thinketh that
the cardinals will not enter into conclave
to choose any new pope, but rather to come
to Avignon and to submit themselves under
pope Clement : and we are desired by him
and by the cardinals at Avignon, for the
more surety, to write pleasant letters to our
cousins the king of Almaine and to his
brother the king of Hungary and to the
earl of Vertus and to the duke of Austria.
What counsel will ye give me to do ? ' The
duke of Burgoyne said : ' Sir, true it is
pope Urban is dead, but as yet we know
nothing of the state of the cardinals at
Rome, nor of the Romans, nor whether
they will keep their old opinion or not. I
fear it will be hard for them to leave it, for
the Romans are masters over the cardinals :
by force they made them to choose the
archbishop of Bari and made him pope,
and so maintained him to the end ; and so
if now by perforce they cause the cardinals
to enter into conclave and to choose a pope
at their pleasure. Wherefore, sir, ye shall
not need to enter so far into the matter, as
to desire them that will do but little for
you, as they have shewed yet hitherunto.
Suffer, sir, till ye hear other news ; and
peradventure it may so be that the cardinals
at Rome shall not be all of one accord,
and peradventure will dissimule with the
Romans and choose none other pope but
Clement, and to appease their furour to
promise them to cause Clement to come to
Rome, which he will do right gladly on
that condition. And if the matter go so
then shall it be time for you to write to all
the princes christened that are of the opinion
contrary to you, in the best manner ye can
to avoid the schism^ and to bring the Church
to an union and peace, as by reason every
man ought to do. But as yet ye be not
sure how the matter goeth : it is best ye
abide the adventure thereof; it shall not
be long or we hear other tidings.' When
the duke of Burgoyne had said these words
to the king and to his council, there was
none that spake contraiy thereto. The
king thought his words were reasonable
and said : ' Fair uncle, we believe it is
good reason that ye say : ye see more
clearer in the matter than we do : and
as for the business of the Church, we will
do nothing therein but by your counsel
and advice.' Thus they ceased of that
communication.
Great murmuration there was among the
clerks of the university of those tidings,
whereby they ceased to read or to study
and intended to nothing but to hearken
and to know how the cardinals of Rome
maintained themselves, whether they would
elect a new pope or else to return to the
pope at Avignon. They did cast many
doubts and argued one with another : they
knew well how Clement had written to the
king and to the duke of Touraine and to
the duke of Burgoyne and to the king's
council : in like wise letters were written
generally to the university, that they should
conclude to an universal peace in the
Church. Thus the clerks devised among
themselves, and such as would the advance-
ment of Clement said : ' Now it is time
that the king and the lords of France write
to the great princes of Christendom, as to
the king of Almaine, the king of Hungary,
the lord of Milan, and to the duke of
Austria, and to such other as are of our
opinion,^ to the intent that they should
return to the same state : such writing may
much avail.' In three days three times the
notable clerks of the university of Paris as-
sembled together, and at last came to Saint-
Pol to speak with the king and his council,
to desire him to set to his hand to oppress
1 ' As to the best manner that can be devised for
removing the schism.'
2 ' And to those that hold the opinion contrary
to us,' 'qui tiennent nostre opinion contraire.'
EXPEDITION TO AFRICA, 1390
399
the schism of the Church and to intend to
the ordinance of pope Clement, who had
humbly written to him. But when they
came to Saint-Pol, they were not answered ;
the king dissimuled the matter with them,
so that they were evil content. Finally
the king contented them, saying how
shortly they should hear other news : and
so they did ; for the cardinals of Rome
entered into the conclave and made a new
pope, the cardinal of Naples, a noble
and valiant clerk : he was called Boniface.
When the French king and his council
heard thereof, they were pensive, for then
they well imagined how that the schism
was likely to endure long. Then the duke
of Burgoyne said to the king : ' Sir, now
regard whether your writings had not been
lost or no: it is now fallen as I said.'
'Fair uncle,' quoth the king, *ye say
truth.'
Then graces were opened to all clerks
at Rome by Boniface, and all provinces
certified thereof, such as were under his
obeisance ; and such as would receive such
graces went towards Rome. And when
they approached the marches of Ancona,
they rode in great peril, for sir Bernard de
la Salle, who kept the frontiers there, and
made war to the Romans in the quarrel of
pope Clement, took such clerks as passed
by and did them much trouble, and many
slain and lost.
Now let us leave speaking of these popes
and turn to other matters.
CHAPTER CLXIII [CLXVII]
SUMMARY. — The castle of Ventadour
•was at length taken, and the captains of it
put to death for their attefupted treachery,
CHAPTER CLXIV [CLXVHI]
SUMMARY.— The jousts were held at
Saint - Inglevert thirty days against all
CHAPTER CLXV [CLXIX]
SUMMARY.— The Genoese, who suffered
much both in their islands and on their
coast front pirates, who had their base in
the strong town of Afrique} fitted out an
expedition against this town and invited
French knights to join them, and desired one
of the French king's uncles or the dtike of
Touraine to be their commander. The
duke of Bourbon accepted, and there -ivent
also the lord of Coucy and many other lords
of France and of other countries.
The fleet sailed from Genoa about mid-
sumtner in the year 1390, and arrived at
the island of Comminieres, about thirty
tniles froi7i the town of Afriqite.
CHAPTER CLXVI [CLXX]
SUMMARY.— Aymerigot Marcel, after
having sold the fortress of Alleuse to the
earl cf Armagnac, established hitnself in la
Roche -Vendeix and pillaged the country.
The French king sent the viscount of Meaux
to be his lieutenant in Auvergne, who be-
sieged and captui-ed la Roche - Vendeix.
Aymerigot Marcel was taken a?td executed
at Paris.
CHAPTER CLXVH [CLXXI]
How the Christian lords and the Genoways
being in the isle of Comminieres at anchor
departed thence to go and lay siege to the
strong city of Afrique in Barbary, and how
they maintained the siege.
Whereas I have spoken at length of the
life of Aymerigot Marcel, it was to furnish
this history ; for the conditions both of evil
and good ought to be always treated in a
history, and specially when it toucheth any
great feat, for ensample of other and to
give matter and occasion to do well : for if
Aymerigot had led his life in good virtues,
he had been a man of great valour, and
because he did the contrary, he came to an
evil end.
Now let us leave speaking of him, and
let us return to the high enterprise that the
Christian knights of France and other
nations did in that season in the realm
of Afrique, and I will begin thereas I left.
The said lords assembled in the isle of
Comminieres after they had passed the
1 The town which Froissart calls 'Afrique' is
Mehadia.
400
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
tempests and perils in the gulf of Lyon.
There they tarried each for other, for there
were in the city of Afrique a thirty thou-
sand. In this isle of Comminieres they
were a nine days and refreshed them : and
there the patrons of the galleys said to the
lords : ' Sirs, we be in the land next ap-
proaching to the marches of Afrique,
whither by the grace of God ye are pur-
posed to go and lay siege ; wherefore it is
behoveable to take counsel each of other,
how we may enter into the haven and to
take land. To save ourselves ^ it is best
we send foremost our little ships called
brigandines, and let us tarry in the mouth of
the haven the first day that we approach and
all the night after, and the next morning
to take land by the grace of God at our
leisure, and then lodge ourselves as near
the city as we may, without the shot of their
artillery, and let us set our cross-bow Geno-
ways in order, who shall be ready to defend
all scrimmishes ; and we suppose well that
when we shall take landing we have here
in your companies many young squires,
who to enhance their honours will require
to have the order of knighthood. Instruct
them wisely and sweetly how they shall
maintain themselves, and, my lords, know
for truth that all we seamen shall acquit us
unto you well and truly and always shew
you by what manner of order we shall
most grieve our enemies, and we shall take
pain and study how the city of Afrique
may be won, for oft times they have done
us great damage ; for on that coast it is
the chief key of Barbary and of the realms
that followeth, first the realm of Afrique,
of Marocco and of Buggia, and if God
of his grace will consent that we may
win this city of Afrique, all the Saracens
will tremble to the realm of Libya and
Syria, so that all the world shall speak
thereof, and by the aid of other Christian
realms and isles marching near to Afrique
we shall always be refreshed with victuals
and new men ; for this is a common voyage,
for every man will desire daily to do deeds
of arms and specially on God's enemies.' ^
1 ' Pour nous saulver,' but a better reading is
'pour eulx saluer,' 'to greet them,' that is the
enemy.
^ ' We shall always be able to hold and refresh it
with victuals and new men : for this shall be a
common voyage, and let it be accomplished and
directed so as to make war every day on the
And thus in the conclusion of their process
the patrons said : ' Lords, we say not this
by no presumption, nor by manner as to
teach you what ye should do, but this that
we have said is all only for love and by
humility, for ye be all noblemen, sage and
valiant, and can better order everything
than we can devise and speak. ' Then the
lord of Coucy said : ' Sirs, your good coun-
sel and advice ought greatly to content us,
for we see nolhing therein but good ; and,
sirs, be ye sure that M'e shall do nothing
without your counsel, for ye have brought
us hither to do deeds of arms.'
Thus in the presence of the duke of
Bourbon the lords and other counselled
together in the isle of Comminieres, how
they might approach the strong town of
Afrique. When everything was well ad-
vised and set in good order by the admiral
and patrons of the galleys, and that wind
and weather served them, every lord
entered into his galley among their own
men, having great desire to encounter with
their enemies, the Saracens. Then the
trumpets blew up at their departing : it
was great pleasure to behold their oars
how they rowed abroad in the sea, which
was peaceable, calm and fair, so that in
manner the sea shewed herself that she
had great desire that the Christian men
should come before the strong town o
Afrique. The Christian navy was goodly
to regard and well ordered, and it was
great beauty to see the banners and pennons
of silk with the arms and badges of the
lords and other waving with the wind and
shining against the sun, and within
hour of noon the Christian men perceived
the high towers of the town of Afrique,
and the farther they sailed, the nearer it
shewed to their sights ; wherefore every
man rejoiced and good cause why, seeing
all they desired to come thither : they
thought then in a manner their pains re-
leased and their voyage accomplished.
Thus as they approached to the entry of
the realm of Afrique, they communed and
devised among themselves ; and in like
manner the Saracens that were within the
town of Afrique spake and devised and
were sore abashed, when they saw their
enemies of God, and always to win land.' By *a
common voyage' they mean one in which they
share equally with their allies.
J
EXPEDITION TO AFRICA
401
enemies approach with such a number of
sails, and said that surely they were likely to
be besieged. Howbeit, they thought their
town so strong with towers and walls and
with artillery, that therewith they recom-
forted and took courage ; and to give
warning to the country, as soon as they
saw their enemies on the sea on the high
towers, they sowned timbres and tabors ac-
cording to their usage in such wise that the
men abroad in the country drew together.
Such men of Barbary as had been sent
thither by the king of Afrique and by the
king of Tunis and Buggia, when they
knew of the Christian men's coming by
reason of the noise of the timbres and
tabors, to the intent that they should not
enter too far into their countries, every
man took heed to his charge ; and sent
certain of their captains to the sea side to
see the approaching of the Christian men
and to behold their dealing that night.
Also they provided to defend the towers
and gates about the haven of Afrique, to
the intent that by their negligence the
town of Afrique should take no damage,
which town was so strong that it was not
likely to take great hurt without long
siege.
And I, John Froissart, author of this
chronicle, because I was never in Afrique
and because I might truly write the manner
and fashion of this enterprise, always I
desired such knights and squires as had
been at the same voyage to inform me of
everything : and because I had been often-
times in my days at Calais, I demanded
also of such there as had been at the said
voyage,^ and it was shewed me of a surety
that the Saracens among themselves said
how the Christian men that were there
were expert and subtle men of arms :
whereupon an ancient Saracen said to all
his company : ' Sirs, all things considered,
it is best that the Christian men at the
I beginning see not our strength and puis-
sance, nor also we have not men sufficient
to fight with them, but daily men will come
to us : wherefore I think it best to suffer
them to take land. They have no horses
1 Here there is omitted in the text followed by the
translator a long passage which contains a com-
parison between the city of Afrique and the town
of Calais, and a debate of the Saracens as to what
they should do.
2 D
to overrun the country : they will not
spread abroad, but keep together for fear
of us : the town is strong enough and well
provided, we need not fear any assaults :
the air is hot and will be hotter ; they are
lodged in the sun, and we in the shadow :
and they shall daily waste their victuals
and shall be without hope to recover any
new, an they lie here any long season ;
and we shall have plenty, for we be in
our own country : and they shall oftentimes
be awaked and scrimmished withal, to
their damage and to our advantage. Let
us not fight with them, for otherwise they
cannot discomfit us : they have not been
used with the air of this country, which is
contrary to their nature : I think this the
best way.'
To the saying of this ancient knight
Saracen all other agreed : then it was com-
manded on pain of death that no man
should go to the sea side to scrimmish
with the Christian men, without they were
commanded, but to keep themselves close
in their lodgings and suffer the Christian
men to take land. This determination
was upholden, none durst break it, and
they sent a certain of their archers into
the town of Afrique, to aid to defend it.
The Saracens shewed themselves nothing,
as though there had been no men in the
countiy. The Christian men lodged all
that night in the mouth of the haven of
Afrique, and the next morning the weather
was fair and clear and the air in good
temper, and the sun rose that it was
pleasure to behold. Then the Christian
men began to stir and made them ready,
having great desire to approach the town
of Afrique and to take land. Then
trumpets and clarions began to sown in
the galleys and vessels and made great
noise, and about nine of the clock, when
the Christian men had taken a little
refreshing with drink, then were they
rejoiced and lighted ; and according as
they had appointed before, they sent in
first their light vessels called brigandines,
well furnished with artillery : they entered
into the haven, and after them came the
armed galleys and the other ships of the
fleet in good order, and turning towards the
land by the sea side there was a strong
castle with high towers, and specially one
tower, which defended the sea side and the
402
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
land also ; and in this tower was a bricole
or an engine, which was not idle but still
did cast great stones among the Christian
men's ships. In like wise in every tower
of the town against the sea side there were
engines to cast stones : the Saracens had
well provided for their town, for they
looked ever long before when they should
be besieged.
When the Christian men entered into
the haven of Afrique to take land, it was
a pleasant sight to behold their order and
to hear the clarions and trumpets sound so
high and clear. Divers knights and valiant
men of the realm of France spread abroad
that day their banners, with divers other
new-made knights. The lord John of Ligne
was there first made knight, he was of the
country of Hainault ; he was made by the
hands of a cousin of his named sir Henry
d'Antoing, and there he spread abroad
first his banner, the field gold, a bend of
gules, and in his company was his cousin-
german the lord of Havreth in Hainault.
Thus the lords, knights and squires with
great desire advanced them and took land
and lodged on the land of their enemies in
the sight of the false Saracens on a Wednes-
day in the evening of Mary Magdalen in
the year of our Lord God a thousand three
hundred and fourscore [and ten], and as
they took land they were lodged by their
marshals. The Saracens that were within
the town praised much the Christian men's
order, and because that the great galleys
could not approach near to the land, the
men issued out in boats and took land and
followed the banner of our Lady.
The Saracens that were within the town
and such as were abroad in the country
suffered the Christian men peaceably to
take land, for they saw well it should not
be for their advantage to have fought with
them at their landing. The duke of
Bourbon, who was as chief of the Christian
army there, was lodged in the midst of his
company right honourably, his banner dis-
played, powdered full of flower-de-luces
with an image of our Lady in the midst
and a scutcheon with the arms of Bourbon
under the feet of the image.
SUMMARY.— Here follows the order in
which the lords and knights were lodged in
the ca77ip. The Saracens had an ai-my of
forty thousand or more encatnped against
them outside the town, with a wood behind
thefn, and they every day attacked the out-
posts of the Christiajt camp, never coining
to close quarters :, and this went on for nine,
iveeks.
The author thus contiiities : —
The Saracens within the town of Afrique
had great marvel by what title or in-
stance that the Christian men came thither
so strongly to make them war. It was
shewed me how they took advice among
them how to know the truth thereof and
determined to send to the Christian men
to know their minds, and so took a truche-
man that could speak Italian and com-
manded him to go to the Christian host
and to demand of them in what title and
instance they are come to make us war,
and why they be come so strongly into the
empire of Barbary and into the land of
Afrique : ' and say how we have in
nothing trespassed them. Of a trut
afore this time there hath been w£
between us and the Genoways, but
for that war by reason ought not to toucl
the Christian men of far countries off.'
As for the Genoways, are our neighbours,
they take of us and we of them, we have f
been ancient enemies and shall be, exceplP
when truce is between us.' With thi
message the trucheman departed and rodd
to the Christian army and met first with
Genoway, and shewed him how he was
messenger sent from the Saracens to spea
with some lord of France. The Genowa^
had to name Antony Marchi ; he was
centurion of the cross-bows : he brougl
this messenger to the duke of Bourbon and
to the lord of Coucy, who gladly hear^
him speak ; and the words that he spake ii
his own language ^ the centurion Genoway
expouned them in French. When this
messenger had declared his message, he
desired to have an answer. The lords of
France said he should have, but first they
would take advice in the matter. Then a
twelve of the greatest lords drew together
to council in the duke of Bourbon's tent
and concluded, and so sent for the
messenger ; and the Genoway made him
his answer in all their names, saying how
1 'The words that the lords could not under-
stand ' : the dragoman spoke Italian.
in
i
EXPEDITION TO AFRICA
403
the title and quarrel that they made war
in was because the Son of God, called Jesu
Christ, and true prophet, by their line and
generation was put to death and crucified ;
and because they had judged their God to
death without title or reason, therefore
they would have amends and punish that
trespass and false judgment that they of
their law had made ; and also because they
believed not in the holy baptism and are
ever contrary to their faith and law ; nor
also because they believed not in the Virgin
Mary, mother to Jesu Christ. For these
causes and other, they said, they took the
Saracens and all their sect for their
enemies, and said how they would revenge
the despites that they had done and daily
do to their God and Christian faith. With
this answer the trucheman returned with-
out peril or damage and shewed to his
masters all as ye have heard. At this
answer the Saracens did nothing but laugh,
and said how that answer was nothing
reasonable, for it was the Jews that put
Christ to death and not they. Thus the
siege still endured, every party making
good watch.
Anon after, the Saracens took counsel
together and determined that a seven or
eight days together they should suffer the
Christian men in rest, and not to make
any manner of scrimmish with them, and
then suddenly on a night about the hour
of midnight to set on the host, trusting
thereby to do a great feat. As they or-
dained so they did, and an eight days
together they made no scrimmish, and on
the ninth day about midnight they secretly
armed them with such armour as they were
accustomed to, and so came close together
without any noise near to the lodgings of
the Christian men, and had enterprised to
have done a great feat and to have entered
not on that side that their watch was on,
but on the other part of the field, where
there was no watch kept. They had come
to their intents, an God properly had not
been against them in shewing of apparent
miracles : I shall shew you how.
As the Saracens approached, they saw
suddenly before them a great company of
ladies and damosels, all in white colour,
and one in especial, who in beauty with-
out comparison exceeded all the other, and
there was borne before her a banner all of
white, and red within. With this sight
the Saracens were so abashed, that they
lacked spirit and force to go any further,
and so stood still, and the ladies before
them. Also it was shewed me that the
Genoways had a great dog in their com-
pany, that they brought with them, but they
knew not from whence he came, there was
none that challenged the dog to be his ;
which dog did them great service, for the
Saracens could never come so privily to
scrimmish, but the dog would bay and
make such bruit, that he would not rest
till such as were asleep were awaked.
Every man knew, when they heard the dog
bay, that the Saracens were coming to
scrimmish with them, whereby ever they
apparelled themselves to resist them. The
Genoways called the dog our Lady's dog.
The same season that the Saracens stood
still in a trance and the ladies before them,
this dog was not idle, but he made great
bruit and ran baying first to the stand
watch : the lord of Coucy and sir Henry
d'Antoing kept the watch that night.
When every man heard this dog make such
bruit, they rose and armed them ready, for
they knew well that the Saracens did ap-
proach to awake them : and true it was
that the Virgin Mary and her company
was before them, to defend the Christian
men from all perils, so that they took that
night no manner of damage, for the Sara-
cens durst not approach, but returned to
their lodgings ; and after that the Christian
men took better heed to their watch.
The Saracens, knights and squires, such
as were in the town of Afrique, and speci-
ally such as had seen these ladies, were so
abashed that they wist not what to think ;
and the Christian knights and squires that
lay at the siege studied day and night how
they might win the town, and they within
studied again how to defend their town.
The season was hot and dry, for the sun
was in his most strength, as in the month
of August, and the marches of Afrique are
right hot by reason of the sand, and also
they be nearer to the sun than we be. And
the wines that the Christian men had came
from Puylle and Calabre, and they be hot
and dry, far from the nature of the French
wines, whereby many fell into hot fevers.
And to consider according to reason, I
cannot tell how the Frenchmen and other
404
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
of low countries could endure the pain of
the hot and gross air that they found there,
without refreshing of good, sweet and fresh
water, which they lacked there : yet they
made fountains and wells in the sand,
which did them great pleasure, for there
they found fresh water ; howbeit oftentimes
the water was sore chafed by reason of the
heat, and also oftentimes they had great
default of victuals, and some season they
had enough coming from Sicily and from
other isles adjoining. Such as were whole
comforted them that were diseased, and
such as had victuals departed with them
that lacked, otherwise they could not have
endured ; they dealt each with other like
brethren and friends. The lord of Coucy
specially had the chief resort of gentlemen ;
he could behave himself sweetly among
them, much better than the duke of Bour-
bon ; for the duke was somewhat of an
high courage, proud and presumptuous,
nor spake not so sweetly nor so humbly to
knights, squires and strangers as the lord
of Coucy did. Most commonly the duke
of Bourbon would sit all day without his
tent with his legs across, and whosoever
would speak with him it behoved him to
have a procurer and to make great rever-
ence. He considered not the state of poor
men so well as the lord Coucy did ; where-
fore he was more in the grace and love of
the people than the duke of Bourbon was ;
and as it was shewed me by divers knights
and squires strangers, that in their opinions,
if the lord Coucy had been sovereign cap-
tain alone, they had sped otherwise than
they did ; for by reason of the pride of the
duke of Bourbon many feats and enter-
prises were left undone : it was the opinion
pf many that he kept himself sure enough
from taking. 1
SUMMARY. — A combat was arranged
without hwwledge of the duke of BouT-bon
between ten Christians and ten Saracens, but
at the appointed time the Saracens did not
appear. The host were kept binder arms all
that day, the hottest they had seen, and in the
eventing when exhausted went to assault the
town, in which assault they lost no less than
sixty knights and squires.
1 ' It was the opinion of many that he kept the
town from being taken.'
- CHAPTER CLXVni [CLXXH]
SUMMARY.— The Saracens were 7iot
aware of the extent of this loss, and failed
to take advantage of it. The siege con-
titiued, but the Genoese, it was said, zvould
gladly have made a treaty with the Saracens
a?id left the rest in the lurch.
CHAPTER CLXIX [CLXXHI]
SUMMAR Y.— Jousts were held in London
after the feast of Saint Michael in this year,
and sixty knights challenged all comers.
William of Ostrevant was distinguished in
this tourney, and accepted the order of the
Garter, by which he gave offence to the
Fretich king.
CHAPTER CLXX [CLXXIV]
SUMMARY. — The siege of Afrique was
raised, partly because of the approach of
winter and partly because it was thought
that the Genoese could not be trusted. The
Saracens after this were much more proud,
and kept the sea and especially the straits oj
Marocco, so that ships could not pass to
England or Flanders without paying
tribute. The king of France, who wai
disposed to make a new journey against th
Saracens, was advised that he ought firs^
to go to Rome and remove the antipopt
Boniface.
CHAPTER CLXXI [CLXXV]
SUMMARY. — English ambassadors ar-\
rived at Paris to propose a meeting between j
the kings of France and England with a<
view to peace.
CHAPTERS CLXXII, CLXXIH
[CLXXVI, CLXXVII]
SUMMAR Y.—ICingJohn of Castile died,
and Henry his son, ?narried to the duke of
Lancaster's daughter, was c?-owned king.
PETER DE CRAON
405
The young carl of Armagnac went into
Lotnbardy to help his brother - m - law
Bamabo Visconti against Gakazzo Visconti,
duke of Milan. He laid siege to Alessan-
dria, tvhere he zvas taken prisoner and died
by misadventure. So his companies re-
turned in great distress.
CHAPTER CLXXIV [CLXXVIII]
How sir Peter of Craon fell in the French
king's displeasure and in the duke of
Touraine's, and after he was received by
the duke of Bretayne.
In this said season there was a knight of
France of the country of Anjou, a gentle
knight and of noble extraction, called sir
Pier of Craon, marvellously well beloved,
and specially with the duke of Touraine,
for about the duke nothing was done but
by him. Also this knight held a great
estate about the duke of Anjou, who was
called king of Naples, Sicily and Jerusalem,
and also he was rich. A slander was
brought upon him through the realm of
France, how he had robbed the young
king of Sicily, duke of Anjou ; for the
which bruit the said sir Peter absented
himself from the young king and from his
mother, who had been wife to the old
duke of Anjou. Howbeit, he dealt so that
he was well beloved with the French king
and with his brother the duke of Touraine :
also the same season sir Oliver of Clisson,
as then constable of France, was greatly in
favour with the king and with the duke of
Touraine, which favour he had got by
reason of the good service that he had
done in arms, as well in France as else-
where, in the king's days and in his father's
days, king Charles ; and sir Oliver of
Clisson's daughter had wedded John of
Bretayne, brother-german to the queen of
Jerusalem. And this sir Oliver Clisson,
by reason of the alliance that he had by
the marriage of John of Bretayne, was
greatly in the duke of Bretayne's indigna-
tion, insomuch that the duke held him for
his mortal enemy and John of Bretayne in
like wise, and the duke of Bretayne re-
pented him that he had not slain sir Oliver
of Clisson when he had him in prison in
his castle of Ermine. This sir Peter of
Craon was in such favour with the duke of
Bretayne, that he might do with him what
he list ; he was his cousin : and while he
was in favour with the French king and
with the duke of Touraine, he would gladly
have brought out of the king's favour sir
Oliver of Clisson the constable, if he could
have brought it about. Thus the envious,
which covertly always hath reigned in
France, dissimuling their matters till they
come to an evil conclusion.^
The constable of France had always
been so true in all his deeds to the crown
of France, that every man loved him ex-
cept the duke of Burgoyne, who loved him
nothing. The hatred came by the duchess
of Burgoyne, who was a lady of high
courage ; for she could not love the con-
stable, for the duke of Bretayne was near
of blood to her, and all that her father the
earl of Flanders loved, she loved, and such
as he hated, she did the same ; she was of
that condition. This sir Peter of Craon,
while he was in the French court and
great with the duke of Touraine, he wrote
oftentimes to the duke of Bretayne secretly
everything that he knew, and the duke ,)
wrote again to him. The efifect of their I
writings I could not know : howbeit, I,
John Froissart, author of this history, on a \
time when I was at Paris, on a night when
a great mischief was likely to have fallen 1
upon sir Oliver Clisson, constable of
France, by a marvellous enterprise of sir
Peter of Craon, as I shall hereafter more
plainly declare, when time shall require ;
and because I saw the matter dark and
obscure and likely to be great trouble and
danger, I did all the pain I could to know
the ground and occasion of the matter,
why sir Peter of Craon was so suddenly
banished from the French king's love and ,
the duke of Touraine's. Such search I 1
made and such enquiry of them that knew /
the matter, that some of them informed me I
of the truth, as the fame and renown ran. ,
First the duke of Touraine was displeased
with this sir Peter of Craon through his
own fault, for he disclosed the secretness
that was between the duke of Touraine
and another lady. If he did so, he did
evil.
1 ' Thus the envies, which always covertly have
reigned in France, were covered and dissembled,
till they came at last to an evil conclusion.'
4o6
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
The duke of Touraine as then had such
favour to sir Peter of Craon, that he took
him as his companion and ware ever hke
apparel and had him always with him,
wheresoever he went, and shewed him all
his secrets. This duke of Touraine as
then was young and amorous and gladly
would company with ladies and damosels
and sport him among them ; and specially,
as it was shewed me, he loved entirely a
fair lady of Paris, young and fresh. His
love and secrets were known in such wise
that it turned to great displeasure to the
duke, and he wist not whom to blame but
sir Peter of Craon, for the duke had shewed
him all his secrets in that matter and had
taken him in his company when he would
secretly speak with the said young lady.
The duke on a time promised the said lady
a thousand crowns of gold, so that he
might have his pleasure of her, but the lady
as then refused it and said how she loved
him not for his gold nor silver, but pure
love inclined her to bear him her good
will ; but as for gold or silver, she would
not sell her honour. All these words and
promises were known by the duchess of
Touraine, who incontinent sent for the
said young lady into her chamber. Then
she called her by her name and in great
displeasure said : ' Wilt thou do me wrong
with my lord my husband ? ' The young
lady was abashed, and all weeping said :
* Nay, madam, by the grace of God I never
did think it, nor never will.' Then the
duchess said : ' Thus it is : I am informed
that my lord my husband loveth you and
you him, and the matter so far gone
between you, that in such a place and at
such a time he promised you a thousand
crowns of gold to have his pleasure of you :
howbeit, ye did refuse it as then, wherein
ye did wisely, and therefore as at this time
I pardon you ; but I charge you as dearly
as ye love your life, that ye commune nor
talk no more with him, but suffer him to
pass and hearken not to his communing. '
Then when the young lady saw herself
accused of truth, she answered and said :
* Madam, I shall deliver me from him as
soon as I can, and shall so deal that ye
shall have no cause of displeasure in this
matter.' Therewith the duchess gave her
leave to depart, and so she returned to her
lodging.
The duke of Touraine, who knew no-
thing of this matter, and as he that entirely
loved this young lady, fortuned on a day to
come whereas she was. When she saw
him, she eschewed his company and made
him no manner of semblant of love, but
did clean contrary to that she had used
before ; for she durst not, and also she
had sworn and promised to the duchess.
When the duke saw her countenance, he
was pensive and thought he would know
why she dealt so strangely, and demanded
of her the cause of her strangeness. The
young lady all weeping said : ' Sir, ye
have bewrayed your love and the secret
promise and offer that ye made me, to my
lady your wife or else some other. Re-
member you well to whom ye have shewed,
your secretness, for, sir, I was in great
danger by my lady your wife and by none
other, and I have sworn and promised her
that after this time I will never company
nor talk with you, whereby she should
have any jealousy.' When the duke heard
that, they were sore words to him and
greatly to his displeasure, and said : ' Ah,
my fair lady, I swear to you by my faith
that rather than this matter should have
been shewed to my wife, [I would] that I
had lost a hundred thousand franks. Sith
ye have sworn, keep your promise, for
whatsoever it cost me, I will know the
truth, who hath bewrayed our secrets.'
Thus the duke departed from the young
lady and made no semblant as then, but
patiently suffered. Howbeit, he thought
the more, and at night came to his wife to
supper and shewed her more token of love
than ever he did before ; and he did so
much with fair words that the duchess
shewed him all the matter and how that
she knew it by sir Peter of Craon, Then
the duke spake no more at that time.
That night passed, and the next day about
nine of the clock he took his horse and
rode from the house of Saint -Pol to the
castle of Louvre, where he found the king
his brother hearing of mass. The king
sweetly received him, for he loved him
entirely, and the king saw well by the
duke's manner that he had some dis-
pleasure in his mind and said : 'Ah, fair
brother, what is the matter ? It seemeth
ye be troubled.' 'Sir,' quoth he, 'good
cause why.' 'Wherefore?' quoth the
PETER DE CRAON
407
king : ' I pray you shew me. ' The duke,
who would hide nothing from the king,
shewed him all the whole matter, and com-
plained greatly against sir Peter of Craon
and said : ' Sir, by the faith that I owe to
God and to you, if it were not for your
honour, I would slay him.' ' We shall do
well enough,' quoth the king: *he shall
be warned by our council to avoid our
house and service, and in like wise cause
him to avoid your house and company. ' ' I
am well content with this,' quoth the duke.
The same day the lord de la Riviere and
sir John Mercier said unto sir Peter of
Craon on the king's behalf that he should
avoid the king's court and service and go
where he list. In like wise sir John of
. Bueil and the lord of Herbault, seneschal
of Touraine, gave him like commandment
on the duke of Touraine's behalf. When
sir Peter of Craon saw this, he was abashed
and took it in great despite, and could not
imagine why it should be ; and true it was,
he desired to come into the king's presence
and the duke's, to know the cause of their
displeasure ; but he was answered that
nother the king nor the duke would not
hear him speak. When he saw none other
remedy, he apparelled himself and departed
out of Paris in great displeasure in his
heart, and so rode into Anjou to a castle
of his own called Sable, and tarried there a
season sore troubled in his mind : he saw
well he was chased out of the French court
and out of the house of Touraine and also
out of the house of the queen of Naples
and Jerusalem. Then when he perceived
these three houses closed from him, he
thought to go to the duke of Bretayne his
cousin and to shew him all his adventures :
so he did, and rode into Bretayne and
found the duke at Vannes, who made him
good cheer and knew somewhat before of
his trouble, and then this sir Peter shewed
him all the case. When the duke of
Bretayne had well heard all the matter, he
said : ' Fair cousin, recomfort yourself : all
this is surely brought about by sir Oliver
of Clisson.'
This root and foundation of hatred multi-
plied greatly after, as ye shall hear in this
history. Sir Peter of Craon tarried so long
with the duke of Bretayne, that he forgat
France,^ for the constable, sir Oliver of
1 ' He was forgotten in France.'
Clisson, and the king's council were against
him : and also they were not content with
the duke of Bretayne in that he kept sir
Peter Craon in his house. As for the duke
of Bretayne, he cared not greatly neither
for the good will nor evil will of the
French king : he provided sufficiently for
his cities, towns and castles in such wise
that he loved as well war as peace, and all
that ever he did was well known in France
and with the king's council. And such as
were next about the king reputed the duke
of Bretayne proud and presumptuous, and
threatened him greatly, but the duke did
set little thereby, and said that he would
make war against the earl of Penthievre in
a just quarrel ; ' for the earl of Penthievre
our cousin writeth and nameth himself
John of Bretayne, as though he were
heritor of this country : I will he be called
John, for that is his name, and earl of
Penthievre, and I will he put out of his
arms the ermines and write himself John
of Blois or of Chatillon, and none other ;
and if he will not do this, I shall cause
him to do it and take from him his land,
for he holdeth it by faith and homage of
us : as for the heritage of Bretayne, he
hath nothing to do therewith, so that it
should return to him, for I have both sons
and daughters, that shall be mine heirs.
Let him purchase him lands in some other
place, for as of this he hath failed.' Thus
oftentimes the duke of Bretayne would
devise with sir Peter of Craon, who would
not reply against his pleasure, but rather
did further it, and all for the evil will
that he bare to the constable, sir Oliver of
Clisson, and to the council of France.
Now let us leave speaking of this matter
and treat a little of another piteous matter
concerning the earl Guy of Blois, of whom
mention is made herebefore in this
history.
CHAPTERS CLXXV-CLXXIX
[CLXXIX-CLXXXIII]
SUMMARY.— Louis of Chatillon, son to
the earl of Blois and son-in-law to the duke
of Berry, died of a fever.
In the same season also died the earl of
Foix, and the county of Foix was claimed
by the French king, who however resigned
4o8
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
his claim and allowed the viscount of Castel-
bon to inherit both Beam and Foix.
A treaty was made betzveen the king of
France and the duke of Brittany, with
marriages agreed to of the son and daughter
of the duke of Brittany to the daughter of
the king of France and the son of John of
Brittany.
The earl of Blois and his wife sold the
county of Blois to the duke of Touraine,
much to their discredit.
CHAPTER CLXXX [CLXXXIV]
SUMMARY.— The dukes of Lancaster,
York and Gloucester ca??ie without the king
of England to meet the French king at
Amiens. The treaty failed, because the
Englishmen dared not consent to give up
Calais, for fear of the commons of England,
and an embassy sent to England to see the
king and his council was also without
effect.
The French king was sick of a fever and
remained at Beauvais till Ascension-tide.
CHAPTER CLXXXI [CLXXXV]
How sir Peter of Craon through evil will
by subtle craft beat down sir Oliver of
Clisson, wherewith the king and his coun-
cil were sore displeased.
Ye have well heard herebefor£ how sir
Peter of Craon, who was a knight of great
lineage, but he was far out of the French
king's grace and the duke of Touraine's :
if he did so much to cause them to be dis-
pleased with him, he did evil.^ Ye have
heard also how he was gone into Bretayne
to the duke, who shewed him that the evil
will that the king bare him was by the
means of sir Oliver of Clisson. It may
well be that he was so informed, in that he
had so great hate to the constable, sir
Oliver of Clisson, for he studied ever after
how to destroy him. Thus while sir Peter
of Craon was with the duke of Bretayne,
they would oftentimes commune together
1 The translator is responsible for the form of
this sentence. Froissart says : ' Ye have heard
before this how sir Peter of Craon . , . fell out of
favour with the king,' etc.
and devise how they might bring sir Oliver
of Clisson to death, for they said that an
he were once dead, there was none that
would greatly revenge his death. The
duke repented him that he had not slain
him when he had him in prison, and would
as then that it had cost him a hundred
thousand franks that he had him again at
his will. When sir Peter of Craon saw
that the duke had such hatred to sir Oliver
of Clisson, he purposed a marvellous im-
agination in himself; for by appearance
men should give judgment. This knight
thought, howsoever it were, that he would
slay the constable, and thought to intend
to nothing else till he had slain him with
his own hands or caused him to be slain,
and afterward entreat for peace. He
doubted nothing John of Blois nor the
son of the viscount of Rohan, who had
wedded two of the constable's daughters ;
he thought to do well enough with them,
as long as the duke was on his part ; for
he saw well the strength and puissance of
Blois was greatly feeblished, for the earl
Guy of Blois had sold the heritage of Blois
to the duke of Touraine, which should have
run by succession to the earl of Penthievre,
J ohn of Blois, whereby he thought that the
duke of Touraine shewed him but small
love nor alliance of lineage, to buy away
his inheritance : wherefore this sir Peter
thought, if sir Oliver of CHsson were dead,
soon to appease the king's evil will and the
duke of Touraine's, and thereby soon to
overcome the lord de la Riviere and sir
John Mercier, Montague and the Begue of
Villaines and sir John of Bueil and other of
the king's chamber, such as sustained the
constable, for he knew well that the duke
of Berry and the duke of Burgoyne loved
them nothing inwardly, whatsoever they
shewed outwardly. Thus sir Peter of Craon
persevered still in his opinion and devised
in his imagination by the enticing of the
devil, who never sleepeth, but waketh and
embraseth their hearts to do evil that in-
clineth to his exhortation. Thus the devil
daily laid the matter before this knight's
even, or he put the matter to execution ;
but if he had justly imagined the doubts
and perils and mischievousness that might
fall by his evil deed, reason and wise
attemperance should have caused him to
have done otherwise. But it is oftentimes
ATTACK ON THE CONSTABLE, 1392 {June 14)
409
said that the great desire that a man hath
to have the execution of that thing or it be
fallen/ oftentimes quencheth reason and
wisdom : therefore oftentimes vices are
masters, and virtues violate and corrupted.
And for because that specially this sir
Peter of Craon had so great affection to
the destruction of the constable, therefore
he lightly inclined to the temptation to do
outrage and folly, and thought that if he
might slay the constable and return again
safely into Bretayne, that no man virould
seek him there : if they did, he trusted that
the duke would excuse him, and that if
the worst fell, that the French king came
thither with a great puissance, then in a
night to enter into a ship and so to go to
Bordeaux, to Bayonne or into England,
and there he thought well he should not
be pursued : for he knew well that the
Englishmen hated the constable because
of the cruelties that he had done and
consented to be done sith he was turned
French ; howbeit, before that he had done
many notable services to the Englishmen,
as it hath been rehearsed herebefore in this
history.
Sir Peter of Craon, for to accomplish
his desire had long studied in his mind
how to bring his purpose to pass, and kept
his purpose close and secret. I know not
if he shewed it to the duke of Bretayne or
not : some thought yes, because after the
deed done by him and his company he
took the next way he could into Bretayne,
and took for his safe-guard the duke of
Bretayne, and also before the deed done
he sold his castles and heritage that he
had in Anjou to the duke of Bretayne and
renied his homage to the French king, and
said how he would go over the sea. Of
all these matters I pass briefly, but I shall
declare the deed ; for I, sir John Froissart,
author of this history, when this unhappy
deed was done by sir Peter of Craon against
sir Oliver of Clisson, I was the same time
at Paris, wherefore I ought to be well
informed of the matter according to the
enquiry that I made therein to know the
truth. The same time this sir Peter had
in the town of Paris a fair house standing
in the churchyard of Saint John's, as divers
other lords had in the city for their plea-
1 ' The great desire that a man hath to things
I before they come to pass.'
sure. In this house there was a keeper.
Sir Peter of Craon had sent of his servants
to Paris, and they provided largely in the
house with wine, corn, flesh, salt and other
provisions : also he had written to the
keeper that he should buy certain armour,
as coats of steel, gauntlets, stoles and other
harness for forty men, and that done to
send him word thereof to the intent that
he would send for them, and secretly all
this to be done. The keeper, who thought
none evil, and to obey his master's com-
mandment, bought all this merchandise ;
and all this season he was in a castle of
his own in Anjou, called Sable, and he sent
one week three or four servants to his
house in Paris, and so weekly, till he had
there a forty, and shewed them nothing
for what cause he sent them thither, but
he charged them to keep themselves close
in his house in any wise, and whatsoever
they lacked, the keeper of his house should
provide for it ; ' and on a day I shall shew
you the cause why I send you thither be-
fore, and ye shall have good wages. ' They
did as he commanded them, and came
privily to Paris and entered into the house
by night and in the mornings, for as then
the gates of Paris night and day stood
open. There assembled in that house so
many together, that they were a forty com-
panions, hardy men and outrageous ; how-
beit, there were some that if they had
known wherefore they came thither, they
would not have come there ; yet they kept
themselves secret.^
Then at the feast of Pentecost sir Peter
of Craon came to Paris secretly and entered
into his house disguised like a servant :
then he called for the porter that kept the
gate and said : * I command thee on pain
of thy life let no man, woman nor child
enter into this house, nor none to go out
without my commandment.' The porter
obeyed, as it was reason, and so did the
keeper, and he commanded the keeper's
wife and her children to keep her chamber
and not to issue out thereof; wherein he
did wisely, for if the woman and children
had gone abroad in the streets, the coming
thither of sir Peter Craon had been known,
for children and women naturally are hard
to keep counsel of that thing a man would
1 ' But he took good care not to disclose his
secret.'
4IO
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
have kept secret. Thus sir Peter and his
company were secretly in his house till the
day of the Holy Sacrament,^ and every day
sir Peter had abroad his spies that brought
him word of the state of sir Oliver Clisson ;
and till that day he could find no time to
execute his enterprise, wherewith he was
sore displeased in himself. The said day
the French king kept a feast with open
court with all the lords that were there ;
also the queen and the duchess of Touraine
were there in great joy and solace. The
same day after dinner the young lusty
knights were armed and jousted valiantly
in the presence of the king and of the
queen and other ladies and damosels, and
continued till it was near night ; and by
the judgment of the ladies and heralds the
prize was given to sir Guilliam of Flanders,
earl of Namur. And the king made all
the lords and ladies a great supper, and
after supper danced till it was one of the
clock after midnight : then every man de-
parted to their lodgings, some to one place
and some to another without fear or doubt
of anything. Sir Oliver of Clisson, who as
then was constable of France, departed
from the king's palace last of all other,
and had taken his leave of the king and
then went through the duke of 'Touraine's
chamber and said to him : ' Sir, will ye
tarry here all night, or else go to your
lodging of Poulain ? ' ^ This Poulain was
the duke's treasurer and dwelt a little
beside the sign of the Lion of Silver.^
Then the duke said : ' Constable, I cannot
tell as yet whether I do tarry here or else go
thither. Go ye your way to your lodging,
for it is time.' Then sir Oliver took
his leave of the duke and said : * Sir, God
send you good night ' ; and so departed,
and in the street he found his servants
and his horse, an eight persons and two
torches : then he rode forth to enter into
the high street of Saint Katherine's.
Sir Peter of Craon had the same night
laid good spial on sir Oliver of Clisson, and
knew well that he was bidden behind his
company with the king and that his horse
tarried at the king's gate for him. Then
1 That IS, Corpus Christi, which in that year fell
on 13th June. 2 ' Chez Poullain.'
3 The French text adds, 'in the Croix-du-Tiroir,'
but the translator probably was not acquainted with
that celebrated carrefour, situated at the crossing of
the rue Saint-Honore and the rue de I'Arbre-Sec.
he mounted on his horse, and all his com]
pany well armed covertly, and there passi
not six of his company that knew his i
tent. And when he came into Sai
Katherine's street, there he tarried am
abode privily for the constable's coming
and as soon as the constable was issued
out of the street of Saint-Pol and came into
the high street, and his torches beside him,
and came riding, talking with a squire of
his, saying : ' To-morrow I must have at
dinner with meJ:he duke of Touraine, the
lord Coucy, sir John of Vienne, sir Charles
d' Angers, the baron of Ivry and divers
other, wherefore speak to my steward that
they lack nothing ' : and saying of those
words, sir Peter Craon and his company
came on him, and at the first they strake
out the torches. And when the constable
heard the rushing of the horses behind
him, he thought it had been the duke of
Touraine, that had followed and sported
with him, and said : * Ah, sir, it is evil
done : but I pardon you ; ye are young
and full of play and sport.' With those
words sir Peter of Craon drew out his
sword and said : * Slay the constable, slay
him, for he shall die.' 'What art thou,'
quoth Clisson, 'thatspeakest those words?'
' I am Peter of Craon, thine enemy : thou
hast so oftentimes displeased me, that no
thou shalt make amends ' : and therewi
strake at the constable, and sir Peter
men drew out their swords and strake
the constable, who had no weapon b
a short knife of two foot of length an
defended himself as well as he might, and
his men were without armour and soon p
abroad from their master. Then sir Peter
men said : ' Shall we slay them all ? ' * Yea
quoth sir Peter, ' all such as make any de
fence. ' Their defence was but small, for they
were but eight persons and without armour.
Sir Peter demanded nothing but the death
of the constable. Some that were there,
when they knew it was the constable^
they gave him but faint strokes, for a thing
done by treason is done cowardly withoiS
ajiy hardiness. The constable defended
himself valiantly with that weapon that he
had : howbeit, his defence had vailed him
but little, an the great grace of God had
not been. Still he sat on his horse till he
had a full stroke on the head, with which
stroke he fell from his horse right against a
;|
ATTACK ON THE CONSTABLE
411
baker's door, who was up and busy to bake
bread, and had left his door half open,
which was happy for the constable ; for as
he fell from his horse, he fell against the
door, and the door opened and he fell in at
the door, and they that were a-horseback
could not enter after him, the door was too
low and too little. God shewed great grace
to the constable ; for if he had fallen in
the street, as he did in at the door, or if
the door had been shut, he had been
slain without remedy. But they that were
a-horseback durst not alight, and also they
thought, and so did sir Peter, that on the
stroke that he had on the head, that at
last ^ it should be his death's wound. Then
sir Peter said : ' Go we hence ; we have
done enough : for if he be not dead, he
will die on the stroke that he hath on the
head, for it was a great stroke.' There-
with they departed and rode away a good
pace to the gate of Saint Antony and rode
out thereat ; for as then the gate was open
and had been ten year, sith the French
king returned from the battle of Rose-
beque, and that the said constable put
down the malles of Paris and punished
them for their rebellions.
Thus sir Oliver de Clisson was left in
this case, as a man half dead and more, in
the baker's house, who was sore abashed
when he knew it was the constable : as for
his men, had little hurt, for sir Peter and
his men looked for nothing but to have
slain the constable. Then sir Oliver's men
assembled together and entered into the
baker's house and there found their master
sore hurt on the head and the blood running
down by his visage, wherewith they were
sore abashed, and good cause why : there
they made great complaints ; first they
feared he had been dead.
Anon tidings hereof came to the king's
lodging and it was said to the king as he
was going to his bed : ' Ah, sir, we cannot
hide from you the great mischief that is
now suddenly fallen in Paris.' 'What
mischief is that?' quoth the king. 'Sir,'
quoth they, 'your constable, sir Oliver of
Clisson, is slain.' * Slain,' quoth the king,
*and how so, and who hath done that
deed?' 'Sir,' quoth they, 'we cannot
tell ; but this mischief is fallen on him
1 Perhaps a misprint for ' at least ' : the French
has ' du moins. '
hereby in the street of Saint Katherine.'
* Well,' quoth the king, ' light up your
torches ; I will go and see him.' Torches
anon were lighted up. The king put on
a cloak and his slippers on his feet : then
such as kept watch the same night went
forth with the king, and such as were abed
and heard of these tidings rose up in haste
and followed the king, who was gone forth
with a small company ; for the king tarried
for no man, but went forth with them of
his chamber with torches before him and
behind him, and had no more chamber-
lains with him but sir William Martel
and sir Helion of Neilhac. Thus the king
came to the baker's house and entered, and
certain torches tarried without. Then the
king found his constable near dead, as it
was shewed him, but not fully dead, and
his men had taken off all his gear to see
his wounds, how he was hurt ; and the
first word that the king said was : ' Con-
stable, how is it with you?' 'Dear sir,'
quoth he, 'right feebly.' 'Who hath
brought you in this case?' quoth the
king. ' Sir,' quoth he, ' Peter of Craon
and his company traitorously and without
defence.'^ 'Constable,' quoth the king,
' there was never deed so dearly bought
as this shall be.' Then physicians and
surgeons were sent for on all parts, and
when they came, the king said to his own
surgeons : ' Sirs, look what case my con-
stable is in and shew me the truth, for I
am sorry of his hurt.' Then they searched
his wounds in every part. Then the king
demanded of them and said : ' Sirs, how
say you ? Is he in any peril of death ? '
They all answered and said : ' Sir, surely
there is no jeopardy of death in him, but
that within these fifteen days he shall be
able to ride.' With that answer the king
was right joyous and said : ' Thanked be
God : these be good tidings ' : and then
said : * Constable, be of good cheer and
care nothing, for there was never trespass
sorer punished than this shall be upon the
traitors that have done this deed ; for I
take this matter as mine own. ' The con-
stable with a feeble voice answered : ' Sir,
God reward your grace for your noble
visitation.' Then the king took his leave
and departed and returned to his lodging
and incontinent sent for the provost of
1 A better reading is 'without defiance.'
412
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
Paris, and by that time that he came it
was clear daylight. Then the king com-
manded him and said : ' Provost, get you
men together well horsed and pursue that
traitor sir Peter of Craon, who thus traitor-
ously hath hurt nigh to the death our
constable. Ye cannot do to us a more
acceptable service than to pursue and take
him and bring him to us.' Then the pro-
vost answered and said : ' Sir, I shall do
all that lieth in my puissance to do. Sir,
can your grace know which way he is
gone?' 'Enquire,' quoth the king, 'and
do your diligence.'
CHAPTERS €LXXXII, CLXXXIII
[CLXXXVI, CLXXXVII]
SUMMARY.— Sir Peter of Craon was
pursued, but escaped to Sable and then to
Brittany, where he was reproached by the
duke for not having killed the constable.
The French king sent to the duke of
Brittany to demand that Peter de Craon
should be given up, and he denied all know-
ledge of him.
The French king therefore prepared an
army to go into Brittany.
CHAPTER CLXXXIV [CLXXXVH]
How the duke of Touraine, brother to the
king, resigned the duchy of Touraine into
the king's hands, and how by exchange
the king gave him the duchy of Orleans,
and so ever after he was called duke of
Orleans. ^
In the same season that the king was thus
nigh ready to depart out of Paris to shew
that he took that business as to himself,
there was an exchange made of lands,
greatly to the profit of the duke of Tou-
raine : for he resigned into the king's hands
the duchy of Touraine, and the king gave
him the duchy of Orleans, in like manner as
anciently duke Philip of Orleans held it,
which was four times better in value than
the other was. So thus from henceforth in
this history I shall name him that was duke
of Touraine duke of Orleans.
When sir Oliver of Clisson was all whole
1 The title has reference only to the first few
lines of the chapter.
and that he might ride, the French kin
was right joyful and said how he woul
tarry no longer, and so on an evening h^
took leave of the queen Isabel his wife'
and of the new duchess of Orleans and of
all other ladies and damosels, and so did
the duke of Orleans in like wise. Then
they departed and rode to supper to Mon
tague,^ and the duke of Bourbon, the earl
of Namur and the lord of Coucy with him.
There the king lay and dined there, and
after dinner they departed and lay all night
at Saint-Germain's, and there lay a seven
days. And as then the king was somewhat
diseased, and his physicians would have
had him to have rested himself; but the
king was so willing in his journey, that he
said how he was much better at his ease;
than he was indeed, which he did to give
courage to his men to set forward, for as^
then his two uncles the dukes of Berry and
Burgoyne were behind and shewed well by
their manner that the same journey grieved'
them, nor they would not have gone by
their good wills. Howbeit, they had made
their assembly and to save their honour
they obeyed and followed.
When the French king had rested hina
a fifteen days at Saint-Germain's, and thaf^
his army was assembled, then he depart
and passed the river of Seine and took hii
way to Chartres and so to Auneau, a good
town and a castle pertaining to the lord de
la Riviere as heritage of his wife's. With
the king was his brother the duke of
Orleans and the duke of Bourbon. The
lord de la Riviere received the king honour-
ably, and there tarried three days
then rode to Chartres, whereas Montagu
was bishop. The king was lodged in th
bishop's palace, and the two dukes, an
the second day after thither came the duk^
of Berry and the earl of March in his com
pany, and the fourth day thither came the]
duke of Burgoyne, whereof the king was
right joyful. And people came daily, and
the king said he would not return to Paris
till he had brought the duke of Bretaynaj
to reason, who so oftentimes had put him^
to pain and trouble. The king's council
had so set him on that war, that the dukes
of Berry and of Burgoyne would gladly
have modered the matter, but they could
1 'Chez Montagu.' This is Jean Montaigu,
councillor of Charles VI.
iim
ha|
te(9
hil
FRENCH EXPEDITION TO BRITTANY
413
not be heard ; wherewith they were sore
displeased, and so were such as were of
their councils, and they said each to other
(hat surely the matter could not long endure
in that state, for it is full likely that the
king and the realm shall have some busi-
ness to do, sith the king refuseth the
counsel of his uncles and leaneth to other
at his pleasure, who be nothing like to
them.
When the king had tarried at Chartres a
seven days, then he departed and took the
way to Mans, and his men followed, some
from far parts, as out of Artois, Eeauvais,
Vermandois and Picardy ; and some said
one to another : ' Ah, this duke of Bre-
tayne maketh us to have much to do and
putteth us to great pain and travail. He
hath been always hard and high-hearted
against the crown of France, nor he never
loved nor honoured it : an his cousin the
earl of Flanders, and the duchess of Bur-
goyne, who have always borne him and as
yet do, had not been, he had been destroyed
long ago ; for ever sith the lord Clisson
turned French, he never loved him. Surely
by all likelihood he is culpable of this deed,
for he hath always sustained sir Peter of
Craon against the king and against the
constable.' Then other said: 'Let the
king alone ; for as at this time he hath the
matter so at his heart, that he will bring
the duke to reason, or he return.' 'That
is true,' quoth other, *if there be no
treason : but we fear that all such as go
with the king be not enemies to the duke,
as it may be well seen, if we durst speak it,
by some tokens ; for there be some that
night and day do what they can to counsel
the king to break his voyage ; which so
troubleth the king, that he can scant get
himself any health or recovery of his last
sickness.' Thus knights and squires de-
vised among themselves, as they rode in
their countries.^
Still the king approached to the city of
Mans ; and there the king lodged in the
castle and his lords in the city and his men
of war abroad in the country. There the
king tarried a three weeks, for he was sore
vexed with the fever, and his physicians said
to his brother and to his uncles : ' My lords,
we ensure you ye do evil to travail the king,
for he is in no good state to ride. Rest
1 ' Conversed as they rode over the country.'
were far better for him, for sith he came from
the city of Amiens, he hath not been in so
good health as he was before. ' They shewed
this to the king, but he had so great affec-
tion to go in this journey, that he would
nother believe them nor yet his physicians,
but said how he found more ease in travel-
ling than in resting : * therefore whosoever
counsel me to the contrary shall not please
me, nor he loveth me not.' Other answer
they could not have of the king. Every
day the king would sit in the midst of his
council till it was noon, to the intent that
none should lay any let of his journey.
Thus the king being at Mans, and some-
what to accomplish the desires of his uncles,
he sent four notable knights to the duke of
Bretayne, as sir Raynold de Roye, the lord
of Garencieres, the lord of Chateaumorand
and sir Taupin of Chantemerle, chatelain of
Gisors ; and they were charged to shew the
duke how the king and his council reputed
that he did great offence to sustain the
king's enemy and the realm's, and to make
amends that he should send sir Peter of
Craon to Mans to the king, whereby means
should be found that he should take no
damage nor his country, for all the king's
voyage. Thus they departed from Mans
with a forty spears and passed through the
city of Angers and at last came before the
city of Nantes, and entered and there found
the duke, who made them good cheer and
on a day made them a dinner and then
they did their message and declared the
king's intent and his council's. Where-
unto the duke answered wisely and sagely,
and said how it should be hard for him to
deliver sir Peter of Craon, and said, as
God might help him in all his business, he
knew not where he was. Wherefore he
desired them in that case to hold him ex-
cused ; but he said he had well heard of
him a year past, that he loved not sir Oliver
of Clisson, but would make him mortal war
to his power, whatsoever end came thereof.
* And at that time I demanded of him if
he had given sir Oliver knowledge thereof,
and he said he had utterly defied, and
would slay him if he could either by day or
by night, wheresoever he could find him.
Of his deeds I know no further ; wherefore
I have marvel that the king will m-ake war
against me for his cause ; for as to the
covenants of marriage between our children.
414
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
by the grace of God shall not be broken on
my part : wherefore I have done nothing
to him nor to his council, that he should
make war against me.'
This was the answer that the duke made
to the French king's messengers ; and so
when they had tarried a day at Nantes,
then they took their leave and departed
and returned to Mans to the king, who
thought long till he heard their answer ;
and as ye have heard before, they declared
it to the king and his council. The dukes
of Berry and of Burgoyne were well con-
tent with the answer and said it was reason-
able ; but the king, by reason of such
information as he had, said the contrary,
and said, sith he was so forward in his
journey, he would not return again into
France nor to Paris, till he had brought
the duke of Bretayne to reason. Gladly
the two dukes of Berry and of Burgoyne
would have modered that voyage ; but
they might not be heard, for the king had
taken such displeasure with the duke of
Bretayne, because he sustained sir Peter of
Craon, that no excusation could be taken.
The same time a bruit ran in France
that the queen of Aragon, my lady Yolande
of Bar, cousin-german to the French king,
had in prison in the city of Barcelona a
knight that no man knew his name : men
supposed it had been sir Peter of Craon.
This queen had written right amiably to
the king, signifying him that the fifth day
of the month of July a knight in good estate
and array came to Barcelona to have passed
the sea, and had hired for his money a
ship, as he said to have sailed into Naples ;
' and because we keep our passages that no
stranger shall pass, without he be known
what he is, and this knight will not shew
his name, therefore we keep him in prison ;
and by the abashment we see in him we
think surely it be the same person ye would
so fain have. Therefore we write to you
thereof, that ye should send some person
hither, such as knoweth sir Peter of Craon,
to see if it be he or not ; for whatsoever he
be, he shall not be delivered till we have
answer from you. And I would that these
tidings might be agreeable to you and to
your council, as knoweth the Holy Ghost,
who preserve you. Written at Perpignan
the ninth day of July by Yolande of Bar,
queen of Aragon and of Mallorca and lady
of Sardinia.' And on the superscription,
' To the redoubted king of France. '
These tidings somewhat modered divers;
men's hearts, so that they were near at the
point to have broken their voyage : how-
beit, such as were sir Oliver of Clisson's
friends said that those tidings were but
feigned tales, made and devised to break
the king's voyage, saying that sir Peter of
Craon was in none other prison but with
the duke of Bretayne, who hath sustained
him and doth. Of the queen of Aragon's
letter the king made but light, saying it
was but treason and fables. Then the duke
of Burgoyne said : ' Sir, yet at least to
appease my niece the queen of Aragon,
and for the deliverance of the knight that
is there in prison, who peradventure is
nothing guilty of this trespass, send unto
her, that she may be content with you and
with us.' 'I am content therewith,' quoth
the king, * to please you ; but I believe
surely the traitor sir Peter of Craon is in
none other Barcelona nor prison, but about
the duke of Bretayne, and by my faith that
I owe to Saint Denis he shall once make i
account thereof.' There could no man turn
the king from the opinion but that sir Peter
of Craon was with the duke of Bretayne.
The duke of Bretayne, who was well in-
formed of all this business, thought himself
not well assured ; for he saw well the
dukes of Berry and Burgoyne could not
bring their purpose about, for sir Oliver
of Clisson's friends led the king as they
list. Then the duke provided for to keep
his towns and garrisons : howbeit, he durst
keep no town except Vannes, Quimperle,
Dol, Quimper - Corentin, 1' Ermine and
Sucinis ; and he wrote to such knights and
squires as he thought should aid him, but
they all dissimuled with him, because they
knew that the French king was so sore
displeased with him, and also they thought
it was not a thing convenable for the duke
to sustain sir Peter of Craon against the
constable of France, as he did. The duke
in a manner repented him that he had
done so much : howbeit, his courage and
heart was so high, that he disdained to
speak it, but said, if the king came into
Bretayne, as it seemed he would do, at the
beginning he would let him alone, 'and
then shall I see who be my friends or foes.
I will not be too hasty to make him war ;
MADNESS OF THE KING OF FRANCE, 1392
415
and when he weeneth to be at most rest,
then will I awake him, if I cannot be
agreed with him by love.' Thus the duke
devised sometime with his council, and
thought surely he should have war. How-
beit, he had not ; for the matters turned
otherwise to his great advantage : there-
fore it is an old proverb : ' He is not poor
that is happy.' This duke was fortunate
by reason of a piteous incident that fell
suddenly on the French king ; for other-
wise the duke was not likely to have scaped
all dangers and to have lived in peace, as
he did.
When the French king had tarried the
space of three weeks in the city of Mans,
and the knights returned that he had sent
into Bretayne, then he said, sith he had
heard the duke's answer, he would no
longer tarry there, for he said the tarrying
there greatly displeased him, and would
pass forth into Bretayne to see his enemies,
that was the duke of Bretayne, who sus-
tained the traitor sir Peter of Craon. The
intention of the king was, that if any
knights and squires came against him, or
that he found any towns closed, he would
put down the duke for ever and set a
governour in the country till the duke's
children were of lawful age, and then
render to them the heritage, and the
duke never to have any part thereof. This
opinion the king held still and no man
could put him therefrom, and thus on a
fair day about ten of the clock the king
departed from the city of Mans and had
commanded his marshals the night before
to cause all his army both before and
behind to dislodge and to draw to Angers,
and said that he would not return till he
had been in Bretayne and destroyed the
traitors that had put him to so much pain
and trouble. The marshals did the king's
commandment.
The day that the king departed was
marvellous hot, for the sun as then natur-
ally was in his chief force, and to the intent
to declare the truth of everything, the same
season that the king lay at Mans he was
sore travailed with daily sitting in council,
and also he was not perfectly whole, nor
had not been all that season ; he was
feeble in his brain and head and did eat or
drink but little, and nigh daily was in a
hot fever, so that he was greatly annoyed
and pained, and also for the displeasure
that he had for the constable's hurt he
was full of melancholy and his spirits
sore troubled and travailed ; and that his
physicians spied well and so did his uncles,
but they could not remedy it, for no man
durst counsel him to break his voyage into
Bretayne. And as it was informed me, as
he rode forward in the forest of Mans, a
great signification fell to him, by the which,
if he had done well, he should have called
his council about him and well advised
himself, or he had gone any further.
Suddenly there came to the king a poor
man, bare-headed, bare-legged and bare-
footed, and on his body a poor white coat.
He seemed rather to be a fool than wise,
and boldly suddenly he took the bridle of
the king's horse in his hands and stopped
the horse and said : ' Sir king, ride no
further forward, for thou art betrayed.'
Those words entered into the king's head,
whereby he was worse disposed in his
health than he was before, so that his heart
and his blood was moved. Then the
king's servants strake so the poor man,
that he let the king's horse go, and made
no more of his words than of a fool's speak-
ing ; which was folly, as divers men said :
for at the least they should have better
examined the man and to have seen if he
had been a natural fool or no, and to have
known from whence he came ; but they
did not so, but left him behind, and he
was never seen after to any man's know-
ledge ; but such as were near to the king
heard him speak these words.
The king passed forth, and about twelve
of the clock the king passed out of the
forest and came into a great plain all
sandy. The sun also was in his height and
shone bright, whose rays were marvellously
hot, whereby the horses were sore chafed
and all such persons as were armed were
sore oppressed with heat. The knights
rode together by companies, some here and
some there, and the king rode somewhat
apart because of the dust : and the duke of
Berry and the duke of Burgoyne rode on
his left hand talking together, an acre
breadth of land off from the king. Other
lords, as the earl of March, sir Jaques of
Bourbon, sir Charles d'Albret, sir Philip
d'Artois, sir Henry and sir Philip of Bar,
sir Peter of Navarre and other knights rode
4i6
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
by companies : the duke of Bourbon, the
lord Coucy, sir Charles de Hangest, the
baron d'lvry and divers other rode on be-
fore the king and not in his company, and
they devised and talked together and took
no heed of that fell suddenly on the chief
personage of the company, which was on
the king's own person. Therefore the
works of God are marvellous and his
scourges are cruel and are to be doubted
of all creatures. There hath been seen in
the Old Testament and also in the New
many figures and examples thereof: we
read how Nabugodonosor, king of Assyrians,
who reigned a season in such triumphant
glory that there was none like him, and
suddenly in his greatest force and glory the
sovereign King our Lord God, King of
heaven and of earth, Former and Ordainer
of all things, apparelled this said king in
such wise that he lost his wit and reign, and
was seven year in that estate, and lived by
acorns and mast that fell from the oaks and
other wild apples and fruits, and had taste
but as a boar or a swine ; and after he
had endured this penance, God restored
him again to his memory and wit, and
then he said to Daniel the prophet that
there was none other God but the God of
Israel. Now the Father, the Son and the
Holy Ghost, three persons in one God,
hath been, is and ever shall be as puissant
to shew his works as ever he was ; where-
fore no man should marvel of anything that
he doth.
Now to the purpose why I speak all
these words. A great influence from
heaven fell the said day upon the French
king, and as divers said, it was his own
fault, for according to the disposition of
his body and the state that he was in and
the warning that his physicians did give
him, he should not have ridden in such a
hot day at that hour, but rather in the
morning and in the evening in the fresh
air : wherefore it was a shame to them that
were near about him to suffer or to counsel
him to do as he did. Thus as the French
king rode upon a fair plain in the heat of
the sun, which was as then of a marvellous
height, and the king had on a jack covered
with black velvet, which sore chafed him,
and on his head a single bonnet ^ of scarlet
1 ' A jacket of black velvet, which sore heated him,
and on his head a simple bonnet,' etc.
and a chaplet of great pearls, which the
queen had given him at his departure, and
he had a page that rode behind him bearing
on his head a chape w of Montauban, bright
and clear shining against the sun, and
behind that page rode another bearing
the king's spear, painted red and fringed
with silk, with a sharp head of steel :
the lord de la Riviere had brought a dozen
of them with him from Toulouse, and that
was one of them : he had given the whole
dozen to the king, and the king had given
three of them to his brother the duke of
Orleans and three to the duke of Bourbon.
And as they rode thus forth, the page that
bare the spear, whether it were by negli-
gence or that he fell asleep, he let the
spear fall on the other page's head that
rode before him, and the head of the spear
made a great clash on the bright chapew
of steel. The king, who rode but afore
them, with the noise suddenly started,
and his heart trembled and into his im-
agination ran the impression of the words of .
the man that stopped his horse in the forest
of Mans, and it ran into his thought that
his enemies ran after him to slay and
destroy him ; and with that abusion he fell
out of his wit by feel)leness of his head
and dashed his spurs to his horse and drew
out the sword and turned to his pages,
having no knowledge of any man, weening
in himself to be in a battle enclosed with
his enemies, and lift up his sword to strike,
he cared not where, and cried and said :
' On, on, upon these traitors ! ' Wheri
the pages saw the king so inflamed with
ire, they took good heed to themselves, as
it was time ; they thought the king had
been displeased because the spear fell down
then they stepped away from the king.^
The duke of Orleans was not as then far
off from the king. The king came to him
with his naked sword in his hand : the
king was as then in such a frenzy and his
heart so feeble, that he nother knew
brother nor uncle. When the duke of
Orleans saw the king coming on him with
his sword naked in his hand, he was
abashed and would not abide him : he
wist not what he meant : he dashed his
spurs to his horse and rode away, and the
king after him. The duke of Burgoyne,
1 ' They set spurs to their horses, one this way
and another that ' : ' stepte ' is probably a misprint.
MADNESS OF THE KING OF FRANCE
417
who rode a little way off from the king,
when he heard the rushing of the horses
and heard the pages cry, he regarded that
way and saw how the king with his naked
sword chased his brother the duke of
Orleans. He was sore abashed and said :
* Out, harrow ! what mischief is this ? The
king is not in his right mind, God help
him : fly away, nephew, fly away, for the
king would slay you.' The duke of
Orleans was not well assured of himself
and fled away as fast as his horse might
bear him, and knights and squires followed
after, every man began to draw thither.
Such as were far off thought they had
chased an hare or a wolf, till at last they
heard that the king was not well in his
mind. The duke of Orleans saved him-
self. Then men of arms came all about
the king and suffered him to weary him-
self, and the more that he travailed the
feebler he was, and when he strake at any
man, they would fall down before the
stroke : at this matter there was no hurt,
but many overthrown, for there was none
that made any defence. Finally, when the
king was well wearied and his horse sore
chafed with sweat and great heat, a knight
of Normandy, one of the king's chamber-
lains, whom the king loved very well,
called Guilliam Martel, he came behind the
king suddenly and took him in his arms
and held him still. Then all other ap-
proached and took the sword out of his
hands and took him down from his horse
and did off his jack to refresh him : then
came his brother and his three uncles,
but he had clean lost the knowledge of
them and rolled his eyen in his head
marvellously and spake to no man. The
lords of his blood were sore abashed and
wist not what to say or do. Then the
dukes of Berry and of Burgoyne said : ' It
behoveth us to return to Mans : this
voyage is done for this time. ' They said
not as much as they thought, but they
shewed it right well after, when they came
to Paris, to such as they loved not, as ye
shall hear after.
Reasonably to consider all things accord-
ing to the truth, it was great pity that the
French king, who as at that time was re-
puted for the most noble and puissant king
in all Christendom, fell so suddenly out of
his mind without remedy but as God
2 E
would. Then the king was laid in a
horse-litter and so brought back again to
the city of Mans. Then the marshals
gave knowledge to all the army that they
should return and how that the voyage
was broken as at that time : some had
knowledge why, and some not. The
night that the king came to Mans, the
physicians had much ado with him, and the
lords of the blood royal had great trouble.
Every man spake then in divers manners :
some said that such as had the rule about
the king had poisoned him, to bring the
realm of France into shame and trouble.
These words multiplied in such wise, that
the duke of Orleans and his uncles and
other lords of the blood royal noted them,
and spake together and said : ' How say
you, sirs ? have ye not heard these words
and how men do murmur hi divers places
upon them that hath had the governance
of the king? Some saith he should be
poisoned. Let us search how this may be
known.' Then some of them said how it
should be best known by the physicians :
'they ought to know it, for they are ac-
quainted with his complexion.' The
physicians were sent for and examined.
They answered how the king of long time
had engendered the same malady ; ' for
we knew well the weakness of his brain
would sore trouble him and at last shew
itself ; we have said as much before this
time. ' Then the duke of Burgoyne said :
' Sirs, it is true, and therein ye did well
acquit yourselves ; but he would neither
believe you nor us, his affection was so
sore set upon this voyage. It was devised
in an evil time : this voyage hath dis-
honoured us all : it had been better that
Clisson and all those of his affinity had
been dead many a day agone, rather than
the king to have taken this malady. These
tidings shall spread abroad in many places,
and seeing that he is but a young man, the
blame shall be laid in us that be his uncles
and of his blood. Men will say that we
should otherwise have counselled him :
thus we shall be laid in the fault with-
out cause. But, sirs,' quoth the duke,
' yesterday ^ when he went to dinner, were
ye with him?' The physicians answered
and said, 'Yes.' 'Did he eat his meat
well ? ' quoth the duke. * No, certainly,'
1 'Huy matin,' 'this morning.'
4i8
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
quoth they, 'he did eat and drink but
little, but sat and mused.' 'And who
gave him drink last ? ' quoth the duke.
'Sir,' quoth they, 'we caiinot tell you
that, for as soon as the table was taken
up, we departed and made us ready to
ride, but his chamberlains or butlers can
tell that best.' Then Robert de Tanques,
a squire of Picardy, was sent for and
demanded who gave the king drink last.
'Sirs,' quoth he, 'sir Helion of Neilhac'
Then he was sent for. Then he was en-
quired where he had the wine that the
king drank last of in his chamber when he
went to his horse. 'Sir,' quoth he, 'here
is Robert of Tanques and I, we took the
say in the presence of the king.' * That is
true,' quoth Robert of Tanques ; 'ye need
not doubt therein nor have any suspicious-
ness, for as yet there is of the same wine
in the flagons, whereof we will drink and
assay before you.' Then the duke of
Berry said : ' This need not, for surely the
king is not poisoned. His malady pro-
ceedeth of evil counsel : it is no time to
speak of this matter now ; let all alone till
another season.'
Thus after this manner these lords de-
parted each from other that night and
went to their lodging. Then the king's
uncles had ordained four knights of honour
to wait about the king, as sir Raynold of
Roye, sir Raynold of Trie, the lord of
Garancieres and sir Guilliam of Martel, and
the king's uncles sent commandment to the
lord de la Riviere and to sir John Mercier,
to Montague, to the Begue of Villaines,
to sir William of Bordes and to sir Helion
of Neilhac, that they should in no wise
come about the king, till he were in better
estate. The next day the king's uncles
came to see the king and found him right
feeble. Then they demanded what rest
he had taken that night : they were an-
swered, 'But small rest.' 'That is poor
news,' quoth the duke of Burgoyne. And
then to them came the duke of Orleans,
and so went all together to the king and
demanded of him how he did. He gave
none answer and looked strangely on them
and had lost clean the knowledge of them.
These lords were sore abashed and com-
muned together and said : ' We have no
more here to do. The king is in an hard
case : we do him more trouble than aid or
good : let us recommend him to h:
chamberlains and physicians ; they ca
best take heed to him : let us go stud
how the realm may be governed, or els^
things will go amiss. Then the duke ol
Burgoyne said to the duke of Berry : ' Fai
brother, it is best we draw to Paris an
ordain to have the king easily brough
thither, for better we shall take heed o
him there than here in these parts : an^
when we be there, let us assemble all th(
council of France and ordain who sha
have the governance of the realm, thi
duke of Orleans or we.' ' That is wel
said,' quoth the duke of Berry; 'it wen
good we studied where were best to havi
the king to lie, that he might the soonei
recover his health.' Then it was devise
that he should be brought to the castle o;
Creil, where is good air and a fair count
on the river of Oise.
When this was ordained, then all th
men of war had leave to depart and weri
con'nj.ianded by the marshals every man t^
return peaceably into his own countr
without doing of any violence or damage
to the countries as they should pass through,
and if any did, their lords and captains to
make amends. And the king's two uncle
and the chancellor of France sent anoi
sundry messengers to the good cities an<
towns of France, that they should taki
good heed to keep well their towns, con-
sidering that the king was not well dis
posed in his health. Their commandment
were fulfilled. The people of the realm o
France were sore abashed when they knev
how the king was fallen sick and in j
frenzy, and men spake largely against
them that counselled the king to go int(
Bretayne ; and some other said how th
king was betrayed by them that bare the
duke of Bretayne and sir Peter Craon
against the king. Men could not be let,
but that they would speak : the matter was
so high that words ran thereof diversely.
Thus finally the king was brought to
Creil and there left in the keeping of his
physicians and of the said four knights :
then every man departed. And it
commanded to hide and to keep secret the
king's malady from the knowledge of the!
queen for a season, for as then she wa:
great with child, and all her court wen
commanded to keep it secret on pain o
I
DANCE OF SAVAGES, 1393
419
great punishment. Thus the king was at
Creil in the marches of Senlis and of Com-
piegne on the river of Oise, and kept by
the said knights and physicians, who gave
him medicines, but for all that he recovered
but httle health.
CHAPTERS CLXXXV, CLXXXVI
[CLXXXIX, CXC]
SUMMARY.— A wise physician, master
William ofHarcigny, luas entrusted with the
cure of the king, which he at length effected.
In the mean time the dukes of Burgoyne
and Berry took the government of the realm
and resolved to proceed against the king's
late counsellors. Oliver de Clisson and Mon-
tague made their escape, but Le Alercier and
the lord de la Riviere were arrested and
would have been executed but for the in-
/luence of the youtig duchess of Berry with
her husband in favour of the lord de la
Riviere. Oliver de Clisson was condemned
in his absence to be deprived of his office and
banished the realm of F^-ance.
CHAPTER CLXXXVn [CXCI]
How the truce which was accorded between
England and France for three years was
renewed.
As ye have heard heretofore in the books
of this high and excellent history, at the
request of the right high and mighty prince
my dear lord and master Guy of Chatillon,
earl of Blois, lord of Avesnes, of Chimay,
of Beaumont, of Sconnehove and of the
Goude, I, John Froissart, priest and
chaplain to my said lord, and at that time
treasurer and canon of Chimay and of
Lille in Flanders, Qjave enterprised this
noble matte^^ treating of the adventures
and wars of France and England and other
countries conjoined and allied to them, as
it may appear clearly by the treaties thereof
made unto the date of this present day ;
the which excellent matter, as long as I
live, by the help of God I shall continj.ie ;
1 ' Me mets en la forge pour ouvrer k forger en
la haute et noble matiere,' ' enter into my smithy
to work at the forging of this high and noble
matter.' This is the preface to the fourth book of
the Chronicles.
for the more I follow and labour it, the
more it pleaseth me. As the noble knight
or squire loving the feats of arms do per-
severe in the same and be thereby expert
and made perfect, so in labouring of this
noble matter I delight and take pleasure.
SUMMARY.— The qtiestion of peace be-
tween France and England was conside?-ed
in the parliament held in England at
Michaelmas, the duke of Lancaster being
much in favour of peace, and a truce was
taken till the next summer.
Sir Yvain of Foix was retained at the
French king's court as a knight of his
chamber.
CHAPTER CLXXXVHI [CXCH]
Of the adventure of a dance that was made
at Paris in likeness of wodehouses, wherein
the French king was in peril of death.
It fortuned that soon after the retaining of
this foresaid knight a marriage was made
in the king's house between a young knight
of Vermandois and one of the queen's
gentlewomen ; and because they were both
of the king's house, the king's uncles and
other lords, ladies and damosels made
great triumph. There was the dukes of
Orleans, Berry and Burgoyne and their
wives, dancing and making great joy.
The king made a great supper to the lords
and ladies, and the queen kept her estate,
desiring every man to be merry. And
there was a squire of Normandy called
Hugonin of Guisay, he advised to make
some pastime. The day of the marriage,
which was on a Tuesday before Candlemas,
he provided for a mummery against night :
he devised six coats made of linen cloth
covered with pitch and thereon flax like
hair, and had them ready in a chamber :
the king put on one of them, and the earl
of Joigny, a young lusty knight, another,
and sir Charles of Poitiers the third, who
was son to the earl of Valentinois, and to
*ir Yvain of Foix another, and the son ol
the lord Nantouillet had on the fifth, and
the squire himself had on the sixth : and
when they were thus arrayed in these
said coats and sewed fast in them, they
seemed like wild wodehouses full of hair
from the top of the head to the sole of
420
THE CHRONICLES
^R DISS ART
the foot. This devise pleased well the
French king, and was well content with
the squire for it. They were apparelled in
these coats secretly in a chamber, that no
man knew thereof but such as holp them.
When sir Yvain of Foix had well advised
these coats, he said to the king : ' Sir, com-
mand straitly that no man approach near
us with any torches or fire ; for if the fire
fasten in any of these coats, we shall all be
brent without remedy. ' The king answered
and said : ' Yvain, ye speak well and
wisely : it shall be done as ye have
devised ' : and incontinent sent for an
usher of his chamber, commanding him
to go into the chamber where the ladies
danced and to command all the varlets
holding torches to stand up by the walls,
and none of them to approach near to the
wodehouses that should come thither to
dance. The usher did the king's com-
mandment, which was fulfilled. Soon
after the duke of Orleans entered into the
hall, accompanied with four knights and
six torches, and knew nothing of the king's
commandment for the torches nor of the
mummery that was coming thither, but
thought to behold the dancing and began
himself to dance. Therewith the king
with the five other came in : they were
so disguised in flax, that no man knew
them : five of them were fastened one to
another ; the king was loose and went
before and led the device.
When they entered into the hall, every
man took so great heed to them that they
forgat .the torches. The king departed
from his company and went to the ladies
to sport with them, as youth required, and
so passed by the queen and came to the
duchess of Berry, who took and held him
by the arm to know what he was, but the
king would not shew his name. Then the
duchess said : * Ye shall not escape me till
I know your name.' In this mean season
great mischief fell on the other, and by
reason of the duke of Orleans ; howbeit, it
was by ignorance and against his will, for
if he had considered before the mischief
that fell, he would not have done as he did
for all the good in the world : but he was
so desirous to know what personages the
five were that danced, he put one of the
torches that his servants held so near, that
the heat of the fire entered into the flax
(wherein if fire take there is no remedy)
and suddenly was on a bright flame, and
so each of them set fire on other. The
pitch was so fastened to the linen cloth,
and their shirts so dry and fine and so
joining to their flesh, that they began to
bren and to cry for help. None durst come
near them ; they that did, brent their hands
by reason of the heat of the pitch. One of
them, called Nantouillet, advised him how
the buttery was thereby : he fled thither
and cast himself into a vessel full of water,
wherein they rinsed pots, which saved him,
or else he had been dead as the other were,
yet he was sore hurt with the fire. flj
When the queen heard the cry that they V
made, she doubted her of the king, for she
knew well that he should be one of the
six, wherewith she fell in a swoon, and
knights and ladies came and comforted her.
A piteous noise there was in the hall. The
duchess of Berry delivered the king from
that peril, for she did cast over him the
train of her gown and covered him from
the fire. The king would have gone from
her. 'Whither will ye go?' quoth she.
' Ye see well how your company brens.
What are ye?' 'I am the king,' quoth
he. ' Haste you,' quoth she, 'and get you
into other apparel, that the queen may see
you, for she is in great fear of you.' There-
with the king departed out of the hall and
in all haste changed his apparel and came
to the queen ; and the duchess of Berry
had somewhat comforted her and had
shewed her how she should see the king
shortly : therewith the king came to the
queen, and as soon as she saw him, for joy
she embraced him and fell in a swoon :
then she was borne into her chamber and
the king went with her. And the bastard
of Foix, who was all on a fire, cried ever
with a loud voice : ' Save the king, save
the king ! ' Thus was the king saved : it
was happy for him that he went from his
company, for else he had been dead with-
out remedy.
This great mischief fell thus about mid-
night in the hall of Saint -Pol in Paris,
where there was two brent to death in the
place, and other two, the bastard of Foix and
the earl of Joigny, borne to their lodgings
and died within two days after in great
misery and pain. Thus the feast of this
marriage brake up in heaviness ; howbeit,
DANCE OF SAVAGES
421
I
there was no remedy : the fault was only
in the duke of Orleans, and yet he thought
none evil when he put down the torch.
Then the duke said : ' Sirs, let every man
know there is no man to blame for this cause,
but all only myself : I am sorry thereof : if
I had thought as much before, it should
not have happened.' Then the duke of
Orleans went to the king to excuse him,
and the king took his excuse. This case
fell in the year of our Lord God a thousand
three hundred fourscore and twelve, the
Tuesday before the feast of Candlemas ; of
which fortune great bruit spread abroad in
the realm of France and in other countries.
The dukes of Burgoyne and of Berry were
not there present at that season : they had
taken their leave before of the king and
were gone to their lodgings.
The next day these news spread abroad
in the city, and every man had marvel
thereof; and some said how God had sent
that token for an ensample, and that it was
wisdom for the king to regard it and to
withdraw himself from such young idle
wantonness, which he had used overmuch,
being a king. The commons of the city of
Paris murmured and said : ' Behold the
great mishap and mischief that was likely
to have fallen on the king : he might as
well have been brent, as other were.
What should have fallen then of the king's
uncles and of his brother? They might
have been sure none of them should have
scaped the death ; yea, and all the knights
that might have been found in Paris.'
As soon as the dukes of Berry and of
Burgoyne heard of that adventure, they
were abashed and marvelled greatly.
They leapt on their horses and rode to the
king and comforted and counselled him ;
which was necessary, for he was sore
troubled, and the peril that he was in was
still in his imagination. He shewed his
uncles how his aunt of Berry had saved
him ; but he said he was very sorry for the
death of the earl of Joigny, of sir Yvain of
Foix and of sir Charles of Poitiers. His
uncles recomforted him and said : ' Sir,
that is lost cannot be recovered : ye must
forget the death of them and thank God of
the fair adventure that is fallen to your
own person ; for all the realm of France
by this incident might have been in great
danger of losing : for ye may think well
that these people of Paris will never be
still ; for God knoweth, if the misfortune
had fallen on you, they would have slain
us all. Therefore, sir, apparel you in
estate royal and leap on your horse and
ride to Our Lady ^ in pilgrimage, and we
shall accompany you, and shew yourself to
the people, for they desire sore to see you.'
The king said he would do so. Then the
king's uncles took apart the duke of Orleans
and in courteous manner somewhat blamed
him of his young deed that he had done.
He answered and said how he thought to
have done none evil. Then anon after the
king and his company leapt on their horses
and rode through the city to appease the
people, and came to Our Lady church and
there heard mass and offered, and then re-
turned again to the house of Saint-Pol ;
and little by little this matter was forgotten,
and the obsequies done for the dead bodies.
Ah, earl Gaston of Foix, if this had
fortuned in thy life days, thou shouldest
have had great displeasure and it had been
hard to have peased thee, for thou lovedst
him entirely. All lords and ladies through
the realm of France and elsewhere, that
heard of this chance, had great marvel
thereof.
CHAPTERS CLXXXIX, CXC
[CXCHI, CXCIV]
SUMMARY. — The pope at Rome said
that this adventure was a warning sent to
the king because he supported the pope at
Avignon, and despatched a friar as legate to
the king.
The dukes of Berry and Burgundy con-
tinued to proceed against the former coun-
sellors of the king, and appointed Philip
d'Artois, earl of Eu, to be constable of
France, who also married the lady Mary,
daughter of the duke of Berry.
In the mean time Oliver de Clisson
carried on war tuith the dtike of Brittany.
CHAPTER CXCI [CXCV]
SUMMARY.— The dukes of Berry and
Burgundy met the dukes of Lancaster and
1 That Is, to the church of Notre- Dame.
422
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
Gloucestej', and at length peace was made
between France and England.
The king fell ill again of his former
ptalady.
CHAPTER CXCII [CXCVI]
Of the death of pope Clement at Avignon,
and of the election of pope Benedict.
In that time in the month of September
passed out of the world at Avignon Robert
of Geneva, named pope Clement ; and it
came by him as he had always said before,
when any man spake of the peace and
union of the Church, he would say always
how he would die pope ; and so he did,
in manner as ye have heard herebefore,
wrongfully or rightfully I will not deter-
mine. Then the cardinals there were sore
abashed, and studied whom they might
choose to be pope. The same time the
French king returned again to his health,
whereof all such as loved him had great
joy, and specially the good queen, who had
given much alms and done many pilgrim-
ages for the king and caused general pro-
cessions to be made in Paris. As I was
informed, the cardinals at Avignon did
elect and choose to be pope the cardinal
de Luna. To speak truly, this cardinal
was an holy man and of good life. This
election was made conditionally that if the
French king and his council were content
therewith, or else not. Now regard and
consider the great subjection that the
Church was in, in that where the Church
should be free, they submitted them to be
under such as should have been ordered by
them. Thus this cardinal de Luna was
chosen pope and named Benedict : he
gave general graces to all clerks that would
come to Avignon, and by the counsel of
his brethren the cardinals he wrote of the
creation of his papality to the French king :
but, as I was informed, the king took little
regard thereto ; for as then he was not
determined whether he should take him
for very pope or not, and thereupon the
king sent for the greatest clerks of the
university of Paris, to have their advice
and counsel. Then master John of Quig-
nicourt and master Pier Plaoul, who
were in prudence and learning the greatest
clerks in Paris, said to the king in the
name of the whole university, how that
the schism of the Church corrupted the
Christian faith, and how that it might not
long endure in that estate, without all
Christendom should repent it and run in
great danger, and specially the prelates
and priests of the Church. They of the
university were determined to send no rolls
to Avignon, for any clerks to have any
graces of this pope Benedict. The French
king saw well their opinions were reason-
able and would have none of his clerks
enrolled to seek for the pope's graces, till
the matter were better determined. Thus
that matter abode still in that estate : how-
beit the duke of Berry exalted greatly this
pope Benedict and sent his roll, whereby
much people were purveyed of graces of
this Benedict. The duke of Burgoyne and
the duchess dissimuled the matter with the
king, and so did the duke of Orleans with
many other great lords of France ; and
some for favour held them to this pope
Benedict, who denied no man his graces
to the intent that his court at Avignon
should be full, and to have the more reputa-
tion. The duke of Bretayne followed the |
French king's opinion, for he was before-
time so abused by the information of his I
cousin the earl of Flanders, that his heart
would never incline to believe on pope
Clement, though the clerks of Bretayne
believed and held him for pope. So when
any promotion was void in France, the
king promoted his clerks without giving
any knowledge thereof to this pope Bene-
dict, wherewith he and his cardinals at J
Avignon were sore abashed and doubted'
lest the French king would restrain suchj
rents and profits as they were wont to havei
of the benefices given in the realm of
France. Then they determined to send a
legate into France, to speak with the king
and his council, to know how he would
order him against the Church, and to shew
him how that he that is chosen pope is
under this condition, that if he be pleased,
then he to abide still as pope, or else they
to put him out of his papality and the
cardinals to enter again into conclave and
choose one after the king's pleasure.
At this time was come to Paris and was
about the king the friar minor, a meek
man, who was sent into France by pope^
FROISSART IN ENGLAND, 1395
423
Boniface of Rome : the French king heard
gladly this friar's preaching. Then came
into France the legate from Avignon, who
was a great and a subtle clerk, and well
languaged. Then the whole university
counselled the king and said how it were
well done that either Boniface or else
Benedict: to be put out of their papality,
and all his cardinals to be put out of their
cardinalities, and instead of them to be
chosen good clerks, wise men and of good
conscience, as well of Almaine and France
as of other nations, and they to be set
together by good deliberation and counsel,
without favour or evil will, to set the
Church thereby at one point with one
pope. They said they saw well there was
none other way to bring it to a good con-
clusion, because pride and envy so reigned
in the world, that the princes and lords
each held their own party. This proposi-
tion that the university had made before
the king pleased right well the king and
the dukes of Orleans and of Burgoyne, and
the king said he would write and send
messengers to the king of Almaine and of
Boeme and of Hungary and to the king
of England, and he thought himself sure
enough of the kings of Castile, of Navarre,
of Aragon, of Sicily, of Naples and of
Scotland, that they would obey to such a
pope as he and his realm obeyed unto :
and upon this the French king sent his
letters and messengers to these said kings.
There was good leisure in doing of this,
both in going and coming again with
answer. And in the mean time there
passed out of this world at Paris the noble
clerk, master John of Quignicourt, of whose
death the king and the lords and the whole
university were right sorry, for he left not
his fellow behind him, and he had in his
days taken great pain to reform the Church
and to have brought it into a perfect unity.
CHAPTERS CXCni-CXCV
[cxcvn-cxcix]
SUMMARY.— Master John of Varennes
resigned his rich benefices ami retired to
Saint 'Lie near Rheims, where he led a holy
life and was by some reputed a saint.
The king of England gave to the duke of
L.ancaster and his heirs the duchy of Acqui-
taine : he himself prepared for a voyage to
Lreland.
At this season the queen of Englatid, the
lady Anne of Bohemia, fell sick and died.
By this the voyage to Lreland was delayed, but
at length the king and his arfny passed over,
and lodged in and about the city of Dublin.
CHAPTER CXCVI [CC]
How sir John Froissart arrived in England,
and of the gift of a book that he gave to
the king.
True it was that I, sir John Froissart, as at
that time treasurer and canon of Chimay in
the earldom of Hainault, in the diocese of
Liege, had great affection to go and see .
the realm of England, when I had been in
Abbeville and saw that truce was taken
between the realms of England and France
and other countries to them conjoined and
their adherents, to endure four years by
sea and by land. Many reasons moved
me to make that voyage : one was because
in my youth I had been brought up in the
court of the noble king Edward the third
and of queen Philippa his wife, and among
their children and other barons of England
that as then were alive, in whom I found
all nobleness, honour, largess and courtesy.
Therefore I desired to see the country,
thinking thereby I should live much the
longer ; for I had not been there twenty-
seven year before, and I thought, though I
saw not those lords that I left alive there,
yet at the least I should see their heirs,
the which should do me much good to see,
and also to justify the histories and matters
that I had written of them : and or I took
my journey, I spake with duke Aubert of
Bavier and with the earl of Hainault,^
Holland, Zealand and lord of Frise, and
with my lord William earl of Ostrevant,
and with my right honourable lady Jane,
duchess of Brabant and of Luxembourg,
and with the lord Enguerrand, lord Coucy,
and with the gentle knight the lord of
Gommegnies, who in his youth and mine
had been together in England in the king's
1 Is it possible that the translator was not yet
aware that duke Aubert of Bavaria was the earl
of Hainault, Holland, etc. ? If not, the original
text here ought to have informed him.
424
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
I
court : in like wise so had I seen there the
lord of Coucy and divers other nobles of
France holding great households in Lon-
don/ when they lay there in hostage for
the redemption of king John, as then
French king, as it hath been shewed here-
before in this history. These said lords
and the duchess of Brabant counselled me
to take this journey, and gave me letters of
recommendation to the king of England
and to his uncles, saving the lord Coucy :
he would not write to the king, because he
was a Frenchman, therefore he durst not,
but to his daughter, who as then was
called duchess of Ireland. And I had en-
grossed in a fair book well enlumined all
the matters of amours and moralities that
in four and twenty years before I had made
and compiled, which greatly quickened my
desire to go into England to see king
Richard, who was son to the noble prince
of Wales and of Acquitaine, for I had
not seen this king Richard sith he was
christened in the cathedral church of Bor-
deaux, at which time I was there and
thought to have gone with the prince the
journey into Galicia in Spain, and when
we were in the city of Dax, the prince sent
me back into England to the queen his
mother.
For these causes and other I had great
desire to go into England to see the king
and his uncles. Also I had this said fair
book well covered with velvet garnished
with clasps of silver and gilt, thereof to
make a present to the king at my first
coming to his presence. I had such desire
to go this voyage, that the pain and travail
grieved me nothing. Thus provided of
horses and other necessaries, I passed the
sea at Calais and came to Dover the twelfth
day of the month of July. When I came
there, I found no man of my knowledge, it
was so long sith I had been in England,
and the houses were all newly changed,
and young children were become men, and
the women knew me not, nor I them.^
So I abode half a day and all a night at
Dover : it was on a Tuesday, and the next
1 'Qui a Londres avoient tenu hostagerie,' 'who
had been hostages in London.' The words 'when
they lay there in hostage ' are inserted by the trans-
lator to supply the place of the above, which he
misunderstood.
2 ' And the young children were become men and
women, who knew me not, nor I them.'
day by nine of the clock I came to Canter-
bury to Saint Thomas' shrine and to the
tomb of the noble prince of Wales, who is
there interred right richly. There I heard
mass and made mine offering to the holy
saint, and then dined at my lodging, and
there I was informed how king Richard
should be there the next day on pilgrimage,
which was after his return out of Ireland,
where he had been the space of nine
months or thereabout. The king had a
devotion to visit Saint Thomas' shrine,
and also because the prince his father was
there buried. Then I thought to abide the
king there, and so I did ; and the next
day the king came thither with a noble
company of lords, ladies and damosels :
and when I was among them, they seemed
to me all new folks, I knew no person ;
the time was sore changed in twenty-eight
year, and with the king as then was none
of his uncles. The duke of Lancaster was
in Acquitaine, and the dukes of York and
Gloucester were in other businesses, so
that I was at the first all abashed, for if I
had seen any ancient knight that had been
with king Edward or with the prince, I
had been well recomforted and would have
gone to him, but I could see none such.
Then I demanded for a knight called sir
Richard Stury, whether he were alive or
not, and it was shewed me, yes, but he
was at London. Then I thought to go to
the lord Thomas Percy, great seneschal of
England, who was there with the king ;
so I acquainted me with him and I found
him right honourable and gracious, and he
offered to present me and my letters to the
king, whereof I was right joyful, for it be-,
hoved me to have some means to bring me
to the presence of such a prince as the king
of England was. He went to the king's
chamber, at which time the king was gone
to sleep, and so he shewed me and bade
me return to my lodging and come again,
and so I did. And when I came to the
bishop's palace, I found the lord Thomas
Percy ready to ride to Ospringe, and he
counselled me to make as then no know-
ledge of my being there, but to follow the
court, and said he would cause me ever to
be well lodged till the king should be at
the fair castle of Leeds in Kent. I ordered
me after his counsel and rode before to
Ospringe, and by adventure I was lodged
I
FROISSART m ENGLAND
425
in an house where was lodged a gentle
knight of England called sir William Lisle.
He was tarried there behind the king,
because he had pain in his head all the
night before : he was one of the king's
privy chamber, and when he saw that I
was a stranger and, as he thought, of the
marches of France, because of my lan-
guage, we fell in acquaintance together ;
for gentlemen of England are courteous,
treatable and glad of acquaintance. Then
he demanded what I was and what busi-
ness I had to do in those parts : I shewed
him a great part of my coming thither and
all that the lord Thomas Percy had said
to me and ordered me to do. He then
answered and said how I could not have a
better mean, and that on the Friday the
king should be at the castle of Leeds ; and
he shewed me that when I came there, I
should find there the duke of York, the
king's uncle, whereof I was right glad,
because I had letters directed to him, and
also that in his youth he had seen me in
the court of the noble king Edward his
father and with the queen his mother.
Then on the Friday in the morning sir
William Lisle and I rode together, and on
the way I demanded of him if he had been
with the king in the voyage into Ireland.
He answered me, yes. Then I demanded
of him the manner of the hole that is in
Ireland, called Saint Patrick's purgatory,
if it were true that was said of it or not.
Then he said that of a surety such a hole ;
there was, and that he himself and another
knight of England had been there, while
the king lay at Dublin, and said how they
entered into the hole and were closed in
at the sun going down and abode there all
night, and the next morning issued out
again at the sun-rising. Then I demanded
if he had any such strange sights or visions
as were spoken of. Then he said how that
when he and his fellow were entered and
past the gate that was called the purgatory
of Saint Patrick, and that they were de-
scended and gone down three or four
paces, descending down as into a cellar,
a certain hot vapour rose against them and
strake so into their heads, that they were
fain to sit down on the stairs, which are of
stone. And after they had sat there a
season, they had great desire to sleep, and
so fell asleep and slept there all night.
Then I demanded that if in their sleep
they knew where they were, or what visions
they had. He answered me that in sleep-
ing they entered into great imaginations
and in marvellous dreams, otherwise than
they were wont to have in their chambers,
and in the morning they issued out and
within a short season clean forgat their
dreams and visions ; wherefore he said he
thought all that matter was but a fantasy.
Then I left speaking Jlny further of that
matter, because I would fain have known
of him what was done in the voyage in
Ireland, and I thought as then to have
demanded what the king had done in
that journey ; but then company of other
knights came and fell in communication
with him, so that I left my purpose for
that time.
Thus we rode to Leeds, and thither came
the king and all his company, and there I
found the lord Edmund duke of York.
Then I went to him and delivered my
letters from the earl of Hainault his cousin
and from the earl of Ostrevant. The duke
knew me well and made me good cheer
and said : ' Sir John, hold you always near
to us and we shall shew you love and
courtesy : we are bound thereto for the
love of time past and for love of my lady
the old queen my mother, in whose court
ye were, we have good remembrance
thereof.' Then I thanked him, as reason
required ; so I was advanced by reason of
him and sir Thomas Percy and sir William
Lisle ; by their means I was brought into
the king's chamber, and into his presence
by means of his uncle the duke of York.
Then I delivered my letters to the king,
and he took and read them at good leisure.
Then he said to me that I was welcome,
as he that had been and is of the English
court. As on that day I shewed not the
king the book that I had brought for him ;
he was so sore occupied with great affairs,
that I had as then no leisiue to present my
book. The king was sore busied there in
council for two great and mighty matters :
first was in determining to send sufficient
messengers, as the earl of Rutland, his
cousin-german, and the earl marshal,^ the
archbishop of Dublin, the bishop of Ely,
the lord Louis Clifford, the lord Henry
1 Thomas Mowbray, earl of Nottingham, after-
wards (1397) duke of Norfolk.
426
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
I
Beaumont, the lord Hugh Spencer and
many other, over the sea to Charles the
French king to treat with him for a
inarriage to be had between the king of
England and the French king's eldest
daughter, named Isabel, of the age of eight
years. The second cause was, the lord de
la Barthe, the lord of Terride, the lord of
Puycornet, the lord of Castelnau, the lord
of Lesque, the lord of Caupene, and the
councillors of Bordeaux, Bayonne and of
Dax were come into England and had
quickly pursued their matter sith the king's
return out of Ireland, to have an answer of
the requests and process that they had
put forth to the king on the gift that the
king had given to his uncle the duke of
Lancaster of the lands, seignories, lordships
and baronies in Acquitaine, which they
verified to pertain to the king and realm of
England. They had alleged to the king
and his council that his gift might not pass
so, because it was unprofitable and inutile :
for they said all those lands held of right
and of the demain of the crown of Eng-
land ; wherefore they said they would not
disjoin nor dissever them from the crown.
They alleged furthermore many other
reasonable causes, as ye shall hear after in
this process : but thus to have counsel of
those two great matters, the king had sent
for the most part of the prelates and lords
of England to be at the feast of Maudlin-
tide at a manor of the king's called Eltham,
a seven English miles from London. And
when they had tarried at Leeds a four days,
the king returned to Rochester and so to
Eltham, and so I rode forth in the king's
company.
CHAPTER CXCVII [CCI]
SUMMAR V. — In riding to Eltham,
Froissart %vas informed by sir JoJin de
Grailly of the sttife of things in Acqtiitaine,
and hozv the people there reftised to accept
the duke of Lancaster as their sovereign
lord. Also of the king s proposed marriage.
The chapter thus continues : —
Thus this gentle knight sir John of
Grailly and I devised together, as we rode
between Rochester and Dartford. This
knight was captain of Bouteville, bastard
I
son sometime to the captal of Buch, and I
heard his words gladly and did put them
in memory ; and all the way betweeri
Leeds and Eltham I rode most part in his
company and with sir William Lisle.
Thus the king came to Eltham on a Tues-
day, and on the Wednesday the lords of
all coasts began to assemble. Thither
came the duke of Gloucester and the earls
of Derby, Arundel, Northumberland,
Kent, Rutland, and the earl marshal and
the archbishops of Canterbury and York,
and the bishops of London and Win-
chester. And on the Thursday about the
hour of three they assembled together in Jl
the king's chamber in the king's presence, fll
Then the knights of Gascoyne were sent for
and the councillors of the good towns,
and also the duke of Lancaster's counsel
was sent for. I was not present, nor might
not be suffered : there were none but the
lords of the council, who debated the
matter more than four hours. And after
dinner I fell in acquaintance with an
ancient knight, whom I knew in king
Edward's days, and he was as then of king
Richard's privy council ; he was called sir
Richard Stury. He knew me anon, and yet
in twenty-four years he had not seen me
before, which was at Codenberg and at
Brussels ^ in the house of duke Wenceslas
of Brabant and of the duchess Jane of
Brabant. This knight sir Richard Stury
made me good cheer and demanded of me
many things, and I answered him as I
knew ; and as I walked up and down with
him in a gallery before the king's chamber,
I demanded him questions of that council
and desired him to tell me, if he might,
what conclusion was taken. He heard me
well and paused a little, and afterward
said : ' Sir John, I shall shew you, for it is
no matter to be hidden and kept secret ;
for shortly ye shall hear them published all
openly. Ye know well,' quoth he, 'and^,
I am sure ye have heard rehearsed how the fll
duke of Lancaster is gone into Acquitaine
to rejoice the gift ^ that the king my sove-
reign lord hath given him for the love that
he hath to him ; for he hath done the king
right good service and the crown of Eng-
land, therefore in reward the king hath
1 'At Codenberg in Brussels,' the palace of the
duke of Brabant.
2 ' Is gone into Acquitaine, and of the gift,' etc.
DEBATE IN THE PRIVY COUNCIL, 1395
427
clearly given to him and to his heirs for
ever the whole duchy of Acquitaine, so as
it extendeth in metes and limitations,
seneschallies, bailiages, seignories and
vassalages, and clean quitteth all them that
hold of him by faith or oath and in all
homage, the resort reserved ; ^ more the
king hath [not] reserved to the crown of
England in time to come : and this gift is
so sufficiently confirmed, that all the king's
other uncles and all the council of England
hath accorded thereto, and the king hath
given special commandment to all his
subjects in the said limitations of Acqui-
taine to obey in all points without any
other mean his dear and well beloved
uncle duke John of Lancaster, and after
the sight of his letters to hold and to take
him to their sovereign lord and to swear to
him faith and homage and to hold of him
truly, as they have anciently done and held
at the date of those letters given by the
king of England or his deputies or commis-
sioners, and whosoever that rebelleth or
speaketh against this the king's grant, of
what condition soever he be, to answer
thereto within three days. The king gave
to his uncle of Lancaster and to his com-
missioners full power and puissance to
correct them and to put them out of all
hope to have any other return or resort ;
yet notwithstanding all these letters and
strait commandment of the king, the good
towns and cities of Gascoyne under the
king of England's obeisance and all other
lords, knights and gentlemen of the country
are conjoined together to keep their towns
close against the duke,^ and will not nor
are not in mind to obey the duke in this
case : for they say and have said and yet
sustain at this hour that the gift that the
king hath given to his uncle of Lancaster
is not sufficient nor profitable,^ and out of
the order of reason ; and the duke, who
would not win them but by gentleness,
heard patiently their defences. And that
no further inconveniences should ensue,
therefore his counsel and their counsels
are come hither to debate and to declare
1 That is, the right of appeal to the crown of
England reserved.
2 ' Have joined and formed an alliance together
against the duke ' (' se sont conjoints et adhers en-
semble et clos,' etc.). The translator mistook the
meaning of ' clos.'
3 ' Inutille' ; that is, 'null and void.'
the cause why they do not obey the king's
commandment. And surely as this day
they have right wisely shewed their answer
and laid forth certain articles of reason,
and they have been well heard : and they
have laid such reasons that in a manner
the king and his council think they have
cause to abide by their quarrel. I shall
shew you how, but I would ye keep it
secret till it be known further abroad.'
And I answered I would so do.
' Well, ' quoth the knight, 'one (as me-
thought was official of Bordeaux) spake for
all his party, and first shewed forth his pro-
curation and authority to the intent he
might the better [be] believed, and then
began and said that the city of Bordeaux
and the cities of Bayonne and Dax, and all
the seignories and lordships that be append-
ant to the limits of the said countries and
cities, are of so noble condition, that no
king of England by no manner of action or
deed may put away or dissever them from
the demains of the crown of England, nor
to give or alienate them to child, uncle
nor brother by reason of marriage or other-
wise : ' ' and to verify this we say that the
above named towns, cities and seignories
are sufficiently privileged by kings of Eng-
land, who have sworn faithfully to hold
and to keep us so without revocation ; for
as soon as any king of England entereth
into the possession of the heritage of the
crown of England, he sweareth sufficiently
on the Evangelists to hold this firm and
stable without breaking : and ye, right
dear sir, as king of England, have made
like oath. And, sir, to verify this to be of
truth, behold here these writings." And
therewith he shewed forth letters and
charters under the signs of notaries im-
perials ^ and sealed with the great seal of
England, given by the same king Richard
there being present ; and there openly he
read it from clause to clause. The charter
was well heard and understanded, for it
was both in Latin and in French ; and it
named in the end many witnesses of pre-
lates and great lords of England, who were
for the more surety tests of that deed, at
the least to the number of eleven. When
the king's council heard this, they beheld
each other and looked on the king : there
was no man spake a word nor made no
1 ' Tabellionn^es,' ' drawn up in form.'
428
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
replication. When he had read it over,
he folded it and put it up and spake further,
addressing his words to the king, and said :
" Right dear sir and redoubted sovereign
lord, and you my right dear lords and
other, at my departing out of the country I
was charged to shew you by the councillors
of the good cities and towns of Gascoyne,
being under the obeisance of the crown of
England, who hath well overseen the form
and manner of your commandment sent
unto them under your seal, which they
knew right well, yet they think and say
that this commandment may not be
obeyed ; ^ for if so were that the cities
and good towns of Guyenne would incline
to receive the duke of Lancaster to their
lord and acquit for ever the homage and
obeisance that they owe to you, it should
be greatly to the prejudice of the crown of
England : for though it were so, that at
this time present the duke of Lancaster is
the king's uncle and subject and well
beloved, and would hold and keep all
points and articles belonging to the crown
of England, yet it may so hap that such love
and tenure may lightly be lost by change
of heirs by reason of marriages that are
made between lords and ladies in changing
from one to another,^ though they be near
of lineage, by dispensation of the pope.
For sometime it is of necessity that mar-
riages be made of high princes or of their
children one with another, to hold their
lands and seignories in love and amity ;
and so it might fall that such heirs as
might descend of the duke of Lancaster
should conjoin them by marriage to the
children of some king in France, or of
dukes of Berry, Bretayne, or earls of Foix
or Armagnac, or kings of Navarre, or
dukes of Anjou or of Maine ; and then
they, being beyond the sea peradventure in
the parts of France, should claim their
inheritance and thereby put the country of
Guyenne in discord and to bring it to be
against the crown of England ; whereby
1 This is partly corrupt and partly mistranslated :
the speaker said in effect : ' I was charged also to
shew you another consideration, which the coun-
cillors of the good towns have had on the form of
your mandate, granting that this thing may be,
which cannot be ; and the consideration is this :
that if,' etc. But the French text gave 'pose qu'il
soit et qu'il ne peut estre,' for 'pose qu'il soit ce
qu'il ne peut estre.'
2 ' Between lords and ladies one with another. '
the king of England then reigning and th
realm also should have peradventure over
much pain to recover it again, and so th
right to be put far off from thence, where
unto it should return and be, as of the
demain of the crown of England. Where-
fore, right dear sir and redoubted lords
and noble councillors, please it you to
consider all these points and articles which
I have proposed in your presence, and
determine it as ye shall seem best ; for, sir,
the full opinion of all the country is, they
say they will abide still in the obeisance of
you, right redoubted lord and king, and in
the demain of the noble crown of England."
' Therewith this official held his peace,
and the prelates and lords each of them
regarded other. Then they drew together
and approached to the king, first his two
uncles and the earls of Derby and Arundel.
Then they of Acquitaine were commanded
to depart till they were called again : they
departed, and also the two knights that
were come thither from the duke of
Lancaster. Then the king demanded
counsel what should be done and what
answer should be made. The prelates
turned the answer to the king's uncles,
because the matter touched them rath©
than any other. At the first they excusei
them, saying they might not well answer,]
for the matter was common and ought t
be debated by common counsel and not b
lineage nor favour. Thus they bode a goo(
space, but finally the answer was laid oi
the duke of Gloucester and he was praye
and required to say his advice. Then b
answered and said how it was a hard thin
to take away or to disannul the gift of
king, confirmed and sealed by the accord o
all his subjects and by deliberation of his
special council ; wherefore, he said, his
subjects should be rebel that would not
obey,^ for in that they would make that
the king should not be lord of his own in-
heritance, if that he might not do with his
own what it pleased him. Some glosed
those words, and some thought in their
courage that the answer was not reason-
able, but they durst not say against it, the
duke of Gloucester was so sore dread ;
and the earl of Derby, son to the duke of
1 We ought to read, ' although his subjects should
rebel against it,' but the translator was puzzled by
finding 'que' instead of 'quoyque.'
DEBATE IN THE PRIVY COUNCIL
429
Lancaster, was there present, who furthered
those words and said: "Fair uncle, ye
have well said: I am of your opinion."
Therewith the council began to break, and
some murmured one with another, and they
of Guyenne nor yet the duke of Lancaster's
knights were not called again at that time.
When the king saw all the matter, he dis-
simuled a little, and it was his intention
that they should assemble together again
in council after dinner, to see if any other
proper way might be taken for the honour
of the crown of England, Then the king
caused the bishop of Canterbury to speak
of that he had given him in charge in the
morning to speak of; that was upon the
state of his marriage, and to send into
France. The lords were of accord and
named them that should go, which were the
archbishop of Dublin, the earl of Rutland,
the earl marshal, the lord Beaumont, the
lord Hugh Spenser, the lord Louis Clifford
and twenty knights and forty squires. '
These were sent into France to treat for
the marriage of the French king's daughter
Isabel of eight year of age, and yet she was
already promised to the duke of Bretayne's
son by a treaty that was made in Tours in
Touraine. Now behold how this might be
broken, for the French king and his uncles
had sealed^ with the duke of Bretayne.
Yet for all that the English ambassadors
had their charge given unto them, and so
they departed out of England and arrived
at Calais, and there tarried a five days and
then departed in great array and took the
way to Amiens ; and they sent before
March the herald, who had brought to
them safe-conduct going and coming, and
beside that the lord Montcavrel was set to
be their guide and to see them served of all
things necessary.
Now we shall leave to speak of them
and return to our first purpose.
Now, as I have shewed you before, the
councillors of the cities and good towns of
Acquitaineprayed the king and his council,
to whom they were bound, to maintain
their liberties and franchises as in the
demain of the crown of England, as he
was sworn to do, affirming that surely they
1 'Consider how this may be broken, for the
French king and his uncles have sealed,' etc. He
is speaking of the matter as not yet concluded,
though the embassy has been sent into France.
would keep their ancient liberties and will
not break it for no manner of cause or con-
dition : and in holding thus their opinion
four parts of the council and the common
voice of the country reputed them for
valiant and worthy men. But the duke of
Gloucester was of another opinion ; for he
would that his brother the duke of Lancas-
ter should have bidden still in Acquitaine,
for he thought he was over great in Eng-
land and too near the king. As for his
brother the duke of York, he cared not,
for the duke of York was a prince that
loved his ease and little business : also he
had a fair lady to his wife, daughter to the
earl of Kent, on whom was all his pleasure.
But the duke of Gloucester was subtle and
ever demanded somewhat of his nephew
king Richard ; yet he was but poor, for all
that he was a great lord and constable of
England and earl of Hereford and of
Exeter and of Buckingham, and also he
had yearly out of the king's coffers four
thousand nobles, and never rode on the
king's business nor for the realm one day,
without he knew why and wherefore. For
these causes he was not indifferent for the
matters of Acquitaine, for he would have
had his brother of Lancaster to have bidden
still in Acquitaine for ever, for then he
thought he would have shifted well enough
in England. As soon as he had said his
sentence, as ye have heard before, and that
he saw some murmured in the king's
chamber, and that the prelates and lords
talked together two and two, he issued out
of the chamber, and the earl of Derby with
him, and came into the hall at Eltham
and made a cloth to be laid on a table, and
so sat down to dinner and left all other
still talking together. "When the duke of
York knew that he was at dinner, he went
to keep him company, and after dinner,
which he made short, the duke of Glou-
cester dissimuled the matter and took his
leave of the king sitting at the table, and
so departed and took his horse and rode to
London ; and the earl of Derby abode still
with the lords that day and the next day.
Thus they of Acquitaine could have none
expedition nor deliverance.
I have delight to write this matter at
length because to inform you of the truth :
for I, that am author of this history, was
present in all these matters, and this valiant
430
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
knight sir Richard Stury shewed me every-
thing.^ And so it was, that on the Sunday
/ following all such as had been there were
departed, and all these councillors, except
the duke of York, who abode still about
the king ; and the lord Thomes Percy and
sir Richard Stury shewed my business to
the king.^ Then the king desired to see
my book that I had brought for him ; so
he saw it in his chamber, for I had laid it
there ready on his bed. When the king
opened it, it pleased him well, for it was
fair enlumined and written, and covered
with crimson velvet, with ten buttons of
silver and gilt, and roses of gold in the midst,
with two great clasps gilt, richly wrought.
Then the king demanded me whereof it
treated, and I shewed him how it treated
matters of love ; whereof the king was
glad and looked in it and read it in many
places, for he could speak and read French
very well. And he took it to ^ a knight of
his chamber named sir Richard Credon, to
bear it into his secret chamber. And the
same Sunday I fell in acquaintance with a
, squire of England called Henry Christead,"*
\ an honest man and a wise, and could well
' speak French. He companied with me,
because he saw the king and other lords
make me good cheer, and also he had seen
the book that I gave to the king ; also sir
Richard Stury had shewed him how I was
a maker of histories. Then he said to me
as hereafter followeth.
CHAPTER CXCVIII [CCH]
The device and of the conquest ^ that king
Richard had made in Ireland, and how
he brought into his obeisance four kings
of that country.
* Sir John,' quoth he, * have ye not found
in the king's court sith ye came hither no
1 In the fuller text we read also : ' while walking
in the galleries at Eltham, where it was very plea-
sant and shady, for those galleries {or alleys) were
then covered with vines. '
2 ' Except the duke of York, who abode with the
king, and sir Richard Stury ; and these two with
sir Thomas Percy shewed my business to the king.'
3 ' He caused it to be taken by.'
4 Perhaps the name was Chrystead or Chrystal.
The French text here has ' Castide,' but afterwards
' Christall.' Another reading is Cristede.
5 ' La devise du voyage, ' ' the account of the
voyage.'
man that hath told you of the voyage tl
the king made but late into Ireland, anC
in what manner the four kings of Ireland
are come into the obeisance of the king
of England ? ' And I answered, ' No.'l|
'Then shall I shew you,' quoth the squire,i|
' to the intent that ye may put it in per- ''"
petual memory, when ye return into your
own country and have leisure thereto.' I
was rejoiced of his words and thanked
him : then he began thus and said : ' Sir
John, it is not in memory that either any
king of England made such apparel and !
provision for any journey to make war 1
against the Irishmen, nor such a number '
of men of arms nor archers. The king
was nine months in the marches of Ireland
to his great cost and charge to the realm,
for they bare all his expenses ; and the
merchants, cities and good towns of the
realm thought it well bestowed, when thej^ji
saw the king return home again witJI
honour. The number that he had thither^l
gentlemen and archers, were four thousand
knights and thirty thousand archers, well
paid weekly, that every man was wej
pleased. But I shew you, because
should know the truth, Ireland is one
the evil countries of the world to make wj
upon or to bring under subjection, for it
closed strongly and widely with high forest
and great waters and marishes and place
inhabitable : it is hard to enter to do ther
of the country any damage, nor ye shal
find no town nor person to speak withal]
for the men draw to the woods and dwel
in caves and small cottages under trees an^
among bushes and hedges like wild savag
beasts, and when they know that any mz
maketh war against them and is entered int^
their countries, then they draw together tc
the straits and passages and defend it, so"
that no man can enter into them, and when
they see their time, they will soon take
their advantage on their enemies, for they
know the country and are light people :
for a man of arms being never so well
horsed and run as fast as he can, the Irish-
men will run afoot as fast as he and over-
take him, yea, and leap up upon his horse
behind him and draw him from his horse ;
for they are strong men in the arms and
have sharp weapons with large blades with
two edges after the manner of dart heads,
wherewith they will slay their enemy ; and
IRISH AFFAIRS
431
they repute not a man dead till they have
cut his throat and open his belly and taken
out his heart and carry it away with them.
Some say, such as know their nature, that
they do eat it and have great delight therein.
They take no man to ransom, and when
they see at any encounter that they be over-
matched, then they will depart asunder and
go and hide themselves in bushes, woods,
hedges and caves, so that no man shall find
them. Also sir William of Windsor, who
hath most used the wars in those parts of
any other Englishman, yet he could never
learn the manner of the country nor know
their conditions. They be hard people
and of rude engine and wit and of divers
frequentations and usage : they set nothing
by jollity nor fresh apparel, nor by noble-
ness ; for though their realm be sovereignly
governed by kings, whereof they have
plenty, yet they will take no knowledge of
gentleness, but will continue in their rude-
ness, according as they are brought up.
Truth it is that four of the principal kings
and most puissant after the manner of the
country are come to the obeisance of the
king of England by love and fairness, and
not by battle nor constraint. The earl of
Ormond, who marcheth upon them, hath
taken great pain and hath so treated with
them that they came to Dublin to the king
and submitted them to him, to be under
the obeisance of the crown of England ;
wherefore the king and all the realm re-
puteth this for a great and honourable deed
and thinketh this voyage well bestowed,
for king Edward of good memory did never
so much upon them as king Richard did in
this voyage : the honour is great, but the
profit is but little, for though they be kings,
yet no man can devise nor speak of ruder
personages.
' I shall shew you somewhat of their rude-
ness to the intent it may be ensample
again people of other nations.^ I know it
well, for I have proved it by themselves :
for when they were at Dublin, I had the
governance of them about a month by the
king's commandment and his council, to
the intent that I should learn them to
use themselves according to the usage of
England, and because I could speak their
language as well as French or English, for
1 That is, 'that you may be able to compare
their manners with those of other nations.*
in my youth I was brought up among
them. I was with the earl of Ormond,
father to the earl that now is, who loved
me right well, because I could as then ride
and handle an horse meetly well ; and it
fortuned one tim.e that the said earl, who
as then was my master, was sent with three
hundred spears and a thousand archers into
the marches of Ireland to make war with
the Irishmen, for always the Englishmen
have had war with them, to subdue and
put them under. And on a day, as the
said earl went against them, I rode on a
goodly horse of his, light and swift : thus
I rode and followed my master, and the
same day the Irishmen were laid in a bush-
ment, and when we came near them they
opened their bushment ; then the English
archers began to shoot so eagerly that the
Irishmen could not suffer it, for they are
but simply armed, therefore they reculed
and went back. Then the earl my master
followed in the chase, and I that was well
horsed followed him as near as I could ;
and it fortuned so that my horse was affrayed
and took his bridle in his teeth and ran
away with me, and whether I would or not,
he bare me so far forth among the Irish-
men, that one of them by lightness of run-
ning leapt up behind me and embraced me
in his arms, and did me none other hurt,
but so led me out of the way and so rode
still behind me the space of two hours, and
at the last brought me into a secret place,
thick of bushes, and there he found his
company, who were come thither and
scaped all dangers, for the. Englishmen
pursued not so far. Then, as he shewed
me, he had great joy of me and led me
into a town and a strong house among the
woods, waters and mires. The town was
called Herpelepin,^ and the gentleman that
took me was called Brien Costerec : he
was a goodly man, and, as it hath been
shewed me, he is as yet alive ; howbeit, he
is very aged. This Brien Costerec kept
me seven year with him and gave me his
daughter in marriage, of whom I had two
daughters. I shall shew you how I was
delivered.
* It happened at the seven years' end one
of their kings, named Arthur Mackemur,
king of Leinster, made an army against
1 This has been supposed to be Elphin, but the
geography is far from exact.
432
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
duke Lyon of Clarence, son to king
Edward of England, and against sir
William of Windsor, and not far from
the city of Leinster ^ the Englishmen and
Irishmen met together, and many were slain
and taken on both parties, but the English-
men obtained the victory and the Irishmen
fled, and the king Arthur saved himself;
but Brien Costerec, my wife's father, was
taken prisoner under the duke of Clarence'
banner. He was taken on the same courser
that he took me on, the horse was well
known among the earl of Ormond's folks ;
and then he shewed how I was alive and
was at his manor of Herpelepin, and how I
had wedded his daughter, whereof the duke
of Clarence, sir William Windsor and the
Englishmen were right glad. Then it was
shewed him that, if he would be delivered
out of prison, that he should deliver me
into the Englishmen's hands, and my wife
and children. With great pain he made
that bargain, for he loved me well and my
wife his daughter and our children : when
he saw he could make his finance none
otherwise, he accorded thereto, but he re-
tained mine eldest daughter still with him.
So I and my wife and our second daughter
returned into England, and so I went
and dwelt beside Bristow on the river of
Severn. My two daughters are married,
and she in Ireland hath three sons and two
daughters, and she that I brought with
me hath four sons and two daughters.
And because the language of Irish is as
ready to me as the English tongue, for I
have always continued with my wife and
taught my children the same speech, there-
fore the king my sovereign lord and his
council commanded me to give attendance
on these four kings and to govern and
bring them to reason and to the usage and
customs of England, seeing they had yielded
them to be under his obeisance and of the
crown of England, and they were sworn to
hold it for ever. And yet I ensure you,
for all that I did my power to ensign and
to learn them good manner, yet for all that
they be right rude and of gross engine.
Much pain I had to make them to speak
anything in fair manner : somewhat I
altered them, but not much ; for in many
cases they drew to their natural rudeness.
The king my sovereign lord's intent was,
1 Or by another reading, ' Dulnestre.'
that in manner, countenance and apparel
of clothing they should use according to
the manner of England, for the king— d
thought to make them all four knights»B|
They had a fair house to lodge in inM
Dublin, and I was charged to abide still
with them and not to depart, and so two
or three days I suffered them to do as they
list and said nothing to them, but followed
their own appetites : they would sit at the
table and make countenance nother good
nor fair ; then I thought I should cause
them to change that manner. They would
cause their minstrels, their servants and
varlets to sit with them and to eat in their
own dish and to drink of their cups, and
they shewed me that the usage of their
country was good, for they said in all
things (except their beds) they were and
lived as common. So the fourth day I
ordained other tables to be covered in the
hall after the usage of England, and iJI
made these four kings to sit at the highW
table, and their minstrels at another board,
and their servants and varlets at another
beneath them, whereof by seeming they
were displeased and beheld each other and
would not eat, and said how I would take,
from them their good usage, wherein thej
had been nourished. Then I answerec
them, smiling to appease them, that it wa
not honourable for their estates to do
they did before and that they must leave ilj
and use the custom of England, and that
it was the king's pleasure they should sc
do, and how he was charged so to orded
them. When they heard that, they sufiferec'
it, because they had put themselves undej
the obeisance of the king of England, anc"
persevered in the same as long as I was*
with them. Yet they had one use, which
I knew well was used in their country,
and that was they did wear no breeches.)
I caused breeches of linen cloth to be made
for them. While I was with them, H
caused them to leave many rude things,
well in clothing as in other causes. Much
ado I had at the first to cause them to wear
gowns of silk furred with minever and gray,
for before these kings thought themselves
well apparelled when they had on a mantle.
They rode always without saddles and
stirrups, and with great pain I made them
to ride after our usage. And on a time I
demanded them of their belief, wherewith
IRISH AFFAIRS
433
they were not content and said how they
believed on God and on the Trinity, as
well as we. Then I demanded on what
pope was their affection. They answered
me, on him of Rome. Then I demanded
if they would not gladly receive the order
of knighthood, and that the king of Eng-
land should make them knights according
to the usage of France and England and
other countries. They answered how they
were knights already and that sufficed for
them. I asked where they were made
knights, and how, and when. They an-
swered that in the age of seven year they
were made knights in Ireland, and that a
king maketh his son a knight, and if the
son have no father alive, then the next of
his blood may make him knight ; and then
this young knight shall begin to joust with
small spears, such as they may bear with
their ease, and run against a shield set on
a stake in the field, and the more spears
that he breaketh, the more he shall be
honoured. I knew their manner well
enough, though I did demand it. But
then I said that the knighthood that they
had taken in their youth sufficed not to
the king of England, but I said he should
give them after another manner. They
demanded how. I answered that it should
be in the holy church, which was the most
worthiest place. Then they inclined some-
what to my words.
' Within two days after the eavl of
Ormond came to them, who could right
well speak the language, for some of his
lands lay in those parts : he was sent to
them by the king and his council. They
all honoured him and he them : then he
fell in sweet communication with them, and
he demanded of them how they liked me.
They answered and said : ' ' Well ; for he
hath well shewed us the usage of this
country ; wherefore we ought to thank him
and so we do." This answer pleased well
the earl of Ormond. Then he entered
little and little to speak of the order of
chivalry, which the king would they should
receive : he shewed it them from point to
point, how they should behave themselves
and what pertained to knighthood. The
earl's words pleased much these four kings,
whose names were these : first, the great
O'Neal, king of Meath ; the second Brian
of Thomond, king of Thomond ; the third
Arthur of Mackemur, king of Leinster ; the
fourth Connor, king of Connor and Erpe :
they were made knights by king Richard
of England in the cathedral church of
Dublin dedicate of Saint John Baptist : it
was done on our Lady day in March ; as
then it fell on a Thursday. These four
kings watched all the night before in the
church, and the next day at high mass
time with great solemnity they were
made knights, and with them sir Thomas
Ourghem, sir Jonathan Pado and sir John
Pado his cousin. These kings sate that day
at the table with king Richard : they were
regarded of many folks, because their be-
having was strange to the manner of Eng-
land and other countries, and ever naturally
men desire to see newelties.'
Then I, sir John Froissart, said : 'Henry,
I believe you well, and I would it had cost
me largely that I had been there ; and
surely this year past I had come hither, an
it had not been for that I heard of the
death of queen Anne of England, which
did let me. But one thing I would desire
of you to know, how these four kings of
Ireland came so soon to the king of Eng-
land's obeisance, when king Edward, the
king's grandfather, who was so valiant a
prince and so redoubted over all, could
never subdue them nor put them under,
and yet he had always war with them ;
and in that they are subdued now, ye said
it was by treaty and by the grace of God.
Indeed the grace of God is good ; whoso
can have it, it is much worth : but it is
seen nowadays that earthly princes getteth
little without it be by puissance. I desire
to know this, for when I shall come into
Hainault, of which country I am of, I shall
be examined of this and many other things,
both by duke Aubert of Bavier, earl of
Hainault, of Holland and of Zealand, and
also by his son William of Bavier, who
writeth himself lord of Frise, which is a
great country and a puissant, which country
the said duke and his son claimeth to have
by right succession, and so did their pre-
decessors before them, but the Frisons
would never fall to any reason nor come
under obeisance, nor as yet do not unto this
day.' Then answered Henry Christead
and said : ' Sir John, to shew you the
very truth I cannot, but as many a one
saith, and it is to suppose, that the great
434
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
puissance that the king had over with him,
and tarried there in their country nine
months, and every man well paid, abashed
the Irishmen : also the sea was closed from
them on all parts, whereby their livenges
and merchandises might not enter into
their countries, though they that dwell far
within the realm cared little for it, for they
know not what merchandise meaneth, nor
they live but grossly and rudely like unto
beasts, yet such as liveth on the marches
of England and by the sea coast use feat
of merchandise with us and into other
places. King Edward of noble memory in
his time had to answer so many wars, what
in France, Bretayne, Gascoyne and Scot-
land, so that his people were divided in
divers places and sore occupied, wherefore
he could not send no great number into
Ireland. But when the Irishmen saw the
great number of men of war that king
Richard had in Ireland this last journey,
the Irishmen advised themselves and came
to obeisance. And indeed of old time there
was a king in England named Edward,
who is a saint and canonised and honoured
through all this realm, in his time he sub-
dued the Danes and discomfited them by
battle on the sea three times ; and this
Saint Edward king of England, lord of
Ireland and of Acquitaine, the Irishmen
loved and dred him much more than any
other king of England that had been be-
fore : and therefore our sovereign lord king
Richard this year past, when he was in
Ireland, in all his armories and devices he
left bearing of the arms of England, as the
libbards and flower-de-luces quarterly, and
bare the arms of this Saint Edward, that is
a cross potent gold and gules with four
white martinets in the field ; ^ whereof it
was said the Irishmen were well pleased
and the sooner they inclined to him : for
of truth the predecessors of these four kings
obeyed with faith and homage to the said
king Edward, and they repute king Richard
a good man and of good conscience, and
so they have done to him faith and homage,
as they ought to do, and in like manner as
their predecessors sometime did to Saint
Edward. Thus I have shewed you the
manner how the king our sovereign lord
hath this year accomplished and furnished
"^ That is, a cross potent (potencee) or, and four
white doves (coulons) in a field gules.
i
his voyage in Ireland. Put it in your
memorial to the intent that, when ye shall
return into your own country, ye may writ^H
it in your chronicle with many other hisll
tories that depend to the same matter.*'
Then I thanked him and said it should be
done. So I took leave of him. Then I
met with March the herald and I demanded
of him what arms this Henry Christead
bare, and I shewed the herald how this sir
Henry had shewed me the manner of the
king's journey in Ireland, and the state of
the four kings, who had been, as he said, |
in his governing more than fifteen days at
Dublin. The herald answered me and
said : * Sir, he beareth in his arms silver, a
chevron gules, three besants gules.' All
these things I did put in writing, because
I would not forget them.
Thus I tarried in the king of England's
court as long as it pleased me, not alway
in one place, for the king oftentimes n
moved to Eltham, to Leeds, to Kingston!
to Sheen, to Chertsey or to Windsor, about
the marches of London. And I was in-
formed of a truth that the king wrote to
his uncle the duke of Lancaster, for they
of Acquitaine sped so in their business,
that their country abode still to the crown
of England. Then it was concluded by
general council of England that the gift
that the king had given to the duke of
Lancaster must needs abide still as his
own. Howbeit, the duke of Gloucester
would that his brother might have enjoyed
the king's gift, but his saying could not be
heard in that case : for they of the realm
of England (because of doubts and casu
ties in time to come) heard well the wor(
of them of Bordeaux and of Bayonne, an
considered well that if the heritage of
Acquitaine were put from the crown of
England, it should be in time to come a
great prejudice to the realm, which they
would in no wise should fortune : for
always Bordeaux and Bayonne and the
frontiers and marches of Gascoyne had kept
and augmented greatly the honour of the
realm of England. These things were well
considered of the wise men of the king's
council, the duke of Gloucester absent, for
before him no man durst speak. So the
matter abode in this case.
We shall leave of this matter and speak
of the king of England's ambassadors, as
dm
"■f
ma
EXPEDITION TO TURKEY, 1396
435
the earl of Rutland and the earl marshal
and other, that were sent into France to
treat of the marriage between king Richard
their lord and the daughter of Charles,
P'rench king, who was but eight years of
age ; and I shall shew you how they sped.
CHAPTERS CXCIX, CC [CCIII,
CCIV]
SUMMARY.— The English ambassadors
were well received in France and saw the
young- lady Isabel. They returned with a
hopeful ansiuer, though many in France
were against the marriage.
One Robert le Meneust, called Robert
VErmite, who had had a miraculous vision
in returning from the East, had laboured
hard for peace both with the French king
and also with the English lords at Leling-
hen, and afterwards in England zvith the
duke of Gloucester and others.
CHAPTERS CCI, CCH [CCV, CCVI]
SUMMARY— The lord de la Riviere
and sir John le Mercier were delivered out
of prison, but commanded to leave Paris.
Peace was made between the duke of
Brittany arul Oliver de Clisson.
Peter de Craon, under the protection of
the duke of Burgundy, returned secretly to
Paris.
CHAPTER CCHI [CCVI]
SUMMAR Y — The king of Hungary sent
letters to the French king asking for help
against the Turks, who threatened his
country. It was resolved that an army
should go with John earl of Nevers, son of
the dtike of Burgundy, as its leader, and
with him the lord of Coucy and Philip
d Artoisy constable of France.
CHAPTERS CCIV, CCV [CCVII,
CCIX]
SUMMARY— The earl of Ostrevant pre-
pared to go into Frieslandy and the earl of
Nevers set forth to Hungary.
The duchess of Anjou, queen of Naples,
had a suit in the parliament chamber of
Paris against Peter de Craon for a hundred
thousand franks, and obtained his pardon
from other charges that he might ajiswer it.
Judgment was given against him, and he
was put in prison till the sum should be
paid.
CHAPTER CCVI [CCX]
SUMMARY. — The marriage was ar-
ranged between the king of England and
the daughter of the French king. The
duke of Lancaster viarried his mistress
Catherine de Roet {widow of Hugh Swin-
ford), which caused indignation among
many great ladies, as the duchess of Glou-
cester, the countess of Derby and the countess
of Arundel, who said that they would Jiever
come into any place where she should be
present.
The history thus continues : —
Now let us a little speak of the journey
of the earl of Nevers and the lords of
France and what they did the same summer
in Hungary ; and after we shall speak of
the going into Frise of the earl of Hainault
and the earl of Ostrevant. The earl of
Nevers and his company with many valiant
men that he had of France and of other
countries, when they were come into
Hungary into a great city called Bude,
the king of Hungary made them good
cheer and well they deserved it, for they
were come far off to see him. The inten-
tion of the king was that, or he set forward
with his puissance and with the aid of
France to enter into the field, to hear
first some news from the great Turk, called
Amurath-baquin,^ who had sent him word
in the month of February that surely he
would be in Hungary or the end of the
month of May, and that he would pass the
water of Dunoe ; - of which message many
had great marvel. And some said that
there is in a manner nothing but that
man may do it, considering that the Turk
1 This is Bajazet, or, as Froissart calls him,
' Basach dit I'Amourath-baquin.' He was called
Amurath (or Murad) from his father, and the addi-
tion ' baquin ' is a title, like ' beg ' in ' Scander-beg.'
2 The Danube.
436
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
is valiant and puissant and desireth much
deeds of arms : ' therefore sith he liath said
it, by all likelihood he will do it, and if he
pass not the Dunoe to come hither to this
side, then let us pass over and enter into
Turkey with puissance : for the king of
Hungary with such aid as he hath of
strangers shall well make an hundred thou-
sand men, and such a number of such men
are well able to conquer all Turkey and
to go into the empire of Perse ; and if we
may have one journey of victory upon the
great Turk, we shall do after what we list,
and shall conquer Syria and all the holy
land of Jerusalem, and shall deliver it from
the hands of the soudan and the enemies
of God. For at the summer next coming
the French king and the king of England,
who will conjoin together, shall raise up a
great number of men of arms and of archers
and shall find the passages open to receive
them. Then nothing shall abide before us,
but all shall be conquered and put in our
obeisance, when we shall go all together.'
Thus devised the Frenchmen that were in
the realm of Hungary.
When the month of May was come,
trusting to hear tidings of Amurath-baquin
the great Turk, the king of Hungary sent
to the passages of the river of Dunoe and
sent throughout his realm to assemble his
puissance together, and the lords of the
Rhodes ^ came to him strongly, and all the
month of May they tarried for the coming of
the Saracens, but no tidings could be heard
of them. Then the king of Hungary sent
such as knew the country beyond the river
of Dunoe, to search to have some tidings
of the great Turk. Such as went searched
all the country beyond the bras of Saint
George ^ and to the marches of Alexandria,
of Damascus and Antioch, but they could
hear no news of Amurath-baquin nor of
none army toward. Then they returned
and shewed the king what they had heard
and seen. Then the king assembled his
council and called the lords of France,
who desired to do deeds of arms. The
king shewed them how he had sent men
into Turkey to have knowledge what his
enemies did, and how they could hear no
1 The knights of Saint John : so afterwards the
grand prior of the Hospital is called the 'great
master of Rhodes.'
2 That is, the Dardanelles.
tidings of Amurath-baquin nor no like
hood of his approaching, for all the promi
he had made to pass the Dunoe and
enter into Hungary to fight with the Chri
tian men, or mid May should pass ; wher
fore the king demanded what counsel they
would give him to do. Then the lord of
Coucy for all the other said : ' Sir, though
Amurath-baquin come not forward accord-
ing to his promise and maketh but a jape
thereof, yet that ought not to let us to do
deeds of arms and to pursue our enemies,
seeing we be assembled to that purpose.'
Thus all the Frenchmen, Almains and
other strangers shewed well how they had
great desire to seek out Amurath-baquin
to fight with him ; which was to their great
honour. The lord of Coucy's words were
affirmed by all the strangers : it was all
their opinions how they could employ their
season and time no better.
Then it was ordained by the king and
by his marshals that every man should pre-
pare himself to be ready to set forward at
a day assigned, which was the octave of
Saint John the Baptist. Then officers and
other servants apparelled for their masters
all things necessary, and the Frenchmen,
thinking to be fresh and gay, spared neither
gold nor silver. Their departure from
Bude, the sovereign city of Hungary, wa
goodly to regard. The constable of Hu;
gary had the vaward with a great numbe
of Hungarians and Almains with him, bi
cause he knew the countries ; and nex
after him rode the Frenchmen, with th
constable of France, the earl de la Marche
the lord of Coucy, sir Heniy and sir Philij
of Bar and divers other ; and with the kinj
rode the great lords of his country
reason was, and beside the king rode Joh]
of Burgoyne and oftentimes devised wit]
the king. They were in the field a three-
score thousand horse, they had but few
afoot, saving such as were followers. The
company of the Christian men were noble
and well ordered, and of Hungary there
were many cross-bows a-horseback. The
army journeyed so long that they came to
the river of Dunoe, and passed over in ships
and barges and such bridges as they had
ordained for that purpose. It was eight
days or they were all passed over, and as
they passed they lodged them, every co
pany tarrying for other. This river
I
EXPEDITION TO TURKEY
437
Dunoe departeth the realms of Hungary
and Turkey asunder.
When the Christian men were all over
and nothing tarried behind, and were in
the frontiers of Turkey, they greatly re-
joiced and desired greatly to do deeds of
arms. There they took counsel and deter-
mined to go and lay siege to a town in
Turkey called Comette ; and as they or-
dained so they did, and besieged it, as they
might well do, for it stood in a plain
country and a river joining to it with ships
thereon, called Mette,^ the head coming
out of Turkey and falling into the sea at
the river of Dunoe. The river of Dunoe
is a great river of three hundred miles in
length^ from the beginning till it enter into
the sea, which were the most profitable
river in all the world for the realm of
Hungary, if the ships that be thereon
might issue out thereof into the sea ; but
they cannot, for in the mouth thereof,
when they should issue into the sea, there
is in the river a mountain, which de-
parteth the river in two parts, and maketh
such bruit and noise, that it may well be
heard seven mile off; and for that cause
I there is no ship that dare approach near to
it. Along by this river side * there be fair
! meadows and pastures, whereby all the
country is well served, and divers vines
which in season make good wines, which
the Turks do make and put into goat-skins
and selleth it unto Christian men ; for
according to their law they dare drink no
wine, to be known ; it is defended them on
pain of life ; but they eat the raisins and
they have other good fruits and spices,
whereof they make drink, and use greatly
to drink goat's milk, which refresheth them
in the hot season.
Thus the king of Hungary and his host
lodged before the city of Comette at their
ease and pleasure, for no man troubled
their siege. And when they came before
the city, they found the fruits ripe, the
which was great pleasure to them. They
made to this city divers assaults, and they
within defended themselves, trusting daily
to have aid and succour of Amurath-baquin
their lord, to raise the siege with puissance;
but he did not, whereby the city was taken
1 This is the Timok.
2 Froissart says, 'four hundred leagues.'
■^ ' Along by this river of Mette."
by force of assault and destroyed with great
slaughter of ' men, women and children ;
for the Christian men that entered had no
mercy nor pity. "When this city was thus
won, the king of Hungary dislodged and
went forward into Turkey, and was deter-
mined to go and lay siege to a great city
called Nicopoly ; and as they rode, they
found in their way the town of Quaire,^
and laid siege to it fifteen days or it was
won, but finally it was won by assault and
clean destroyed, and so passed forth. And
in their way they found another town and
a strong castle called Brehappe,^ and a
knight of Turkey was lord thereof and was
within the castle to defend it. The king
and his army were lodged within a mile,
where was a fair river, and about the town
there was none. There the earl of Nevers
was made knight and raised his banner,
and with him were made more than three
hundred knights, and all they and their
companies went before Brehappe and be-
sieged it and won the town perforce within
four days, but not the castle, it was so
strong. The lord of Brehappe saved much
of his people by force of the castle, who
was called Corbadas, a right valiant knight,
and he had other three brethren, one named
Maladius, another Balachius and the third
Rufifin. After this town was won, the
Christian men were before the castle seven
days and made divers assaults, but they lost
more than they won. The four knights
brethren that were within shewed well by
their defence that they were valiant men.
When the Frenchmen had considered well
the force of the castle and the valiant
ordering of the Turks within and the de-
fence that they made, they saw well then
they lost their pain, and so dislodged ;
for they had knowledge how the king of
Hungary would go and lay siege to the
strong town of Nicopoly. Thus the siege
before Brehappe brake up, and they within
the castle were in peace, but the town was
clean brent. Then the earl of Nevers and
all the lords of France resorted to the
king's army, ordering themselves to go to
Nicopoly.
When Corbadas of Brehappe saw the
siege broken up, he was right joyful and
said to his company : ' We need no more
to fear this season ; though my town be
1 Kaara, 2 Belgraltchi.
438
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
brent and exiled, I shall right well recover
it again : but of one thing I marvel greatly,
and that is that I can hear no news from
my lord the king Basach, called Amurath-
baquin ; for the last time that I saw him
in the city of Nicopoly, he said unto me
that this May time he would be in this
country, and had intention to pass with a
great puissance the bras of Saint George
and to go into Hungary to fight with the
Christian men, and so he sent word to the
king of Hungary. And yet he hath done
nothing, and thereupon they of Hungary
be fortified, and have as now great succour
out of France, and have passed the river of
Dunoe and are entered into Turkey, and
have and do destroy the country, for there
is no resistance made against them, and they
think surely to go and lay siege before
Nicopoly. The city is strong enough to
resist the siege a long season, if it be well
defended and kept : we are here four
brethren and knights of the lineage of king
Basach : we ought and are bound to defend
his right, therefore let us order ourselves
as I shall shew you. I and my brother
Maladius we shall go to the city of Nico-
poly, to aid to help and defend it, and my
brother Balachius shall abide here to keep
this castle of Brehappe, and my brother
Ruffin shall pass the bras of Saint George
and go seek out Amurath-baquin and shew
him everything that is passed and done,
and advise him for his honour to intend to
defend his heritage and to come with such
puissance that may resist the Christian
men and to break their purpose, or else
he shall lose the realm of Armeny, which
he hath conquered, and his own country
also ; for by all imagination the king of
Hungary and the Christian men are
gathered to the intent to do some great
enterprise.' His three brethren agreed to
his saying. On this appointment they pre-
pared themselves to depart.
So in this season siege was laid before
Nicopoly, and Corbadas of Brehappe and
Maladius his brother came and entered into
Nicopoly, whereof they of the city were
right joyful, and Balachius abode still at
Brehappe to keep the castle, and Ruffin,
when he saw time, by night he passed the
Christian army, for he knew well the
country, and passed over the- bras Saint
George and searched for Amurath-baquin.
And the same season he was at Qua)
with the soudan of Babylon, to have aij
of men of him. Ruffin found this Turl
there ; and when king Basach saw himj
he had mai-vel and thought surely h|
should hear some news out of Turkej
Then he demanded what tidings. ' Sir,1
quoth Ruffin, ' all the country desireth sore
to see you there, for the king of Hungary
with puissance hath passed the river of
Dunoe and is entered into Turkey, and
hath done great damage and hath brent ,
and assailed a five or six of your closed I
towns. And when I departed from Bre- •
happe, he was in purpose to go and lay
siege to Nicopoly. Corbadas and Mala-
dius my brothers with such men of war as
they have are entered into Nicopoly to
help to defend the town, and my brother
Balachius is still at Brehappe to keep the
castle there : and, sir, of a surety there is
in the company with the king of Hungary
the goodliest army and best appointed
come out of France, that ever was seen.
Wherefore, sir, it behoveth you to as-
semble your host and friends and return into
Turkey, to cause your enemies to return
again over the river of Dunoe. An ye do
it not with great puissance, it will be hard
to bring it about. ' * What number be
they ? ' quoth Amurath - baquin. ' Sir,
quoth he, ' they be more than hundred
thousand, and the goodliest men of tl
world and best armed, and all on horse
back.' Amurath-baquin gave none answe^
but entered into the soudan's chamber an^
shewed the soudan all the whole matted
as his knight had shewed him. Then tl
soudan said : ' We must provide for it]
ye shall have men enow to resist ther
Needs we must defend our law and oi
heritage.' ' That is true, sir,' quoti
Amurath-baquin. 'Now my desires ar^
come to pass ; for I have always desirt
none other thing but that the king of Hui
gary with his puissance might once cor
over the river of Dunoe and enter int^
Turkey. In the beginning I will suffer
season, but at the end they shall pay fo
the scot. Of all this I had knowledge fou
months past by my great friend the lor
of Milan, who sent me goshawks, ger
falcons and falcons to the number of twelve
which were the best and fairest that ever I
saw, and with this present he wrote to
GALE AS DUKE OF MILAN"
439
by name all the heads and chief captains
of the barons of France, such as should
come to make me war. In the which
letters was also contained, that if I might
get them in my danger, they should be
worth to me a million of florins, and also
how there should be in their company of
the limitees ^ of France more than five
hundred knights, valiant men of arms ;
also the duke of Milan wrote that surely
they will give me battle. Wherefore I
will prepare to meet with them by art,
advice and good ordinance, for they are
men of great feat, and so valiant in arms
that they will not fly nor recule. They
are worthy of thank to issue out of their
own nation by valiantness to find deeds of
arms, and I trust to accomplish their
desires within three months, so that they
shall have enough to do.'
To consider these words, one ought
greatly to marvel that the lord Galeas, earl
of Vertus and duke of Milan, who was
reputed to be a Christian man, baptized
and regenerate after the Christian law,
would seek or require love or alliance with
a king miscreant, out of our law and faith,
or to send him gifts and presents, as he did
every year, as dogs, hawks and fine linen
clothes, which are right pleasant to the
Saracens, for they have none but that
cometh from our parts : also the great
Turk sent to him again other presents of
rich cloth of gold and precious stones,
whereof the Saracens have great plenty.
But in those days the earl of Vertus, duke
of Milan, and sir Galeas his father reigned
as tyrants and so held their seignories.
SUMMARY,— Here is related the history
of the lords of Milan, how they obtained
their power and how Galeas earl of Vertus
slew his uncle and reigned alone.
The author continues : —
This Galeas put in prison all his uncle's
children, such as he could get, and took
possession of all his uncle's seignories and
joined them to his own, and so reigned in
great puissance and riches : for he raised up
such matters whereby he gathered together
great riches, as impositions, gabels, sub-
sidies, dimes, and all other extortions,
whereby he was much more dread than
1 ' Du royaulme ou des limites de France.'
beloved. He held the error and opinion
of his father that was, how one should
nother honour nor worship God. He took
from abbeys and priories much of their
revenues and took them to himself : he
said the monks were too deliciously nour-
ished with good wines and delicious meats,
by which superfluities (he said) they could
not rise at midnight nor do their service as
they should do. He said Saint Benet held
not the order of his religion after that
manner, and so (he said) he would make
them to live with eggs and small wine, to
clear their voices to sing the higher. These
lords in their days lived like popes : they
did great despites in their time to men of
holy Church : they set nothing by the
pope's curse, and specially after the schism
began and that there was two popes ; that
the one cursed, the other assoiled. The
lords of Milan did but mock at their
doings, and so did many other lords through
the world.
The daughter of this lord Galeas duke of
Milan was duchess of Orleans, whose con-
ditions were like to her father's and not to
her mother's, who was daughter to king
John of France. This lady was of high
mind, envious and covetous on the delights
and state of this world. Gladly she would
have seen the duke her husband to have
attained to the crown of France, she had
not cared how. A general fame and
slander ran upon her, that all the infirm-
ities the king had, which no physician
could remedy, came all by her sorts and
arts ; and the chief discovering of her
works, whereby she was had in great sus-
pect, was this. This duchess of Orleans,
named Valentine, had a son by the duke
her husband, a fair child of the age of the
Dolphin, son to the king. On a time
these two children were playing together
in the duchess of Orleans' chamber, and
suddenly there was cast down an apple
full of poison on the pavement on the
same side that the Dolphin was on, to
the intent that he should have taken and
eaten it ; but, as grace was, he did not, for
the duchess' son ran after the apple and
took it and ate thereof, wherewith he was
poisoned and died, nothing could save him ;
and such as had Charles the young Dolphin
to keep took him thence, and he never
came after in the duchess' chamber. Of
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
this adventure great bruit and murmura-
tion ran through all the city of Paris and
in other places. Thus it was said by her
of all the people,. so that the duke her hus-
band perceived it well ; for bruit ran
through Paris that, if her husband did not
put her away out of the king's court, they
would fetch her away by force and cause
her to die : for the people said she would
empoison the king and his children, and
that she had enchanted the king ; for the
king in all his infirmities would not see the
queen nor none other woman, but all only
this duchess of Orleans. Upon which
saying and for doubt thereof her husband
had her away and put her out of the house
of Saint -Pol in Paris and sent her to a
castle beside Paris upon the way of Beau-
vais, called Asnieres, and there she was
kept a long season and never went out of
the castle ; and at last she was sent from
thence to Chateauneuf on the river of
Loire, and the duke of Orleans had great
displeasure to her because of the adventure
of the death of his son, but by reason that
he had other children by her somewhat it
brake his displeasure.
These tidings came to Milan, and the
lord Galeas was informed how his daughter
was in trouble and in great danger, whereof
he was sore displeased with the French
king and his council. Then he sent a
sufficient messenger, as sir Jaques of Verme
and other, to Paris to the king and his
council in excusing his daughter, saying
that if any person would accuse her of
treason, he should be fought withal at
utterance in that quarrel. When these
messengers came to Paris, the king was in
good health, but he took no heed of those
messengers nor of their excuse, and so they
were shortly answered, nothing to their
pleasure ; so they returned into Lombardy
and declared to the duke of Milan all that
they had seen and done. Then the duke
was in greater displeasure than he was before
and reputed it a great injury, and then sent
his defiance to the French king and to all
the whole realm of France. And when his
defiances were brought to Paris, the lords
and knights with the French army were as
then in Hungary and entered into Turkey ;
and for the despite and hate that the duke
of Milan had to the French king and to
some of his council, therefore he held in
amity and alliance the great Turk and
shewed him of the secrets of France.
Now we shall leave speaking of the duke
and speak of the great Turk and of the
barons of France and of other Christian
knights, that were as then in Turkey.
CHAPTER CCVn [CCXI]
How the great Turk desired the soudan and
many other kings Saracens to aid him with
men of war to resist against the Christian
men, and how many valiant Saracens
came to him out of far countries.
It was not long after but that the great
Turk departed from Quayre from the
soudan, who promised to send him shortly
great aid of the best men of arms of all his
seignories, to resist against the puissance
of the king of Hungary and the French-
men ; and the great Turk sent into all
realms and countries, whereas he thought
to have any aid and succour : for he
considered and said that if the French-
men conquered Turkey, all other realms
adjoining should tremble for fear of
them, and thereby their faith and belief
should decay and become under the sub-
jection of the Christian men, which they
had rather die. And thus at the desires
of the soudan and the great Turk many
kings Saracens inclined unto their desires,
as in Perse, in Mede and in Tarse, and
also out of the septentrion and out of the
realm of Lecto and to the bounds of
Pruce. And forasmuch as they were in-
formed that their enemies the Christians
were flower of chivalry, these kings Sara-
cens and other lords of their law did choose
out among them the best travailing and
expert men of arms in all their countries.
This assembly could not be suddenly done,
nor their purveyances so soon done. The
great Turk set himself forwards into the
field, always abiding for his people that
came to him from far countries, and
specially out of Tartary, Mede and Perse.
There assembled many valiant Saracens
out of all countries : they were desirous to
prove their strengths against the Christian
men.
Now let us speak of the Christian men
being before Nicopoly.
I
EXPEDITION TO TURKEY
441
CHAPTER CCVIII [CCXII]
How the lord of Coucy and other lords of
the Christian men about a five hundred
spears, discomfited a fifteen thousand
Turks during the siege before Nicopoly.
They that were besieged within the strong
to'wn of Nicopoly defended themselves
right valiantly : howbeit, they were sore
. abashed that they heard no tidings from
J the great Turk. The emperor of Constan-
/ tinople ^ had written unto them that he
' was in the parts of Alexandria and was not
as then passed the bras Saint George ; so
the Christian men held their siege still
before Nicopoly : they had victuals plenty
and good cheap, that came out of Hungary
and other marches near adjoining. And
on a day the lord Coucy and other French-
men took pleasure to ride forth at adven-
ture, to go see the country further in : so
they departed from the siege, about the
number of five hundred spears and as many
cross-bows and archers, all horsemen. The
lord Coucy was captain of that journey,
\ and the lord Raynold of Roye and the lord
1 of Sempy in his company, and the chatelain
of Beauvais, the lord of Montcavrel and
the borgne of Montquel, with divers other,
and they had guides with them, such as
knew the country, and they had certain
foreriders well mounted to discover the
country before them. The same week
there was an army of the Turks assembled
• together to the number of twenty thousand
men, for they were informed how the
Christian men were abroad destroying
their country. In resistance thereof they
assembled together and came to a strait
which the Christian men must pass, an
they would enter into the plain of Turkey,
and they could not well enter no [other]
way ; and there the Turks tarried a two
days and could hear no tidings of the
Christian men, and so the third day they
thought to have returned. Then the
Christian men's foreriders came to Bre-
chault ^ near where the Turks were ; and
when the Turks saw them approach, they
1 The translator writes ' Const antine the noble '
for 'Constantinople.'
2 The French is 'a brechault,' a corruption of
'k brochant,' 'spurring their horses.'
stood still close together to see the dealing
of the Christian men, and made no tokeli
nor sign to scrimmish with them. These
Christian men approached near to the
Turks and saw well they were a great
number, and yet they could not advise
them all ; and when they had well aviewed
them, they reculed back and came to the
lord Coucy and shewed him what they
had seen ; of which news the Christian
men were right joyful, and the lord Coucy
said : ' It is meet that we go and see them
more nearer. Sith we be come so far for-
ward, we shall not depart without fighting
with them : if we should, it shall be to our
blame and great rebuke.' 'That is true,'
quoth all the other knights that heard him.
Thus every man prepared himself and his
horse, and rode toward the place where
the Turks were.
And between them and the Turks there
was a little wood. When the Christian
men came to the wood side, the lord of
Coucy said to the lord Raynold of Roye
and to the lord of Sempy : ' Sirs, mine
advice is (to the intent to draw the Turks
out of their strength) that ye two shall
take two hundred^ of our spears, and I
with the rest will abide here in this wood :
and ride ye so near them, that ye may
cause them to come out, and then return
you and suffer them to chase you till ye
be past us in this wood, and then sitddenly
turn upon them, and we shall close then^L.
in behind, and so we shall have-TTiem at
our will.' To this advice all the knights
inclined. Then two hundred of them that
were best horsed rode forth, and the rest,
who were an eight hundred, embushed
themselves covertly in the wood and there
tarried. The other rode forth and came
to the place were the Turks were.
When they saw the Christian men come,
they were right joyous, weening there had
been no more, and so came out of their
holds into the plain fields. And when the
Christian men saw time, they turned and
fled and made the Turks to chase them.
They were so well horsed that the Turks
could not overtake them, and they chased
so long that they passed the wood whereas
the embushment was. When the Turks
were passed, the Christian men issued out
and cried, ' Our Lady be with the lord of
1 ' A hundred.'
442
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
Coucy ! ' and so dashed in behind them
and made great occision. The Turks held
them close together, when they saw how
they were beset before and behind, and
did put themselves to defence as well
as they might ; but they kept none order,
for they were not ware of the rearguard,
and when they saw themselves so suddenly
set on, they were abashed. The French-
men did quit themselves like valiant men
of arms and slew the Turks at their pleasure
in their flying : there were many slain, the
Christian men took none to mercy ; happy
were they that could escape and return
from thence as they came. And then
the Christian men that had done that
deed returned again to their host before
Nicopoly.
Then tidings ran over all the host how
the lord of Coucy by his wisdom and
valiantness had discomfited more than
fifteen thousand Turks, Many spake well
thereof, but the earl of Eu praised nothing
his deed, saying how it was done but by
pride, and how that he had put the Chris-
tian men, and specially his band, in great
adventure and peril, saying that with an
handful of men he fought foolishly with the
rout of twenty thousand Turks. He should
rather, seeing he was in will to do deeds
of arms and that the Turks were on the
field, have given knowledge, before he
assailed his enemies, to his head captain,
the lord John of Burgoyne, that he might
have had the renown and honour of that
enterprise. By seeming the earl of Eu
spake those words by envy that he had to
the lord of Coucy, for all that voyage he
had no love to him, because he saw how
the lord of Coucy had the love and favour
of all his company and of other strangers,
which he deserved right well to have,^ for
he was right near of the French king's
blood and bare in his arms flower-de-luces,
and also he was constable of France. Thus
there engendered a great hate and evil will
covertly between the earl of Eu and the
lord Coucy, which hatred at last appeared
clearly, whereby great mischief fell the
same season upon the Christian men, as ye
shall hear after.
1 'Which he (namely the earl of Eu) thought
that he himself ought to have, because he was very
near of blood to the French king and bare in his
arms the flower-de-luces with very small difference. '
Now we shall leave to speak any more
at this time of this matter and return tc
speak of the kings of England and ol
France.
CHAPTER CCIX [CCXHI]
SUMMARY. — The negotiations for peace
between England and France contifttied,
and the king of England met the duke of
Burgundy at Calais,
CHAPS. CCX, CCXI [CCXIV, CCXV]
SUMMARY.— The duke Aubert and his
son the earl of Ostrevant made their pre-
parations to go into Frieslarid, and applied .\
for aid both in England and in France. I
From England there came some men of*''
arms and two hundred archers : from
France five hundred spears under the earl '
of Saint- Pol and sir Charles d Albret^L
The army landed in Friesland and gaineoKL
sojue victories^ but at length retired to
Holland for the winter ^ having conquered
but little.
CHAPTER CCXII [CCXVI]
SUMMARY — The marriage took pla
bettveen the king of England and Isabel
France.
CHAPTER CCXIII [CCXVH]
How the siege before Nicopoly in Turke
was raised by Amurath-baquin, and ho\
the Frenchmen were discomfited and ho\
the Hungarians fled.
Ye have heard herebefore how the king
Hungary and the lords of France wer{
passed the river of Dunoe and were enn
tered into Turkey, and all the summer afte|
the month of July they had done manj
enterprises and had brought divers towi
to their subjection, for there was none that
resisted them, and had besieged the towr
of Nicopoly, and had near brought it to
small estate nigh ready to yield, for thej
BATTLE OF NICOPOLI, 1396 {Sept. 25)
443
could hear no news of Amurath-baquin.
Then the king of Hungary said to the lords
of France and to other : ' Sirs, thanked be
God, we have had a fair season, we have
destroyed part of Turkey : I reckon this
town of Nicopoly ours when we list ; it is
so sore overlaid that it cannot long hold :
wherefore, all things considered, I counsel
(this town once won) that we go no further
at this season. We shall draw again over
the Dunoe into the realm of Hungary,
where I have many cities, towns and
castles ready furnished to receive you, as
reason is, seeing ye be come so far to aid
me to make war against the Turks, whom
I have found hard and cruel enemies.
And this winter we shall make new pro-
vision against the next summer, and send
word to the French king what case we be
in, so that this next summer he may refresh
us with new men, and I believe, when
he knoweth what we have done and.
how everything standeth, he will have
great affection to come hither in his own
person ; for he is young and courageous
and loveth deeds of arms : and whether
he cometh or not, by the grace of God this
next summer we shall win the realm of
Armeny, and pass the bras of Saint George
and so into Surie, and win the ports of
Jaffa and Baruth and conquer Jerusalem
and all the Holy Land ; and if the soudan
come forward, we shall fight with him, for
he shall not depart without battle.'
These or like words said the king of
Hungary to the lords of France, and
reckoned Nicopoly as their own. How-
beit, fortune fell otherwise. All that
season the king Basach, called Amurath-
baquin, had raised an army of Saracens,
some out of far countries, as out of Perse ;
many great men of the Saracens came
to aid Amurath-baquin to destroy Christen-
dom. They were passed the bras Saint
George to the number of two hundred
thousand men. To say the truth, the
Christian men were not ascertained what
number they were of. This king Basach
and his men approached near to Nicopoly
by covert ways : they knew in feats of
arms as much as might be, and this king
was a valiant man, which shewed well by
reason of his policy. He ordered his battles
thus : all his host was in a manner as
wings, his men comprised well a great
mile^ of ground, and before the host, to
shew a face ready, in a band an eight
thousand Turks. The two wings of the
battle were open a-forefront and narrow
behind, and Amurath-baquin was in the
heart of the battle. Thus they rode all in
covert : these eight thousand Turks were
ordained to make a face, and that as soon
as they should see the Christian men
approach, then they to recule little and
Httle into the heart of the battle, and then
the two wings, which were open before,
the Christian men being once entered
between them, to close together and join
into one company and then to fight with
their enemies. This was the order of their
battle.
Thus in the year of our Lord God a
thousand three hundred fourscore and
sixteen, the Monday before the feast of
Saint Michael, about ten of the clock, as
the king of Hungary sat at dinner at the
siege of Nicopoly, tidings came to the host
how the Turks were coming, and the scouts
that came in shewed how they had seen
the Turks ; but their report was not true,
for they had not ridden so forward that
they had aviewed the two wings nor the
battle behind, they had seen no more but
the foreriders and vaward, for as soon as
they had seen them, they returned. The
same season the greatest part of the host
were at dinner : then tidings was brought
to the earl of Nevers and to all other in
general by their scurrers, who said : ' Sirs,
arm you quickly that ye be not surprised,
for the Turks are coming on you.' These
tidings greatly rejoiced the Christian men,
such as desired to do deeds of arms. Then
every man rose from their dinners and put
the tables from them and demanded for
their harness and horses, and they were
well chafed before with drinking of wine.
Then every man drew into the field,
banners and standards displayed, every
man to his own banner : then the banner
of our Lady was displayed, therewith the
valiant knight sir John of Vienne, admiral
of France. And the Frenchmen were the
first that drew into the field freshly appar-
elled, making small account of the Turks ;
but they knew not that they were so great
a number as they were, nor that Amurath-
baquin was there in his own person.
1 'Lieue.'
444
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
As these lords of France were into the
field, there came unto them the king of
Hungary's marshal in great haste, who was
a valiant knight called Henry of Enstein-
schalle, upon a good horse, with a pennon
of his arms, of silver a cross sable anchored,
called in armoury the iron of a mill-stone.^
When he came before the banner of our
Lady, he stood still and to the most part
of the barons of France he said openly :
' Sirs, I am sent hither to you from the
king of Hungary, and he desireth you by
me that ye set not on your enemies until
such time as ye have word again from him ;
for it ought to be doubted lest our scouts
have not brought the certainty of the num-
ber of the Turks : but within these two
hours ye shall hear other tidings, for we
have sent other foreriders forth to aview
our enemies more substantially than the
first did : and, sirs, ye may be sure the
Turks shall not endamage us, if ye tarry
till all our whole puissance be together.
Sirs, this is the order that the king and
his council hath ordered : I must return
again to the king.' When he was departed,
the French lords assembled them together
to know what was best for them to do.
Then it was demanded of the lord Coucy
what he thought best to be done. He
answered and said : ' I would counsel to
obey the king of Hungary's commandment,
for that order seemeth to be good.' And
as it was informed me, sir Philip of Artois,
earl of Eu and constable of France, was
not contented that the advice had not
first have been demanded of him ; then he
for pride and despite held the contrary
opinion and said : ' Yea, sir, yea, the king
of Hungary would have the flower and
chief honour of this journey. We have the
vaward, he hath granted it to us, and now
he would take it from us again. Believe
him who will,^ for I do not.' And then
he said to the knight that bare his banner :
* In the name of God and Saint George,^
ye shall see me this day a good knight.'
When the lord Coucy heard the con-
stable speak these words, he took it done
1 ' Un fer de moulin ' : it would be what is called
a cross moline,' that is a cross with the ends
divided and turned outwards both ways like the
flukes of an anchor fancre'e).
2 That is, 'obey him who will.'
The better text gives, ' Advance banner, in the
name of God and Saint George.'
of a great presumption. Then he looked
on sir John of Vienne, who bare the
standard of our Lady, and demanded of
him what he thought best to be done.
' Sir,' quoth he, ' whereas wise reason can-
not be heard, then pride must reign, and
sith that the earl of Eu will needs set on, we
must needs follow : howbeit, we should be
the stronger an if our puissance were whole
together.' Thus as they devised in the
field, still the Turks approached, and the
two wings, each of sixty thousand men,
began to approach and to close, and had
the Christian men between them, so that if
they would have reculed, they could not,
for they were closed in with the Saracens,
the wings were so thick. Then divers
knights that were well expert in arms saw
well the journey should be against them ;
howbeit, they advanced and followed the
banner of our Lady, borne by the valiant
knight sir John of Vienne : every knight of
France was in his coat armour, that every
man seemed to be a king, they were so
freshly apparelled. As it was shewed me,
when they began first to fight with the
Turks, they were not past a seven hundred
men. Lo, behold the great folly and out-
rage, for if they had tarried for the king of
Hungary, who were threescore thousand
men, they had been likely to have done a
great act ; and by them and by their pride
all was lost, and they received such damage
that sith the battle of Roncesvaulx, whereas
the twelve peers of France were slain,
Christendom received not so great a
damage. Howbeit, or they were discom-
fited, a great number of Turks were slain ;
for the Frenchmen discomfited the first
battle of the Turks and had them in chase
till they came into a valley, where Amurath-
baquin was with his whole puissance.
Then the Frenchmen would have returned
to their host, but they could not, for they
were closed in on all parts. There was a
sore battle : the Frenchmen endured long.
Then news came to the king of Hungary
how the Frenchmen, Englishmen and Al-
mains were fighting with the Turks, and
had broken his commandment and counsel
given them by his marshal ; wherewith he
was sore displeased, and not without good
cause. Then he saw well how he was
likely to lose that journey : then he said to
the great master of the Rhodes, who was by
BATTLE OF NICOPOLI
445
him : * Sir, we shall this day lose the
journey by reason of the pride of the
Frenchmen, for if they would have be-
lieved me, we had been strong enough to
have fought with our enemies. ' And there-
with the king of Hungary looked behind
him and saw how his men fled away and
were discomfited in themselves : then he
saw well there was no recovery ; and such
as were about him cried and said : * Save
yourself ; for if ye be slain, all Hungary is
lost. Ye shall lose the field this day by
reason of the pride of the Frenchmen :
their valiantness turneth to foolish hardi-
ness, for they shall be all slain or taken,
none is likely to scape : therefore, sir, if
ye believe us, save yourself and scape this
danger. '
The king of Hungary was sore displeased
when he saw how he had lost the journey
by disordering of the Frenchmen, and saw
no remedy but to fly or else be taken or
slain. Great murder there was, for in
flying they were chased and so slain. They
of Hungary fled without order, and the
Turks chased them : howbeit, God aided
the king of Hungary and the great master
of the Rhodes, for they came to the river
of Dunoe and found there a little barge
pertaining to the Rhodes. They entered
into it but with seven persons and so
went off" the shore, or else they had been
slain or taken ; for the Turks came to the
river side and there slew many a Christian
man, such as had followed the king to save
themselves.
Now let us speak of the Frenchmen and
Almains, who fought valiantly. When the
lord of Montcavrel, a right valiant knight
of Artois, saw that the discomfiture ran
upon them, he had by him a son of his, a
young man. Then he said to a squire of
his : * Take here my son and lead him
away by yonder wing which is open and
save him, and I will abide the adventure
with other of my fellows. ' When the child
heard his father say so, he said how he
would not depart ; but the father did so
much, that perforce the squire led him
away out of peril and came to the river of
Dunoe : but there the child had such care
for his father, that he took small regard to
himself, so that he fell into the river be-
tween two barges and there was drowned
without remedy. Also sir William of
Tremouille fought in that battle valiantly
and there was slain, and his son by him ;
and sir John of Vienne, bearing the banner
of our Lady, was slain, and the banner in
his hands. Thus all the lords and knights
of France that were there were destroyed
by the manner as ye have heard. Sir John
of Burgoyne, earl of Nevers, was so richly
beseen, and in like wise so was sir Guy
de la Riviere and divers other lords and
knights of Burgoyne, that they were taken
prisoners. And there were two squires of
Picardy right valiant men, called Gilliam
Beu and the borgne of Montquel, these two
by valiantness two. times passed through
the field and ever returned in again and
did marvels, but finally there they were
slain. To say the truth, the Frenchmen
and other strangers that were there acquitted
themselves valiantly, but the Frenchmen's
pride lost all. There was a knight of
Picardy called sir Jaques of Helly, who
had dwelt before in Turkey and had served
Amurath-baquin, and could somewhat
speak the language of Turkey. When he
saw the battle lost, he yielded himself, and
the Saracens, who are covetous of gold
and silver, took and saved him. Also a
squire of Tournesis called Jaques du Fay,
who had before served the king of Tartary
called Tamburin,^ as soon as this Jaques
knew that the Frenchmen came to make
war in Turkey, he took leave of the king
of Tartary and departed, and was on the
said field and taken prisoner by the king
of Tartary's men, who were there in the
aid of Amurath-baquin; for king Tam-
burin of Tartary had sent to him great
number of men of war.
The Frenchmen were so richly arrayed,
that they seemed like kings ; whereby
they were taken and their lives saved : for
Saracens and Turks are covetous ; they
trusted to have great ransoms of these that
were taken, and reputed them greater lords
than they were. Sir John of Burgoyne
earl of Nevers was taken prisoner : in
like wise were the earls of Eu and de la
Marche, the lord Coucy, sir Henry of Bar,
sir Guy de la Tremouille, Bouciquaut and
divers other ; and sir Philip of Bar, sir
John of Vienne, William of Tremouille
and his son, slain, and divers other. This
battle endured three hours fighting, and
1 That is, Tamerlane. ,
446
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
the king of Hungary lost all his baggage
and all his plate and jewels, and was glad
to save himself but with seven persons with
him in a little barge of the Rhodes, else
he had been taken or slain without re-
covery. There were more men slain in
the chase than in the battle, and many
drowned : happy was he that might scape
by any manner of means.
When this discomfiture was done and
past, and that the Turks [and] such as were
sent thither by the soudan were withdrawn
into their lodgings, which was into tents
and pavilions that they had conquered,
which they found well replenished with
wine and meat ready dressed, wherewith
they refreshed them and made joy and
revel like such people as had attained
victory on their enemies, then Amurath-
baquin with a great number of minstrels,
according to the usage of their country,
came to the king of Hungary's chief tent,
which was goodly apparelled and hanged
with rich stuff; and there he took great
pleasure and glorified in his heart of the
winning of that journey and thanked their
god according to their law. Then he un-
armed him, and to refresh him he sat down
on a tapet of silk and caused all his great
lords to come to him to jangle and to talk
with them. He made as great mirth as
might be, and said how he would shortly
with great puissance pass into the realm
of Hungary and conquer the country and
after other countries upon the Christian
men, and to bring them to his obeisance :
for he said he was content that every man
should live after their own laws, he desired
nothing but the seignory ; but he said he
would reign like Alisander of Macedon,
who was twelve year king of all the world,
of whose lineage he said he was descended.
All that heard him agreed to his saying.
Then he made three commandments : the
first was that whosoever had any prisoner
Christian, to bring him forth the second
day after into his presence : the second was
that all the dead bodies should be visited
and searched, and such as were likely to be
noblemen to be laid apart by themselves in
their raiments till he came thither himself,
for he said he would see them : the third
was to enquire justly if the king of Hungary
were dead or alive. All was done as he
commande<i.
When Amurath-baquin had well refreshed
him, then to pass the time he went to
the place where the field was to see the
dead bodies ; for it was shewed him that
he had many of his men slain and that the
battle had cost him greatly, of the which
he had great marvel and could not be-
lieve it. Then he mounted on his horse
and a great number with him : he had
with him two of his brethren called Ali-
Basach and Sour-Basach, as some people
said, but he would not be known of them,^
for he said he had no brethren. When he
came to the place where the battle was, he
found it of tr^ith that there were many
dead and slain : he saw that for one
Christian man dead he found thirty Turks
slain ; wherewith he was marvellously dis-
pleased, and openly said : ' Here hath been
a cruel battle and marvellously defended of
the Christian men, but I shall make them
that be alive to buy it dearly.' Then the
king went to his lodging and so passed
that night in great furour of heart ; and in
the morning, or he was up, much people
came to his tent to know what they should
do with the Christian prisoners : the re-
nown ran that they should all be put to
death without mercy. Amurath-baquin,
for all his displeasure, ordained that such
Christian men as were in the battle in great
array, and likely to be great men, should be
all set together in one part ; for it was
shewed him that they might well pay great
ransoms. Also there were divers Saracens
and paynims of Perse, of Tartary, of Araby,
and Syrians, that had many prisoners, by
whom they thought to have great ad-
vantage, as they had indeed : they hid
them out of the way, so that they came not
to knowledge. Among other sir Jaques
of Helly was brought before Amurath-
baquin : he that had him durst not hide
him no longer. Sir Jaques de Helly was
beknown with some of the king's servants,
who took him from them that had him,
which was happy for him, as ye shall
hear after, for many Christian men were
afterward cruelly slain and put to death.
King Basach had commanded to enquire
which were the greatest of the Christian
men, and that they should be set aside to
1 'He had with him Ali-Basach and Sour-
Basach, who some said were his brethren, but he
would not acknowledge them.'
FATE OF THE PRISONERS
447
the intent to save their lives. So they
were tried out and set apart, first the lord
John of Burgoyne, earl of Nevers, who was
chief above all other, and tlien sir Philip of
Artois earl of Eu, the earl of Marche, the
lord Coucy, sir Henry of Bar, sir Guy of
Tremouille, and other to the number of
eight persons, and Amurath-baquin went
to see and to speak with them, and beheld
them a long season, and he conjured these
lords by their faith and law to say the
truth, if they were the same persons that
they named themselves for : and they
said, *Yea.' And yet to know the more
certainty he sent to them the French
knight sir Jaques of Helly to know them ;
for he had served Amurath-baquin before,
therefore he had his life granted him. He
was demanded if he knew the French
knights prisoners. He answered and said :
* I think, if I see them, I shall know them.'
Then he was commanded to go and aview
them and to shew plainly their names.
He did as he was commanded ; and when
he came to them, he shewed them his ad-
venture and how he was sent thither to
know surely their names. Then they said :
' Ah, sir Jaques, ye know us all, and ye see
well how fortune is against us and how we
be in danger of this king : therefore to
save our lives make us rather greater than
we be indeed, and shew the king that we
be such men able to pay great ransoms.'
' Sirs,' quoth he, ' so shall I do, for I am
bound thereto. ' Then this knight returned
to Amurath - baquin and to his council,
and said how those knights which he had
spoken with were of the greatest men in all
France and were of the king's lineage, and
said they were able to pay great ransoms.
Then Amurath-baquin said how their lives
should be saved, and all other prisoners
to be slain and hewen all to pieces in ex-
ample of all other. Then the king shewed
himself before all the people that were
there assembled, to whom they all made
low reverence : they made a lane for
him to pass through, every man with his
sword naked in his hand, and so came
thither, where the said lords of France
stood together. Then the king would see
the correction of the other, ^ which thing
the Saracens were desirous to do.
1 ' For the king desired that they should witness
the punishment of the rest.'
Then they were all brought before
Amurath-baquin naked in their shirts, and
he beheld them a little and then turned
from them-ward and made a sign that they
should be all slain, and so they were
brought through the Saracens, that had
ready naked swords in their hands, and so
slain and hewen all to pieces without mercy.
This cruel justice did Amurath-baquin that
day, by the which more than three hundred
gentlemen of divers nations were tormented
and slain for the love of God, on whose
souls Jesu have mercy. Among other was
slain sir Henry d'Antoing of Hainault.
And so it was, the lord Bouciquaut,
marshal of France, was one of them that
was brought naked before the king, and
had been slain with other, an the earl of
Nevers had not espied him. As soon as
he saw him, he went straight to the king
and kneeled down and desired him affectu-
ously to respite from the death that knight
sir Bouciquaut, saying how he was a great
man in France and able to pay a great
ransom. Amurath-baquin condescended
to the request of the earl of Nevers, and
so sir Bouciquaut was set among them that
should be saved. Thus cruel justice was
done that day upon the Christian men ;
and because that Amurath-baquin would
that his victory should be known in France,
he appointed out three of the French
kTiights to come before him, whereof sir
Jaques of Helly was one. Then the king
demanded of the earl of Nevers which of
the three knights he would choose to send
into France to the king and to the duke of
Burgoyne his father. Then the earl of
Nevers said : ' Sir, an it please you, I
would that this knight, sir Jaques of Helly,
should go thither from you and from us.'
So sir Jaques tarried with Amurath-baquin,
and the other two knights delivered to
death and so slain, which was pity.
Then Amurath-baquin was well appeased
of his furour and understood how the king
of Hungary was scaped away alive : then
he determined to return into Turkey to a
city called Bursa, and so he did, and thither
all the prisoners were brought ; and then
his army departed, and specially such as
were of far countries, as Tartary, Perse,
Mede, Surie, Alexandre and of Lecto.
Then sir Jaques Helly was delivered to
return into France, and he was commanded
448
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
to return through Lombardy and to re-
commend Amurath-baquin to the duke of
Milan, and also he was straitly commanded
that in every place as he passed to manifest
and publish the victory that Amurath-
baquin had upon the Christian men. The
earl of Nevers wrote to the French king
for himself and all his company, and to his
father the duke of Burgoyne and to the
duchess his mother. When this knight
had his charge, as well by writing as by
credence, he departed and took his way
towards France. Or he departed, he was
sworn and promised, as soon as he had
done his message in France, incontinent
to return again thither, which oath and
promise he accomplished like a true
knight. .
Now we will leave speaking at this time
of Amurath-baquin and of the lords of
France prisoners, and we will speak of
other matters that fell the same season.
CHAPTER CCXIV [CCXVIII]
Of the poverty and misery that the Christian
knights of France and other nations
endured in the coming home to their
country.
After this great discomfiture, that the
Turks had upon the Christian men, suah
knights as could save themselves, did. The
same Monday there was a three hundred
knights and squires that were gone a-
foraging and were not at the battle ; for
when they knew by them that fled that
the battle was done, they had no desire
to return again to their lodgings, but fled
as well as they might and took divei's ways
to fly from the Turks. There fled both
Frenchmen, Englishmen, Almains, Scots,
Flemings and of other nations, and they
came into a country joining to Hungary,
called Blacquie ; ^ it was a country re-
plenished with divers people, they were
conquered upon the Turks and turned per-
force to the Christian faith. The keepers
of the ports, towns and castles suffered
these Christian men to enter and to lodge ;
but the next morning at their departure
they took from these knights and squires
all that they had and gave them poor coats
1 Wallachia.
and a little silver to pass therewith one
day's journey. This grace they shewed tc
the gentlemen, and as for other y corner
and varlets, they were spoiled all naked^
and sore beaten and evil entreated without j
pity. So they passed through the countryJ
of Blacquie in great poverty, and througl
Hungary : they could scant get bread fori
God's sake, nor lodging at night. They]
endured this danger in passing till theyj
came to Vien in Austrich : there they were]
received more sweetly and refreshed andl
new clad, and so through the realm of
Boeme ; for if they had found the Al-
mains so hard, they had never turned
again, but rather died for cold and hunger.
Every man that heard them tell of that
adventure had pity on them. So finally
they came into France to Paris and there
shewed their adventures. At the beginning
they could not be believed : some in Paris
said : * It is pity these unthrifts be un-
hanged or drowned for telling of such lies.* j
Howbeit, these tidings daily multiplied]
with resorting of new men.
When the French king understood thatJ
these news daily renewed, they were
nothing pleasant to him ; for it was
great damage of the loss of the noblemen!
of his blood and of other good knights andl
squires of the realm of France. Then hej
commanded no man to be so hardy to]
speak any more of that matter, till he werej
better informed of the certainty, and com-
manded that all such as were come ou(
of Hungary should be taken and put in)
prison, till the truth were known. Sol
there were many put into prison, and the!
king had ordained, that if the news were!
not true, that they should be all drowned]
and put to death.
CHAPTER CCXV [CCXIX]
How the true tidings of the battle in Turkey]
was known in the French king's house.
So it was, on Christmas day sir Jaques'
Helly about the hour of noon entered into
Paris and so took his lodging, and de-
manded where the king was; and it was]
shewed him that he was at Saint-Pol's on
the river of Seine : then he went thither.
There was with the king the duke of
TIDINGS BROUGHT TO FRANCE
449
'Orleans his brother, the duke of Berry,
the duke of Burgoyne, the duke of Bour-
bon and the earl of Saint- Pol, and divers
other noblemen of the realm of France, as
the usage was for such noblemen to be
with the king at such high feasts. So sir
Jaques of Helly entered into the court
booted and spurred : as then he was not
beknown, for he had of long time haunted
far countries. He did so much that he
came to the king's chamber, and said how
he came from Amurath-baquin out of
Turkey, and had been at the battle before
Nicopoly, where the Christian men had
lost the journey, and said he had letters
from the earl of Nevers and from other
lords of France, such as were prisoners.
Then he was brought to the king : he
kneeled down and wisely declared his mes-
sage, as well from Amurath-baquin as from
the earl of Nevers and other lords of
France prisoners in Turkey. The king
gave him audience, and was sweetly ex-
amined of all the whole matter, and to
everything he answered so discreetly, that
the king was well content with him, and
was right sorrowful for the damage that the
', king of Hungary and they had sustained.
Howbeit, they were glad that the king of
Hungary was scaped without death or prison-
ment; for they said he should recover right
well again the loss and damage that he had
received at that time : also they were right
joyful that the earl of Nevers and the other
lords were escaped the death, and were
but as prisoners ; and they said there was
no doubt but they should be ransomed and
delivered : for sir Jaques of Helly said there
was no doubt but that Amurath-baquin
would within the year put them to ransom,
for he loved gold and riches, and that sir
Jaques said he knew well, because he
had long been conversant in Turkey and
served Amurath-baquin's father more than
three year. Thus the king right well
received this knight, and so did all other
lords, such as were there ; and every man
said he was happy in this world to be in
such a battle and to have the acquaintance
of such a heathen king as Amurath-baquin
was, saying it was an honour for him and
for all his lineage. Then the king com-
manded all such as were in prison to be
delivered, whereof they were glad.
Thus these news that sir Jaques of Helly
2 G
had brought spread anon abroad in France
and in other places : many were right
sorrowful for the loss of their fathers,
brethren, husbands and children, and not
without good cause, and specially the
great ladies of France, as the duchess of
Burgoyne for her son the earl of Nevers,
and her daughter Margaret of Hainault
was sorrowful for the earl her husband : in
like wise was dolorous Mary of Berry,
countess of Eu, for her husband Philip of
Artois, constable of France, and in like
wise so was the countess of Marche, the
lady of Coucy and her daughter of Bar, the
lady of vSully and many other ladies, as well
of France as of other places ; and when they
had wept enough, then they recomforted
themselves, in that they were not slain but
prisoners : but such as knew their husbands,
fathers, brethren, children and friends dead,
their lamentations endured long in France.
The duke of Burgoyne made much of
this knight sir Jaques of Helly, who had
brought him word that his son was alive,
and gave him many rich gifts and retained
him as one of his knights with two hundred
pound of revenues yearly during his life.
The French king and all other lords gave
largely to this knight. Then he shewed how
he must needs return again to Amurath-
baquin, for that was his promise at his de-
parting, for he stood but as prisoner, and
said how he had not returned but to do
this message from Amurath-baquin. The
king and other thought it but reasonable
that he should keep his promise. Then
the king and other wrote to these prisoners,
and it was concluded by council that the
French king should send a knight of honour
to Amurath-baquin, to the intent that he
might return again to bring new tidings, in
what case the prisoners were in. There
was appointed to go in this voyage sir John
of Chateau Morant, who was a wise knight
and well languaged. Then it was de-
manded of sir Jaques what jewels or
presents the king might best send to
Amurath - baquin and that should best
please him, to the intent that the prisoners
should be the better entreated. The
knight answered that Amurath-baquin took
great pleasure in cloths of Arras made of
old ancient histories, and also, he said, he
had great delight in these white falcons
called gerfalcons ; also he said that fine
450
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
linen cloths and fine sqarlets were much
made of there, for of cloth of gold and
silk they had plenty. This pleased well
the French king and the duke of Burgoyne,
whose minds were set to please Amurath-
baquin. Thus a twelve days sir Jaques
of Helly tarried at Paris, and every man was
glad to hear him report the adventures of
Turkey and of the manner of Amurath-
baquin.
When he departed to return, the king
said to him ; ' Sir Jaques, take your way
and make but small journeys at your ease :
I think ye will return by Lombardy and
speak with the duke of Milan, for there is
great amity between him and Amurath-
baquin : but which way soever ye go, we
will that sir John of Chateau Morant abide
in Hungary till ye have got him a safe-
conduct to go to Amurath-baquin with such
presents as we shall send him, to the in-
tent that he should be the more favourable
to the prisoners.' 'Sir,' quoth he, 'all
this shall be done,' So he departed and
took the same way he came. Anon after
his departure the king and the duke of
Burgoyne did prepare for these presents,
and sir John of Chateau Morant despatched
and had his charge. He had with him six
somers laden with presents, two of them
with cloths of Arras of the goodliest that
could be got, wrought with the story of
Alexander, of his life and conquests, right
pleasant to behold ; other two somers were
charged with fine scarlets, white and red ;
and also with much pain the king gat of
these white gerfalcons. Thus sir John of
Chateau Morant departed from Paris with
his presents and charge a fifteen days after
that sir Jaques of Helly was departed.
In this mean season the king of Hungary
returned into his country, whereof all his
people were right joyful, for they loved
him ; and so came and comforted him and
said : ' Sir, though ye have had damage at
this time, another time ye shall right well
recover it,' Thus the king bare his damage
as well as he might. On the other part,
Amurath-baquin returned into his country
and came to a town called Bursa, and
thither were all the prisoners brought and
there set under sure keeping. They were
nothing there at their ease : the heat of
the country and diet sore changed them ;
for they had been used before to sweet and
delicate meats and drinks, and had their*^
own cooks and officers that did prepare
their meats according to their diets, and
there in Turkey they were served all con-
trary, with gross meats, flesh evil sodden
and dressed ; they had spices enough and
bread made of millet, clean from the nature
of France ; they had wine, and that was
with great danger,^ Though they were all
great lords, they were but smally regarded
there : the Turks had as lieve they had
been sick as whole and dead as alive ;
they would they had been all put to execu-
tion. So these prisoners comforted each
other within themselves, for they saw none
other remedy : so some of them their
nature changed and fell into sickness ; hcj
that made the best cheer and countenance
was the earl of Nevers, and that he did tc
comfort his companions ; also sir Bouci-
quaut and the earl of Marche and sir Hem
of Bar were of good comfort and took every-'
thing patiently, saying that the honours ir
arms nor the glory of the world could noi
be had without pain and sometime witl
meeting of hard adventures, for they saic
that there was never so valiant and happyj
that had always everything as they wished!
they ^ said they were bound to thank Gc '
that he had saved their lives, considering
the displeasure that Amurath-baquin anc
his council were in for the loss of thei^
men ; ' for it was once determined thj
we should all generally have been put t<
death, ' Then Bouciquaut said : ' I ougl
above all other to thank God of my life
for I was at the point to have been hewet
all to pieces, as other of my company were
but at the request of my lord here, the earl
of Nevers, I was saved. This adventure
call I good, and sith God hath delivered us
from this peril, he will, an it please him,
deliver us from a greater ; for we be hi
soldiers and for his sake we have thii
pain. For by reason that sir Jaques
Helly is gone into France, I trust M'ithin
year we shall have good comfort and b
delivered : the matter cannot abide thus i
the French king and the duke of Burgoyne
will not forget us, but by some means rai
somed and delivered, '
Thus sir Bouciquaut recomforted himsel
and took everything in good patience ; bu<
the lord Coucy could take no comforti
1 ' With great difficulty,' or ' in great scarcity.
RETURN OF JAQUES DE HELLY
451
which was marvel, for before that time he
was a lord of great wisdom and of great com-
fort and never was abashed ; but being thus
in prison in Bursa in Turkey, he was more
discomforted than any other and in more
melancholy, and said he was sure he should
never return into France. Sir Henry of
Bar comforted him as much as he might
and blamed him of his discomfort, saying
how he ought to give comfort to all other.
Howbeit, the same sir Henry was sore
abashed in himself and oftentimes remem-
bered his wife and would weep piteously ;
and in like wise so did sir Philip of Artois,
earl of Eu and constable of France : sir
Guy of Tremouille was of good comfort
and so was the earl of Marche. Amurath-
baquin was content sometime that they
.should have some pastime, and sometime
he would go himself and see them and
jangle and bourd with them right graci-
ously, and would that they should see part
of his estate and puissance. Now let us
leave somewhat to speak of them, and
speak of sir Jaques of Helly and sir John
of Chateau Morant, who were both riding
towards Hungary.
Sir Jaques of Helly tarried in the city of
Bude in Hungary about a ten or twelve
days, abiding for sir John of Chateau
Morant ; and when he was come, sir Jaques
was joyful, for he was desirous to pass
forth into Turkey, to acquit him of his
faith and promise, and to see the earl of
Nevers and the lords of France and to
comfort them. When the king of Hungary
saw sir John of Chateau Morant, he made
him good cheer for the love of the French
king, and he understood that the French
king had sent by him great presents and
jewels to Amurath-baquin, wherewith he
was sore displeased in his mind, but he
dissimuled the matter and kept it covert
till sir Jaques Helly was departed into
Turkey-ward ; but he said to such of his
privy council as he discovered the matter
unto, how that the miscreant dog his ad-
versary Amurath-baquin should have no
presents out of France nor from no place
else, if it lay in his power to let it. Sir
Jaques Helly was departed, and promised
to get of Amurath-baquin a safe -conduct
for sir John Morant to pass into Turkey
and repass. So long he travelled with
guides, that he came into Turkey to the
city of Bursa, but as then Amurath-baquin
was in another city called Boli, and where-
soever he went the prisoners were carried
with him, except the lord Coucy, who
tarried still at Bursa, for he could not en-
dure to ride, he was so sick, and with him
tarried a cousin of his of Greece, a right
valiant baron descended of the lineage of
the dukes of Austrich, who was called
Metelin.^ When sir Jaques was come to
Boli, Amurath - baquin was glad to see
him, because he was come out of France.
Then sir Jaques right humbly said to him :
' Right dear and redoubted sir, behold
here your prisoner : to the best of my
power I have done your message that ye
gave me in charge to do.' Then Amurath-
baquin said : ' Thou art welcome, thou
hast truly acquitted thyself, and therefore
I acquit thee of thy ransom and prison, so
that thou mayst go, return and tarry at
thy pleasure.' Whereof sir Jaques right
humbly thanked him. Then he shewed
how the French" king and the duke of
Burgoyne had sent a knight of honour
embassade to him with credence, and had
brought with him certain presents of plea-
sure from the French king. Amurath-
baquin demanded what they were and if
he had seen them or not. The knight
answered : ' Sir, I have not seen them, but
the knight that hath the charge to do the
message is at Bude in Hungary ; and, sir,
I am come before to shew you thereof and
to have a safe-conduct for the said knight
to come and to return safely.' Then
Amurath-baquin said : ' We will that he
have one, as thou wilt devise ' : whereof the
knight thanked him. So they departed as
at that time. Another time sir Jaques
spake with Amurath-baquin and kneeled
down before him and humbly required that
he might see the lords and knights of
France, for he had divers things to say to
them out of their country. Amurath-
baquin studied a little or he answered,
and at last said : ' Thou shalt speak with
one of them but with no more ' ; and so
sent for the earl of Nevers alone : and
when he was come sir Helly kneeled down
to him. 2 The earl was glad to see him
1 'And for him had remained as hostage a cousin
of his of Greece . . . called the lord of Metelin '
(that is, Mitylene).
2 ' S'enclina vers luy.'
452
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
and demanded how the French king and
the duke his father and the duchess his
mother did. The knight shewed him all
that he knew and all that he was charged
to say to him ; howbeit, they had not so
good leisure to talk together as they would
have had, for Amurath-baquin's men that
were there present bade them have done,
for they said they had other things to do
than to stand there and wait upon them.
Then sir Jaques demanded of the earl how
all the other lords of France did. The
earl said they were all in good case except
the lord of Coucy, who was somewhat
diseased and was at the city of Bursa.
Then sir Jaques shewed him how sir John
of Chateau Morant was come out of France
from the king and from the duke of Bur-
goyne in ambassade to Amurath-baquin ;
' and to assuage his ire he hath sent him
rich jewels and presents ; but he is at
Bude in Hungary with the king there, and
I am come before for a safe -conduct for
him to come and go, thd; which Amurath-
baquin hath granted, and I think I shall
return to him shortly.' Hereof the earl
was right joyous, but he durst make no
semblant for fear of the Turks, but said :
' Sir Jaques, I understand by you that ye
are quit of your ransom and prison and
that ye may return when it pleaseth you
into France. When ye come there, I pray
you shew the king and my father that we
all desire them to treat as shortly as may
be for our deliverance by some merchants
Genoways or Venetians, and agree at the
first word to that Amurath-baquin shall
desire for our ransom : for if they should
make long treaty with him, we shall be
lost for ever : for I understand Amurath-
baquin is true of his word, courteous and
short in all his matters, so he be taken at
the point.'
Thus the earl of Nevers and sir Jaques
departed. When the safe - conduct was
ready, it was delivered to sir Jaques. Then
he took his leave of Amurath-baquin and
of other of his court of his acquaintance,
and rode so long by his journeys that he
arrived at Bude in Hungary. Then he
drew to sir John Morant, who thought
long for him. Then sir Jaques said : ' Sir,
I have brought you a safe -conduct to go
into Turkey, and all your company, and to
return again at your pleasure. ' * I am
glad thereof,' quoth the knight; Met us g^
to the king of Hungary and shew him^
thereof, and then to-morrow betimes let
us depart, for I have tarried here long
enough.' Then they both together went
to the king into his chamber and shewed
him all the matter. The king then an-
swered and said : ' Sir John Morant, and
ye, Helly, ye be welcome : ye shall go at
your pleasure for the love of my cousins of
France, to whom I would be glad to do
pleasure and to you also. Ye may go and
come through my realm at your pleasure,
and also into Turkey, if ye please ; but as
for your presents, that you, sir John, have
brought out of France, I will not agree
that ye shall convey them to that hell-
hound Amurath-baquin ; he shall never be
enriched therewith : it should turn to our
great shame and rebuke, if he should make
his avaunt that because he hath had victory
on us and hath in danger and prison cer-
tain lords of France, that for fear thereof
there should be sent to him rich presents.
As for the gerfalcons, I care not for, for
fowls fly lightly out of one country into
another, they are soon given and soon lost :
but as for rich hangings of Arras, are things
to be seen and to endure for ever. Where-
fore, sir John Morant, if ye will pass into
Turkey with your gerfalcons, go when it
please you, but as for any other thing, *^^k
shall have none with you.' ^
Then the knight answered and said :
' Certainly, sir, it should not be mine
honour, nor pleasant to the French king
nor to the lords that have sent me hither,
without I might accomplish my voyage
I have in charge.' 'Well,' quoth thi
king, * ye shall have none other way of m|_
at this time. ' So the king went from them
and left the two knights speaking together.
They were sore troubled with the abusion
on the king of Hungary. Then they coun-
selled together what was best for them to
do : then they determined to send hasty
messengers to the French king and to the
duke of Burgoyne, sith they saw they could
have none other remedy. They wrote
letters to the king and to the duke of Bur-
goyne, that they should provide for the
matter : they sent their letters by post, tc
make the more haste, and tarried still them4
selves at Bude with the king of Hungary]
abiding the return of their messenger.
i
THE SURVIVING PRISONERS RANSOMED, 1397
453
This messenger sped so well and made
such diligence, that he came to Paris and
there found the king and the duke of Bur-
goyne ; and there shewed his letters, and
they were read at length, with the which
they were nothing pleased and had marvel
that the king of Hungary would not suffer
his presents to pass through his country
into Turkey. The duke of Berry excused
the king of Hungary and said how he had
good cause to do as he did, ' for it is a thing
too humbly done for the king to send such
presents to an heathen king.' The duke of
Burgoyne, because the matter touched him,
he was of the contrary opinion, and said it
was a thing reasonable so to do, sith that for-
tune had been so favourable to him to have
the victory in such a battle, and hath had
the king of Hungary in chase, and hath taken
prisoners all such noblemen as were against
him in that journey, ' wherefore the friends
of these prisoners may well find the means
to comfort them for their deliverance.'
This duke's words were upholden with the
king and with divers of his council. Then
the king demanded of his uncle of Berry
saying : ' Fair uncle, if Amurath-baquin,
the soudan or any other heathen king send
you a ruby or a rich jewel, whether will ye
receive it or not?' 'Sir,' quoth he, *I
would take advice.' Then the king said :
' It passeth not yet ten year sith the soudan
sent you a ruby which cost twenty thousand
franks.' So the king of Hungary's deed
was not sustained, but it was said that he
had evil done to stop the going of these
presents, and that it should rather hinder
the prisoners than advance them. Then
the king was counselled to write to the
king of Hungary amiable letters, desiring
him not to stop his knight, but suffer him
to pass into Turkey with his presents and
message. Then letters were written,
sealed and delivered again to the same
messenger, and so he departed to return
into Hungary.
CHAPTERS CCXVI, CCXVH
[CCXX, CCXXI]
SUMMAR V. — The duchess of Orleans
was charged with causing the king's malady^
and the duke of Milan made this a cause of
quarrel with the French king. The news
of the battle of Nicopoli stopped them from
war.
The dtcke of Burgundy did all he
could to redeem his son and the other
prisoners.
By the influence of the grand master of
Rhodes, sir fohn de Chateau Morant and
sir Jaques de Helly zvere allowed to take the
French king' s presents into Turkey.
CHAPTERS CCXVHI-CCXX
[ccxxn-ccxxiv]
SUMMARY.— The duke of Gloucester
schemed against his nephew king Richard
of England and stirred tip the people
against him.
King Richard by subtlety caused him to
be taken.
The lord of Coucy died at Broussa and
the earl of Eu at Ephesus. The earl of
Nevers and the rest were ransomed and
returned by Rhodes and Venice to France.
CHAPTER CCXXI [CCXXV]
How after the return of the lords of France
the French king intended what he might
to set a concord and peace in the Church.
The earl of Nevers thus returned into
France ; he abode about the duke his father
and visited his lands and seignories. Then
he had desire to go to see the French king
and the duke of Orleans, who received
him with great joy. The king and the
duke of Orleans had great appetite to hear
the earl speak, and to hear of the news of
Turkey and of all his adventures and of
the state of Amurath-baquin. The earl
answered wisely and complained nothing
of Amurath-baquin, but said he had found
him right courteous, and how that he was
well entreated ; and he forgat not to shew
the king and the ladies how at his depart-
ing Amurath-baquin said to him that he
was born in this world to do deeds of arms
and to conquer ever more and more, and
how that he would not command them
when they were prisoners that they should
no more bear arms against him, but said
he would rather have them come again the
454
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
second, third or fourth time, if need were,
if the deeds of arms so required ; and also
he said how his intent was to see Rome
and to make his horse eat oats upon Saint
Peter's altar ; and also he said how our
Christian faith was nothing worth, but
corrupted by the heads that ought to
govern them, whereat the Turks make but
a mock ; wherefore he said it should be
the destruction of Christendom and that
the time was as then come : and divers of
the Turks and Saracens said that their
king Amurath-baquin was born to be lord
of all the world ; and this they of Turkey,
of Tartary, of Perse, of Alexandre and of
other parts of the Saracens' lands said
they knew it well that it should be so, by
reason that the Christian men were abused
upon two popes, whereby the Christian
men were not all of one accord,^ but
differed, some believing on the one pope
and some upon the other ; and the Saracens
had great marvel how the heads of Christen-
dom in every realm would suffer it.
These words of the earl of Nevers made
the French king and other lords greatly to
muse, and some said how the Saracens had
good reason to laugh and mock at Christen-
dom, because they suffered the prelates of
the Church to meddle so much : therefore
some said it was time to abate their pomps
and to bring them to I'eason. The clerks
of the university of Paris, who travailed to
learn, could not come to any preferment of
any benefice by reason of the schism in the
Church and of the two popes ; wherefore
they would gladly that the people should
murmur against them, and were right glad
that the earl of Nevers said that the Turks
made a great derision thereof; and said
that, without the French king and the
king of Almaine found some remedy,
everything should be worse and worse :
and to say the truth, such as held them as
neuter they thought had taken the best
way, and so every man ought to do, if
they would bring the Church into good
case. Also it was secretly shewed the
French king by such as he loved and such
1 It should be : ' and by what he had seen and
heard, they knew in Turkey, in Tartary, in Persia,
in Alexandria, in Cairo and in all parts of the Sara-
cens' land, how the Christians erred through those
who wrote themselves popes, as well as they did in
France, and how the Christians were not all of one
accord,' etc.
as loved his health, how that it was the
common opinion in the realm of France
that he should never have perfectly his
health unto the time that the Church were
brought in another estate. And also they
shewed the king how that king Charles
his father, when he lay in his death-bed,
charged his council in conscience,^ and
had great doubt that he was sore abused in
those two popes. Then the French king
answered them and said : ' When the king
my father died, I was but young, and I
have believed hitherto such as have coun-
selled me. If there be folly, it is in them
and not in me : but sith we be now thus
informed in the matter, we shall provide
for the remedy, and that shall be well
seen. '
The French king marked the matter
more profoundly than ever he did before,
and said to them of his council how he
would provide for the matter, and spake
thereof to his brother the duke of Orleans,
earl of Blois and of Valois, who agreed
anon to the king's will. In like wise so
did the duke of Burgoyne ; for though he
obeyed pope Clement, yet he had never
firm belief on him, but the prelates of the
realm of France, and specially Guy of
Roye, archbishop of Rheims, the arch-
bishops of Sens and of Rouen, and the
bishop of Autun, they had brought the
duke to believe on pope Clement. The
it was advised by the king's secret councj
that if they purposed to bring the Churc
to rest and peace, to have the accord
Almaine. Then was there sent sufficiej
ambassadors and clerks of both laws,
master Philip of Plaoul was one, \xA
Almaine to the king of Boeme and
Almaine, who wrote himself king of the
Romans. This matter went so forward,
that a day was set that the king of Almaine
and his council and the French king and
his council should met personally at the
city of Rheims. This matter was done
secretly, because the prelates, cardinals,
archbishops and bishops should not break
their purpose that they were about. They
made it to be noised that the meeting of
these two kings and their councils at Rheims
was for none other purpose but to treat for
1 ' Had charged his council, and doubted that he
were deceived in the matter of these popes, and
held his conscience much cliarged by it.'
DEATH OF GUY DE BLOIS, 1397
455
a marriage to be had between the son of
the marquis of Brandebourg, brother to the
king of Almaine, and the daughter of the
duke of Orleans, and so by reason and
under colour of that matter they would
commune of other.
In this same season died at Avesnes in
Hainault the lord Guy of Chatillon, earl of
Blois, and brought to Valenciennes and
buried at Saint Francis in the Friars
Minors, in a chapel called the chapel of
Artois. He had done much cost in the
closing of the said Friars, and when he
died he was so in debt,^ that the countess
Mary of Namur forsook all his goods and
durst not take on her the administration of
his testament, but returned to her dowry of
the land of Chimay and of Beaumont, and
his other heritages went to the heirs. The
duke of Orleans had the county of Blois,
for he had paid while the earl Guy lived
two hundred thousand crowns of France,
and the lands of Holland, Zealand and
Hainault went to the duke Aubert of
Bavier, earl of Hainault, and the land of
Avesnes, of Landrecies and of Nouvion in
Thierache, fell to John of Blois, called
John of Bretayne, and if the earl had not
sold the county of Blois, the said John of
Bretayne should have been his heir thereof.
Consider what a damage a lord or any
other may do to his heir by giving credence
to evil counsel. God forgive him.'-^
Now let us return to the business of
England.
CHAPTER CCXXn [CCXXVI]
SUMMAR V. — The duke of Gloucester %vas
taken to Calais and put to death, and the
earl of Arundel zvas executed in London.
The king did what he wotild in England,
and none dared speak against him.
1 ' True it is that he was building a very fair and
notable chapel in the close of the said minor friars
and near by, where he thought to lie. And he died
so much in debt,' etc.
'■^ Here in the fuller text we read also an acknow-
ledgment by Froissart of the liberality with which
the said earl of Blois had supported the expenses
of his historical work, and an excuse for the dis-
honourable transactions connected with the sale of
the county of Blois, on the ground that he was
deceived by the counsel of others who wished him
neither honour nor profit.
CHAPTER CCXXHI [CCXXVH]
SUMMARY. — At the meeting of the
emperor and the French king at Rheims,
it was resolved to send to both popes and
demand that they should resign and submit
to a new election.
CHAPTERS CCXXIV-CCXXVn
[CCXXVHI-CCXXXI]
SUMMAR Y.—The earl marshal in Eng-
land appealed the earl of Derby of treason,
and a combat was appointed to be between
them before the king. The king was
counselled not to allow the combat, and gave
sentence accordingly that both should be
banished. The earl of Derby went into
France and came to Paris, tvhere he was
well received by the king and all others.
CHAPTER CCXXVHI [CCXXXH]
How the treaty that had been at Rheims
between the French king and the king of
Almaine concerning the unity of the
Church, was followed, and how the bishop
of Cambray was sent by the said king to
Rome and to Avignon to them that wrote
themselves popes, to the intent that they
should depose themselves from their papali-
ties and submit them to the order of these
two kings.
Ye have heard herebefore how the king of
Almaine and the king of France and the
lords of the Empire and their councils had
been at the city of Rheims, and there they
had divers secret counsels ; and their inten-
tion was to bring the Church into a perfect
unity ; for to follow the way that the
Church held as then, the error was too
great. And also ye have heard how
master Peter d'Ailly, bishop of Cambray,
was sent in legation to Rome to speak
with pope Boniface. He sped him so in
his journey that he came to Fondes and
there found pope Boniface, and to him he
delivered his letters of credence directed
from the kings of Almaine and of P'rance.
The pope received them and the bishop
right meekly : the pope knew well part of
his message. Then the bishop declared
456
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
their S|
the cause of his coming. When the pope
had well heard him, he said how the
answer lay not all only in him, but also in
all the cardinals that had chosen him
pope ; but, he said, when he had spoken
with them by deliberate counsel, then he
would make such an answer that he trusted
to content them. This answer was sufficient
for that time. The bishop dined that day
in the pope's palace and certain cardinals
with him. Then after the pope departed
from Fondes and went to Rome, and there
the pope assembled a convocation of the
cardinals in his palace beside Saint Peter's
church. In this consistory there were none
but the pope and his cardinals, and there
the pope shewed the request that the king
of Almaine and the French king had made
him by the bishop of Cambray, and there
he demanded counsel what answer he
should make. There were then many
reasons alleged, for it seemed right con-
trary to the cardinals to put down that they
had made : they said it should be greatly
to their shame and rebuke. Then they
said to the pope : ' Holy father, to cause
these kings to be in a good hope that ye
will obey to them, ye must somewhat dis-
simule the matter and say how ye will
gladly obey to all thing that the king of
Almaine, the king of Hungary and the
king of England will counsel you unto ; so
that he that is in Avignon, who writeth
himself pope Benedict, whom the French
king and the Frenchmen uphold in his
error, that he depose him of the name of
papality : and then, wheresoever it shall
please the said kings to appoint a conclave,
ye will be ready and all your brethren the
cardinals.' This counsel pleased well pope
Boniface. This was the special and general
answer that the bishop of Cambray had.
And when the Romans understood that
the kings of Almaine and of France had
sent to their pope their ambassade to have
him to leave his papality, anon there
multiplied great murmuration through the
city of Rome, and the Romans doubted
greatly to lose the pope's siege, which was
yearly to them a great profit ; for all
pardons that should be two year after, the
vantage thereof should grow to the city of
Rome, and against that pardon they had
made great provision, wherefore they
doubted lest it should have been lost.
which should greatly have been to their
prejudice.^ Then the most notablest per
sons in Rome assembled together and came
to the pope, and shewed him more sign of
love than ever they had done before, and
said ; ' Holy father, ye are the true pope,
therefore lose not your heritage and patri-
mony of the Church, the which was Saint
Peter's : take never counsel to the contrary,
but abide still as pope, for whosoever be
against you, we shall abide with you and
jeopard our bodies and goods to defend you
in your right.' The pope answered and said :
' My well beloved children, be of good com-
fort, and be well assured that I will abide as
pope, for any treaty of king or kings to the
contrary,' Thus the Romans were con-
tented and appeased and returned to their
houses. The pope's answer was always to
the bishop of Cambray, that when he per-
ceived clearly that Benedict deposed him-
self, then he said he would be ordered by
the said kings.
So the bishop returned and came into
Almaine and found the king at Convalence,*
and there he shewed the answer that he
had at Rome. Then the king of Almaine
said : ' Well, shew all this to our brother
and cousin the French king, and as he
ordereth himself, so shall I order me and
all the Empire ; but as far as I can see, he
must begin first, and when he hath put
down his pope, then we shall put down
ours.' Then the bishop departed from the
king and rode till he came to Paris, where
he found the French king ; and there the
bishop shewed his answer, which was kept]
secret till the king had assembled together
more number of noblemen -and prelates of
his realm, by whom he would be coun-
selled, how he should proceed further. J
1 The reference is no doubt to the expected pro- '
fits of the jubilee in the year 1400, that is two years
after. It should be ' to lose the pope's see, which
was yearly to them a great profit, and also with
regard to the general pardons which should be in
two years to come,' etc. The general pardon for
all pilgrims in the jubilee year would attract large
numbers to Rome.
2 Coblentz,
AFFAIRS OF THE CHURCH, 1398
457
CHAPTER CCXXIX [CCXXXIII]
How the French king assembled the prelates
and other noblemen of his realm with the
university of Paris, to take counsel how they
should order pope Benedict at Avignon.
When the French king had heard the
answer of pope Boniface at Rome, and
liow the king of Almaine in like wise
answered how that first pope Benedict
must be put down ; that done, then he
would make a convocation of prelates and
noblemen of his realm and come to Paris. ^
There were certain prelates in France, as
the archbishop of Rheims, sir Guy of Roye,
and the archbishops of Rouen and Sens,
and the bishops of Paris, of Beauvois and
of Auxerre, they had sore sustained the
opinions of pope Benedict at Avignon, and
specially of Clement, because he was
advanced by their means : ^ these six pre-
lates were not called to the king in this
council, but other prelates and the uni-
versity of Paris. And when the bishop of
Cambray had shewed before them all how
he had sped at Rome, and the answer that
pope Boniface and his cardinals had made
him, and the answer of the king of Almaine,
then they entered into council, and it was
agreed that the university should have the
greatest voice. ^ Then it was determined
by the university* that the king should
send sir Bouciquaut his marshal into the
parts of Avignon, and to do so much by
treaty or otherwise, that Benedict should
leave his papality and to ordain himself in
all points by the king and his council, and
that the Church' in all the limitations in the
realm of France should be as neuter, till
the Church were brought into perfect unity ;
and that done, then everything to return to
the true right.
This counsel was thought good and was
accepted of the king and all other. Then
the marshal of France and the bishop of
1 Badly translated. It should be : ' When the
French king had heard the answer of pope Boniface
and how the king of Almaine had said also that
first pope Benedict must submit, he made a con-
vocation of the noblest prelates of his realm, and
they came all to Paris.'
2 ' Because he had advanced and benefited them.'
3 ' And my opinion is that the university had the
greatest voice.
•1 The words ' by the university ' are inserted by
the translator.
Cambray were ordained to go to Avignon.
They departed from Paris and rode till they
came to Lyons on the river of Rhone ; and
there they two departed asunder, for it was
ordained that the marshal should tarry there
still till he heard tidings from the bishop,
who rode forth and so came to Avignon.
There were some of the cardinals that
knew well wherefore he came, but they
dissimuled the matter to know what pope
Benedict would say. "When the bishop of
Cambray had refreshed him at his lodging
and had changed his apparel, then he went
to the pope's palace ; and when he came
in the pope's presence, he made his rever-
ence, but not in such wise as he ought to
have done, if he had taken him as pope, as
other men did ; and yet he made him bishop
of Cambray, but that promotion he had by
the means of the lords of France. Then the
bishop of Cambray, who was well languaged
both in Latin and in French, spake and
shewed how he was sent thither from the
French king and from the king of Almaine,
and so began his process ; and when the
bishop came to the utterance of the matter,
how the pope should resign and depose
himself from the papal dignity, and that he
that was at Rome should do likewise, with
these words the pope began to change
colour, and lift up his voice and said : ' I
have endured great pain and travail for the
Church, and by good election I was created
pope, and now to depose myself, that I
shall never do during my life ; and I will
that the French king know that, for all his
ordinance, I will do nothing thereafter, but
I will keep my name and papality till I die. '
' Sir,' quoth the bishop of Cambray, ' saving
your grace, I took you for more prudent
than i now find you : first demand counsel
of your brethren the cardinals and then
make answer ; for you alone cannot make
no resistance against them, if they agree to
this opinion, nor ye are not able to resist
the puissance of the kings of France and
Almaine.' Then two cardinals that were
there, such as the pope had made before,
they perceiving the matter not likely to do
well, rose and said to the pope : ' Holy
father, the bishop of Cambray speaketh
well. Sir, we desire you to do herein after
his counsel.' 'Well,' quoth the pope, 'I
am content.' So they departed for that
time, and the bishop went to his lodging.
458
THE CHRONICLES OF FROTSSART
and went not to see any cardinals but dis-
simuled himself.
The next day betimes the bell sowned
to the consistory, and then there was a
convocation of all the cardinals that were
at Avignon : they all assembled at the
palace and entered into the consistory, and
thither was called the bishop of Cambray,
who in Latin shewed at length his message
and the cause of his coming thither. When
he had said, then he was answered how the
pope should take counsel to answer, and
in the mean time he to depart out of the
house, and so he did. And in the mean
season Benedict and his cardinals coun-
selled together and were long debating of
the matter, and many thought it hard and
a contrary matter to put down that they
had created. Then the cardinal of Amiens
spake and said : ' Lords, whether we will
or not, it must behove us to obey the
French king and the king of Almaine, sith
they be conjoined together, for without
them we cannot live. Howbeit, we should
do well enough with the king of Almaine,
if the French king would take our part :
but it is otherwise, for he commandeth us
to obey or else he will stop from us the
fruits of our benefices, without the which
we cannot live. True it is, holy father,
that we have created you as pope on the
condition that to your power ye should aid
to reform the Church and to bring it into
perfect union, and this ye have always said
and maintained. Therefore, sir, answer
attemperately and in such manner as we
may praise you ; for, sir, ye ought better
to know your own courage than we.'
Then divers other of the cardinals said :
' Sir, the cardinal of Amiens sayeth well
and wisely ; wherefore, sir, we pray you
all in general that ye will speak and shew
us what ye will do.' Then Benedict
answered and said : ' The union of the
Church I desire, and I have taken great
pain therein ; but sith God of his divine
grace hath provided for me the papality,
and that ye have chosen me thereto, as
long as I live I will be pope, and I will not
depose myself nother for king, duke, earl
nor other treaty, nor by no process nor
means, but that I Avill abide pope.' Then
the cardinals rose up all together with
great murmuring ; some said he had 'spoken
well and some said contrary. Thus they
differed and were in discoi'd ; the most pari
departed out of the consistory and took nc
leave of the pope and returned to theii
lodgings ; some, such as were in this pope'|
favour, tarried still with him.
When the bishop of Cambray saw how!
they departed in such manner, he knew<
well they accorded not well, and therewith
advanced himself and entered into the con-
sistory, and so came to the pope while he
sat still in his see, and without doing of
any great reverence said : ' Sir, give me
mine answer : sith ye have had your coun-
cil about you, ye ought to give me mine
answer, that I may return,' This pope
Benedict, who was in great displeasure for
the words that the cardinal of Amiens had ji
spoken, said : * Bishop of Cambray, I have ■
counsel of divers of my brethren the car- i
dinals, who hath created me into the
dignity papal, and have received all the
solemnities thereto belonging, and
written and named pope by all my sut
jects, and as pope I will abide as long
I live. I will not do the contrary, to di|
in the pain ; ^ for I have done no caus
why to lose it. And say to our son
France that hither-unto I have taken hir
as a good catholic prince, but now
sinister means if he will enter into gres
error, he will repent it. I pray you to sa|
to him from me, that he be well advise
how he inclineth to anything that should
trouble his conscience.' Therewith thij
Benedict rose out of his chair and went int^
his chamber, and certain cardinals witl
him ; and the bishop Cambray returned ti
his lodging and dined soberly, and the!
after took his horse and passed the bridgl
of Rhone and came to Villeneuve, an«
at night lay at Bagnols, which pertainecj
to the realm of France ; and he understoc '
that sir Bouciquaut, marshal of France
was come to Bourg Saint-Andrew, a nin^
leagues from Avignon, The next d£
thither came the bishop of Cambray an4
shewed him the answer of Benedict.
When the marshal understood that this
pope Benedict would not obey the king hi
master's ordinance, he said to the bishop]
' Sir, ye are best to return into France, y^
have no more to do here, and I shall exei
cute that I am commanded to do by the
king and his uncles.' The next day the
1 That is, * if I should die for it.'
THE POPE BESIEGED AT AVIGNON
459
bishop departed and took the way to
Aubenas and to Puy, and the marshal
set clerks awork to write, and sent for
knights, squires and men of war through
all the country of Velay, of Viviers and
Auvergne, to Montpellier, for he had com-
mission so to do by the king ; and also he
sent to the seneschal of Beaucaire, that he
should close all the passages, as well by
the river of Rhone as by land, to the intent
that nothing should enter into Avignon.
He went himself to the Pont Saint-Esprit
and closed there the passage over the river
of Rhone, that nothing should enter that
way into Avignon. Thus the marshal daily
gathered men of war, and many came to
serve him, some for obeisance and some to
pill and rob them of Avignon. There
came to him sir Raymond of Touraine and
the lord de la Voulte, the lord of Tournon,
the lord of Montclau and the lord d'Uzes,
so that the marshal had a great number of
men. Then the marshal sent an herald to
defy pope Benedict in his palace, and all
the cardinals that would take his part.
This was hard tidings to the cardinals and to
them in the city of Avignon, for they knew
well they could not long sustain the war
against the puissance of the French king.
Then they determined to go and speak
with the pope, and so they did, and shewed
him how they could not nor would not sus-
tain the war against the French king ; for,
they said, they must live and have their mer-
chandise to go as well by land as by river.
This Benedict answered foolishly ^ and
said : ' Sirs, your city is strong and well
provided : I will send for men of war from
Genes and into other places, and to my
son the king of Aragon, that he come and
serve me, which I am sure he will do, for
he is bound thereto for two causes, he is of
my lineage and also he ought to be obeisant
to the pope. Sirs, ye are abashed of too
little a cause : go your ways and keep and
defend your town and I shall keep my
palace.' Other answer the cardinals and
men of the city could not have of this Bene-
dict ; so every man returned home. This
Benedict had of long time purveyed his
palace with wine, corn, lard, oil, and of
all other things pertaining to a fortress, and
also he was of his person high and cruel
and would not be abashed for a little thing.
1 The true reading is ' fellement,' 'angrily.'
The marshal of France departed from
Pont Saint-Esprit and passed with all his
company by the town of Orange, and so
entered into the country of Venese,^ which
was land pertaining to the Church, the
which anon was overrun. And the men of
war passed at the bridge of Sorgues, and
so they were lords of all the river, and the
marshal tarried in the town of Sorgues with
a great number of men of war to keep the
town and passage, and also the garrison of
Noves, which pertained to the pope.*^
Then the marshal went and lodged at
Saint -Verain near to Avignon, and his
men thereabout ; and daily came thither
men of war, so that the city of Avignon
was closed in before and behind by land
and by the river, so that nothing could
enter nor issue without leave. For at
Villeneuve without Avignon, which per-
tained to the realm of France, was the
seneschal of Beaucaire with five hundred
men and kept the entry on that side, and
the marshal of France with two thousand
men was on the other side of Avignon ;
and he sent to them of the city that, with-
out they would obey and open their city,
that he would burn all their vines and
houses abroad in the country about to the
river of Durance. That summoning greatly
abashed the men and women within the
city, for their heritages lay without Avig-
non unto the river of Durance. Then they
went to council without knowledge of the
pope, and they called to their council
certain cardinals, as the cardinal of Amiens,
of Poitiers, of Neufchatel, of Viviers and
divers other. Then such as had most to
lose shewed these cardinals how the mar-
shal of France had threatened them to
bren their vines and their houses, and all
this had caused the French king, against
whom they could not resist, for his puis-
sance was so near them : and all things
considered, they said they were better to
obey to the French king than to hold their
perilous opinions, for of Benedict they
could have no aid nor comfort ; and they
demanded of these cardinals if they would
join and take their part. The cardinals
said they were content to take their ways,
1 That is, the Venaissin.
2 ' And the marshal left a great number of men of
arms at Sorgues to guard the passage, and for the
garrison of Noves, which held for the pope.'
460
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
\
for victuals began to fail them, and also
their benefices were in the realm of France,
which, they said, they would not willingly
lose. So they entered into treaty with the
marshal of France, the which took such
effect that all the men of war entered into
the city of Avignon and it was appointed
to besiege the palace. Their covenant
was to do no hurt nor displeasure to the
cardinals nor to none of their men, nor to
the whole body of the town. This to do
the marshal promised. So they entered
into Avignon and lodged at their ease and
liberty, and then all the passages, as well
by land as by water, were opened, to the
intent that all manner of victual might
come to the city.
When he that wrote himself pope Bene-
dict, being closed in his palace, saw that
the cardinals and the men of the city had
made a treaty with the marshal of France
without his counsel or advice, he was
therewith sore displeased ; howbeit, he
said that he would not submit himself, to
die in the pain, and so he kept himself
close in his palace, which was as strong a
place as any in the world and most easiestto
be kept, so that it be well victualled. This
pope had sent letters to the king of Aragon
instantly to succour him in his need and
to send him men of war, that he might be
able to resist the marshal of France. Also
he sent the king word in his letter that if
he could get him thence from Avignon, he
would go and keep his see apostolic in
Aragon, at Perpignan or at Barcelone.
The king of Aragon saw well the pope's
letters, but he made no force of them, and
said to his council that were about him :
' What, weeneth this priest that to sustain
him and his arguments I shall enterprise
to make war against the French king to
aid him ? Then I might well be reputed
a fool.' ' Sir,' quoth his council, *ye say
truth : ye have no need to meddle in that
matter ; for, sir, ye may be sure the French
king hath such counsel about him that he
would make no war against him without a
just cause. Let the clergy alone ; for if
they purpose to live, the prelates must
obey the great lords under whom their
rents and revenues are : they have long
kept them in peace. And also, sir, the
French king hath written to you already,
desiring you to determine you and your
country to be neuter, as he is and will be :
and, sir, ye were best so to do, for my lady
the queen, who is the French king's cousin-
german, is content so to be, and so is the
most part of your realm, and the clergy
in like wise, and specially Cataloyne and
Spain : and, sir, we think it is the best
opinion, for if all Christian kings do not
the same, the Church shall never come to
unity by reason of [the] two popes. ' Thus
the king of Aragon and his council devised
together, and pope Benedict was still in
his palace, trusting to have aid of the king
of Aragon, but he was deceived. And the
marshal of France was within the city of
Avignon, and the palace was so kept that
none could issue out nor enter in : they
lived with that store they had, for of
victuals they had sufficient for two or three
year, but they lacked wood to make fire
withal and to seethe their meat, which
made them abashed. Every week the
marshal heard news from the French king
and the king from him, and the king com
manded him that he should not depart
thence till he had achieved his enterprise.
Thus the pope could not issue out of the
palace, there was such watch laid on him.
The conclusion was, when this Benedict
saw that he was so straitly kept, and that
fire failed him and other provisions daily
discr eased, and saw no comfort nor aid
came to him from no part, at last he yielded
at the request of certain of the cardinals,
and the treaty was thus, that he should not
depart out of Avignon, till there was made
an union in the Church. And a certain
guard was set about him, and the cardinals
and rich men of Avignon bound themselves
to keep this Benedict so strait, that they
should render account of him again either
quick or dead. Such cardinals as had their
benefices in France took great pain to
make this treaty and composition, for they
said all with one accord that they would
abide with the French king.
Thus this business ended at that time,
and every man departed, and the marshal
went to Paris, and anon after he ordained
him to go into the realm of Hungaiy, for
the king of Hungary had written to the
French king how Amurath - baquin as-
sembled great puissance of men of war,
of Turks, Arabs, Tartars and Surians, and
of divers other of his sect, to fight with
I
I
DEATH OF JOHJSr OF GAUNT, 1399
461
him. The earl of Derby the same season
being at Paris in the house of Clisson
near to the Temple, was willing to go into
Hungary ; which should be the less cost
to the French king, for he had every week
ready paid him five hundred crowns of gold,
and the earl thought himself much bound
to the French king for that grace. And
when that tidings came from the king of
Hungary into France, the earl of Derby
intended well to that matter and thought
in himself that voyage to be right honour-
able for him to pass his time there, where-
by he should the lightlier forget the time
of his trouble ; and spake to them of his
special council, and they counselled him to
go in that voyage, so that he knew first
the duke of Lancaster his father's pleasure
in that behalf. Then the earl sent one of
his knights called Dymoke ^ into England
to know his father's pleasure. This knight
came into England and found the duke of
Lancaster at a castle a twenty mile from
London, called Hertford : there he shewed
him his son's intent. And when the duke
understood the mind of the earl his son
and the good will that he had to go into
Hungary to pass the time of his banish-
ment, he was right well content, and said
to the knight : ' Sir, ye are welcome : your
words and my son's letter requireth coun-
sel. Ye shall rest you here with us a
season, and in the mean while we shall
take advice ; and in the while ye may go
and see my son's children, for ye must bear
tidings of them to their father. ' ' Sir, ' quoth
the knight, 'ye say true.' So this knight,
sir Dymoke, tarried a season in England.
Now had the French king good occasion
to write to the king of Almaine and to his
council, in what case he had brought pope
Benedict and the cardinals. The king
then sent thither a noble ambassade, as
the patriarch of Jerusalem, sir Charles of
Hangest and other knights, and they found
the king at Strasburg and did their mes-
sage, wherewith the king and his council
were well content, and said how they would
determine on that matter. But they said
they would gladly that the king of Eng-
1 John Dymoke, who married the heiress of the
manor of Scrivelsby, and thus acquired the title
attached to that fief of Champion of the Crown.
He made the challenge at the coronation of Henry
IV., and his descendants continued to perform the
same ceremony down to the present century.
land should take the same way, the which
they feared should be hard to do. With
this answer the ambassadors returned into
France and shewed the king what they had
done and seen. The French king then,
to the intent to bring his purpose to pass,
sent again into England to king Richard,
and the messengers shewed the king the
cause of their coming. The king gave good
hearing to the matter, but as then he had
not the prelates of the realm nor the clergy
with him, nor were not so pliable to follow
his pleasure as they in France to follow
the pleasure of their king, and this he
shewed to the French king's messengers :
howbeit, he said he would do his devoir,'
and so he did. And so the messengers
returned into France. And king Richard
on a day at Westminster assembled all his
prelates and clergy of England ; and when
they were there, the king shewed wisely
the difference there was in the Church, and
how the French king, by deliberation and
advice of council and by consent of the
university of Paris and other clerks, he was
determined to be neuter, and in like wise
so are the kings of Spain, of Scotland, of
Aragon and of Navarre, and how that all
Almaine, Boeme and Italy were of the
same opinion. In like wise the king of
England desired that his realm should
follow the same. When the prelates and
the clergy, who knew nothing why they
were sent for, heard that matter, they had
great marvel and were sore abashed. Some
stood still and spake no word, and some
began to murmur and said : ' Our king is
become French ; he intendeth to nothing
but to dishonour and destroy us : but he
shall not. What, would he bring us out
of our belief? He may do so much that
he shall have evil thereof. Let us not
follow this opinion, sith the French king
taketh that way. Let him hold himself
neuter, and let us hold still our belief, and
let no man put it from us, without there be
greater appearance of a surer foundation
than we see as yet.' When king Richard
saw the difference and murmuring of the
clergy, he caused the bishop of London to
demand of all the clergy what was best to
do. They all answered that the matter
was so great, that therein required great
counsel and deliberation, and so they de-
parted and every man went to his lodging.
462
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
And when the Londoners knew the
cause of that assembly and the request
that the king had made, they were then
sore troubled against the king (for the
people of England were so firmly set on
the believing on the pope at Rome, that
they would not leave it), and said how
Richard of Bordeaux would destroy them
all, if he be let alone : ' his heart is so
French that he cannot hide it ; but a day
will come to pay for all, that he shall re-
pent him and all such as give him such
counsel. ' Whatsoever the king said to have
his people neuter, they would in no wise
agree thereto. And the French king was
not well content with his son king Richard,
in that he had not incontinent caused his
realm to have been neuter : but to say the
truth, the king was not to blame therein ;
and also such accidents fell soon after, the
which were so great and horrible, that the
like hath not been seen in all this history
upon no king Christian except of noble
king Peter of Lusignan, king of Cypre
and Jerusalem, whom his own brother and
the Cyprians martyred.^
CHAPTERS CCXXX-CCXXXII
[CCXXXIV-CCXXXVI]
SUMMARY. — The duke of Lancaster
wrote advisi?tg the earl of Derby not to go to
Hungary y and shortly after this he fell sick
and died. King Richard rejoiced at his
death, and took such part of his lands as
pleased him. Then hearing of a treaty of
marriage between the ea7'l of Derby and the
duke of Berry'' s daughter, he sent into
France and hindered it, accusing the earl
of Derby of treason.
CHAPTERS CCXXXni-CCXXXV
[ccxxxvn-ccxxxix]
SUMMARY. —King Richard went to
Bristol, intending to pass over into Ireland.
The kingdom was in a vety unquiet state,
and the Londoners especially murmured
against the king. At length they sent the
archbishop of Canterbury to speak with the
earl of Derby. The earl of Derby accepted
the proposal which was made to him, and
1 The better reading is 'murdrirent,' 'murdered.'
having taken leave of the French king, he
went to get aid from the duke of Brittany.
CHAPTERS CCXXXVI, CCXXXVH
[CCXL, CCXLI]
SUMMARY. — The earl of Derby sailed
from Vannes and arrived at Plymouth.^
Thence he rode to London and ivas well
received. From London he set forth with
an army to Bi'istol, and was joined by
many.
The king, when he heard of this, left
Bristol and came to Flint castle.
CHAPTER CCXXXVni [CCXLI]
How king Richard yielded himself to the
earl of Derby to go to London.
The earl of Derby and the Londoners had
their spies going and coming, who reported
to them all the state of the king, and also
the earl knew it by such knights and squires
as daily came from the king's part to the
earl, who had sure knowledge that the
king was gone to the castle of Flint, and
had no company with him but such as were
of his own household, and seemed that he
would no war, but to scape that danger by
treaty. Then the earl determined to ride
thither and to do so much to have the king
either by force or by treaty. Then the
earl and all his company rode thither, and
within two mile of the castle they found a
great village. There the earl tarried and
drank, and determined in himself to ride
to the castle of Flint with two hundred
horse and to leave the rest of his company
1 The account of these events is full of inac-
curacies. Henry landed, as is well known, at
Ravenspurn (22nd July), and marched to Bristol
without going to London. Thence he went by
Ludlow to Chester (gth Aug.), and so to Flint.
Meanwhile Richard had returned from Ireland and
arrived at Milford in the last days of July. Hear-
ing that Henry was at Bristol, he sailed to North
Wales, disembarked at Harlech and reached Con-
way castle by land. Here he was met by the earl
of Northumberland, and trusting to his oath of
fidelity came to Flint, and was betrayed into the
hands of Henry (i8th Aug.) Froissart seems to
know nothing of the expedition to Ireland or of
the treachery of Northumberland, and apparently
thinks that Flint castle was in the hands of Richard
(Lettenhove, xvi. 326 ff.)
RICHARD II. AT FLINT CASTLE
463
still there : and he said he would do what
he could by fair treaty to enter into the
castle by love and not perforce, and to
bring out the king with fair words and to
assure him from all peril except going to
London, and to promise him that he shall
have no hurt of his body, and to be mean
for him to the Londoners, who were not
content with him. The earl's device
seemed good to them that heard it, and
they said to him : * Sir, beware of dissimu-
lation : this Richard of Bordeaux must be
taken other quick or dead, and all the
other traitors that be about him and of his
council, and so to be brought to London
and set in the Tower ; the Londoners will
not suffer you to do the contrary. ' Then
the earl said : ' Sirs, fear not but all that
is enterprised shall be accomplished : but
if I can get him out of the castle with fair
words, I will do it ; and if I cannot, I shall
send you word thereof and then ye shall
come and lay siege about the castle, and
then we will do so much by force or by
assault, that we will have him quick or
dead, for the castle is well pregnable.' To
those words accorded well the Londoners :
so the earl departed from the army and
rode with two hundred men to the castle,
whereas the king was among his men right
sore abashed.
The earl came riding to the castle gate,
which was fast closed, as the case required.
The earl knocked at the gate : the porters
demanded who was there. The earl an-
swered : * I am Henry of Lancaster : I
come to the king to demand mine heritage
of the duchy of Lancaster : shew the king
this from me.' * Sir,' quoth they within,
'we shall do it.' Incontinent they went
into the hall and into the donjon whereas
the king was, and such knights about him
as had long time counselled him. Then
these news were shewed to the king, and
said : ' Sir, your cousin of Derby is at the
gate, who demandeth of you to be set in
possession of the duchy of Lancaster his
inheritance. ' The king then regarded such
as were about him and demanded what
was best to do. They said : ' Sir, in this
request is none evil : ye may let him come
in to you with twelve persons in his com-
pany and hear what he will say : he is
your cousin and a great lord of the realm ;
lie may well make your peace an he will.
for he is greatly beloved in the realm,
and specially with the Londoners, who
sent for him into France : tliey be as now
the chief that be against you. Sir, ye
must dissimule till the matter be ap-
peased and till the earl of Huntingdon
your brother be with you ; and it cometh
now evil to pass for you that he is at
Calais, for there be many now in England
that be risen against you, that an they
knew that your brother were about you,
they would sit still and durst not displease
you : and yet he hath to his wife the earl
of Derby's sister ; by his means we suppose
ye should come to peaqe and concord.'
The king agreed to those words and said :
' Go and let him come in with twelve with
him and no more.' Two knights went
down to the gate, and opened the wicket
and issued out and made reverence to the
earl and received him with gracious words,
for they knew well that they had no force
to resist them, and also they knew well the
Londoners were sore displeased with them :
therefore they spake fair and said to the
earl : ' Sir, what is your pleasure ? The
king is at mass : he hath sent us hither to
speak with you.' 'I say,' quoth the earl,
' ye know well I ought to have possession
of the duchy of Lancaster : I am come in
part for that cause and also for other things
that I would speak with the king of. ' ' Sir,'
quoth they, * ye be welcome : the king
would be glad to see you and to hear you,
and hath commanded that ye come to him
all only with twelve persons.' The earl
answered : ' It pleaseth me well.' So he
entered into the castle with twelve persons,
and then the gate closed again and the rest
of his company tarried without.
Now consider what danger the earl of
Derby was in ; for the king then might
have slain him and such as were with him,
as easily as a bird in a cage : but he feared
not the matter, but boldly went to the
king, who changed colours when he saw
the earl. Then the earl spake aloud with-
out making of any great honour or rever-
ence and said: 'Sir, are ye fasting?'
The king answered and said : ' Yea : why
ask you?' * It is time,' quoth the earl,
* that ye had dined, for ye have a great
journey to ride.' ' Why, whither should
I ride ? ' quoth the king. * Ye must ride
to London, ' quoth the earl ; * wherefore I
464
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
I
counsel you eat and drink, that ye may
ride with the more mirth. ' Then the king,
who was sore troubled in his mind and in
a manner afraid of those words, said : ' I
am not hungry: I have no lust to eat.'
Then such as were by, who were as then
glad to flatter the earl of Derby, for they
saw well the matter was like to go diversely,
said to the king : ' Sir, believe your cousin
of Lancaster, for he will nothing but good. '
Then the king said : ' Well, I am content :
cover the tables.' Then the king washed
and sat down and was served. Then the
earl was demanded if he would sit down.
He said, no, for he was not fasting.
In the mean season, while the king sat
at dinner, who did eat but little, his heart
was so full that he had no lust to eat, all
the country about the castle was full of
men of war. They within the castle might
see them out at the windows, and the king,
when he rose from the table, might see
them himself. Then he demanded of his
cousin what men they were, that appeared
so many in the fields. The earl answered
and said : ' The most part of them be
Londoners.' 'What would they have?'
quoth the king. * They will have you, '
quoth the earl, * and bring you to London
and put you into the Tower. There is
none other remedy, ye can scape none
otherwise.' *No?' quoth the king, and
he was sore afraid of those words, for he
knew well the Londoners loved him not,
and said : ' Cousin, can you not provide
for my surety ? I will not gladly put me
into their hands, for I know well they hate
me and have done long, though I be their
king.' Then the earl said : * Sir, I see
none other remedy, but to yield yourself
as my prisoner ; and when they know that
ye be my prisoner, they will do you no
hurt : but ye must so ordain you and your
company, to ride to London with me and
to be as my prisoner in the Tower of Lon-
don.' The king, who saw himself in a
hard case, all his spirits were sore abashed,
as he that doubted greatly that the Lon-
doners would slay him. Then he yielded
himself prisoner to the earl of Derby, and
bound himself and promised to do all that
he would have him to do. In like wise all
other knights, squires and officers yielded
to the earl, to eschew the danger and peril
that they were in ; and the earl then re-
ceived them as his prisoners and ordained
incontinent horses to be saddled and
brought forth into the court and the gates
opened. Then many men of arms and
archers entered : then the earl of Derby
caused a cry to be made, on pain of death
no man to be so hardy to take away any-
thing within the castle, nor to lay any hands
upon any person, for all were under the
earl's safe-guard and protection : which cry
was kept, no man durst break it. The
earl had the king down into the court
talking together, and caused all the king's
whole household and estate to go forward,
as of custom they had done before, without
changing or minishing of anything. While
everything was a preparing, the king and
the earl communed together in the court
and were well regarded by the Londoners.
And as it was informed me, king Richard
had a greyhound called Math,^ who always
waited upon the king and would know no
man else ; for whensoever the king did
ride, he that kept the greyhound did let
him loose and he would straight run to the
king and fawn upon him and leap with his
fore feet upon the king's shoulders. And
as the king and the earl of Derby talked
together in the court, the greyhound, who
was wont to leap upon the king, left the
king and came to the earl of Derby, duke
of Lancaster, and made to him the same
friendly countenance and cheer as he was
wont to do to the king. The duke, who
knew not the greyhound, demanded of
the king what the greyhound would do.
'Cousin,' quoth the king, 'it is a great
good token to you and an evil sign to me.'
' Sir, how know you that ? ' quoth the
duke. * I know it well,' quoth the king,
' the greyhound maketh you cheer this day
as king of England, as ye shall be, and I
shall be deposed. The greyhound hath
this knowledge naturally : therefore take
him to you ; he will follow you and forsake
me.' The duke understood well those
words and cherished the greyhound, who
would never after follow king Richard, but
followed the duke of Lancaster.
So every man leapt a-horseback and de-
parted from the castle of Flint and entered
into the fields. Thus duke Henry of
1 Or according to another text 'Blemach.' A
similar story to this was told about Charles of Blois
and the earl of Montfort.
THE KING BROUGHT TO LONDON
465
Lancaster, who was no more called earl
of Derby but duke of Lancaster, rode by
the king, and oftentimes talked together,
and men of war before and behind in great
number, and all such as were of the king's
court rode together in a company. That
night they lay about Oxenford. The duke
of Lancaster led king Richard by no castles
nor good towns, for fear of stirring of the
people, but always kept the fields. Then
, the duke gave licence to a great number of
\ his people to depart, and said : ' Sirs, ye
may depart, for we have that we desire :
I the king cannot fly nor scape from us ; we
and our own company shall bring him to
London and put him in safe-guard in the
Tower : he and all his are my prisoners, I
may bring them whither I will. Therefore,
sirs, go your ways home, till ye hear other
news.' They did as the duke commanded
them, who took the way to Windsor and
came thither ; and most part of the Lon-
doners returned to London, and other to
their own places. The duke of Lancaster
departed from Windsor and would not ride
by Colebrook, but took the way by Staines
and so came to dinner to Chertsey. The
king had desired the duke that he should
' not bring him London way nor through
the city, and therefore they took that way.-
As soon as they had the king thus in
their hands, they sent notable persons to
the young queen, who was at Leeds in
Kent, and they came to the lady Courcy,
who was second person there next to the
queen, and said to her : ' Madam, make
you ready, for ye must depart hence : and
at your departing make no semblant of
displeasure before the queen, but say how
your husband hath sent for you and for
your daughter also. This that we say, look
that you do accomplish on pain of your
life, nor axe ye no questions no further,
and ye shall be conveyed to Dover and
there have a ship that shall bring you to
Boulogne.' The lady, who doubted those
words, for she knew well Englishmen were
cruel and hasty, said : ' Sirs, as God will, I
am ready to do as ye will have me.' Anon
she made her ready, and horses were pro-
vided for her and for her company. So all
French men and women departed, and
they were conveyed to Dover, and at the
next tide they took shipping and had good
wind and so arrived at Boulogne.
2 H
CHAPTER CCXXXIX [CCXLII]
Of the state of queen Isabel of England, and
how she had all new persons appointed to
wait upon her, and how king Richard was
set in the Tower of London.
As for the state of the queen, was so turned
and broken ; for there was left nother
man, woman nor child of the nation of
France, nor yet of England, such as were
in any favour with the king.^ Her house
was newly furnished with ladies and damo-
sels and other officers and servants : they
were charged all that in no wise they should
not speak of the king, not one to another.
Thus the duke of Lancaster departed
from Chertsey and rode to Sheen, and
from thence in the night time they con-
veyed the king to the Tower of London,
and such other knights and squires as the
king would. The next morning when the
Londoners knew that the king was in the
Tower, they were greatly rejoiced : but
there was great murmuring among them,
because the king was conveyed thither so
secretly ; they were angry that the duke
had not brought him through London
openly, not to have done him honour but
shame, they hated him so sore. Behold
the opinion of common people, when they
be up against their prince or lord, and
specially in England. Among them there
is no remedy, for they are the periloust
people of the world and most outrageoust,
if they be up, and specially the Londoners :
and indeed they be rich and of a great
number ; there was well in London a
twenty-four thousand men in harness com-
plete and a thirty thousand archers, and
they were hardy and high of courage, the
more blood they saw shed the less they
were abashed.
Now let us somewhat speak of the earl
of Rutland, constable of England, son to
the duke of York, who was tarried at
Bristow and the lord Spenser with him,
who had his sister to wife. When they
knew that the castle of Flint was given up
1 ' As for the state of the young queen, it was
so broken, that they left with her neither man,
woman nor child. All those of the nation of
France were put away and also many of the Eng-
lish who were in the king's favour.'
466
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
I
and the king taken and brought to London,
then they thought surely the matters went
not well for the king. Therefore they
thought no longer to tarry there, and gave
leave to all their men of war to depart ;
and the earl of Rutland and the lord
Spenser rode together with their own
servants to Henley in the marches of
Wales, a fair manor of the lord Spenser's,
and there they tarried till they heard other
tidings. And the duke of York lay still in
his castle and meddled with nothing of the
business of England : no more he did
before ; he took ever the time aworth as
it came : howbeit, he was sore displeased
in his mind to see such difference within
the realm and between his nephews and
blood.
Now let us return to speak of king
Richard. When the duke of Lancaster
had set his cousin king Richard in the
Tower of London and certain of his coun-
cillors, and had set sure keeping on them,
the first thing then that the duke did, he
sent for the earl of Warwick, who was
banished and commanded to lie in the
isle of Wight, and discharged him clean
thereof : and secondly the duke of Lancas-
ter sent to the earl of Northumberland and
to the lord Percy his son, that they should
come to him, and so they did. After he
enquired and sought out to have the four
companions who had strangled his uncle
the duke of Gloucester in the castle of
Calais : they were so well sought out, that
they were all taken : they were set in
prison apart in London. Then the duke
of Lancaster and his council took advice
what should be done with king Richard,
being in the Tower of I^ondon, whereas
king John of France was kept, while king
Edward went into the realm of France.
Then it was thought that king Richard
should be put from all his royalty and joy
that he hath lived in ; for they said the
news of his taking should spread abroad
into all realms christened : he had been
king twenty-two year : and as then they
determined to keep him in prison.^ Then
1 The meaning of the true text is rather the
opposite, but the exact rendering is not quite
certain. The sense is : 'It was agreed by all that
they ought to give this king Richard all indul-
gence, if he would use it well and duly, for there
would be great talk of his taking in all Christian
realms, since they had had him as king for two and
they regarded what case the realm stood in
and did put all his deeds in articles to the
number of twenty-eight. Then the duke
of Lancaster and his council went to the
Tower of London and entered into the
chamber where king Richard was, and
without any reverence making to him there
was openly read all the said articles ; to
the which the king made none answer, for
he saw well all was true that was laid to
his charge, saving he said : * All that I
have done passed by my council.' Then
he was demanded what they were that had
given counsel and by whom he was most
ruled. He named them, in trust thereby
to have been delivered himself in accusing
of them, as he had done beforetime, trusting
thereby to scape and to bring them in the
danger and pain ; but that was not the mind
of them that loved him not. So as at that
time they spake no more, but departed ; and
the duke of Lancaster went to his lodging
and suffered the mayor and the men of law
to proceed. They went to the Guildhall,
whereas all the matters of the city were
determined, and then much people as-
sembled there. When they saw the
governours of the city go thither, they
thought some justice should be done,
there was indeed : I shall shew you ho\
First, the articles that were made agaii'
the king, the which had been read before
him in the Tower, were read again there
openly : and it was shewed by him that
read them, how the king himself denied
none of them, but confessed that he did
them by the counsel of four knights of his
chamber, and how by their counsel he had
put to death the duke of Gloucester and
the earl of Arundel, sir Thomas Corbet
and other, and how they had long incited
the king to do those deeds ; which deeds,
they said, were not to be forgiven, but
demanded punition, for by them and their
counsel the justice of right was closed up
through all the courts of England, West-
minster and other, whereby many evil
deeds followed, and companies and routs
of thieves and murderers rose and as-
twenty years ; and afterwards they wished to keep
him prisoner (d7r degrade him) at all points.' The
true reading is no doubt 'royes' for'joyes' in the
phrase ' il convenoit a ce roy Richard donner
toutes ses royes.' The text used by the translator
gives ' dompter toutes ses joies,' ' stop all his
pleasures. '
)wH
ai^T
1
RICHARD II. IN THE TOWER
467
sembled together in divers parts of the
realm, and robbed merchants by the ways
and poor men in their houses ; by which
means the realm was in great peril to have
been lost without recovery: and it is to
be imagined that finally they would have
rendered Calais or Guines or both into the
Frenchmen's hands. These words thus
shewed to the people made many to be
abashed, and many began to murmur and
said : ' These causes demand punition, that
all other may take ensample thereby, and
Richard of Bordeaux to be deposed : for
lie is not worthy to bear a crown, but
ought to be deprived from all honour and
to be kept all his life in prison with bread
and water.' Though some of the villains
murmured, other said on high : ' Sir mayor
of London and ye other that have justice
in your hands to minister, execute justice :
for we will ye spare no man, for ye see
well the case that ye have shewed us
demandeth justice incontinent ; for they
are judges upon their own deeds.' Then
the mayor and other of the governours of
the law went together into the chamber of
judgment. Then these four knights were
judged to die, and were judged to be had
to the foot of the Tower, whereas king
Richard was, that he might see them
drawn along by the dike with horses each
after other through the city into Cheapside,
and then their heads stricken off there and
set upon London bridge, and their bodies
drawn to the gibbet and there hanged.
This judgment given, they were delivered
to execution ; for the mayor of London
and such as were deputed to the matter
went firom the Guildhall to the Tower and
took out the four knights of the king's,
whose names were called sir Bernard
Brocas, sir Magelars, master John Derby,
receiver of Lincoln, and master Sely, the
king's steward. Each of them were tied to
two horses in the presence of them that
were in the Tower, and the king might
well see it out at the windows ; wherewith
he was sore discomforted, for all other that
were there with the king looked to be in
the same case, they knew them of London
so cruel. Thus these four knights were
drawn one after another along through the
city till they came into Cheap, and there
on a fisher's stall their heads were stricken
off and set upon London bridge, and their
bodies drawn by the shoulders to the
gibbet and there hanged up.
This justice thus done, every man went
to their lodgings. King Richard, knowing
himself taken and in the danger of the
Londoners, was in great sorrow in his heart
and reckoned his puissance nothing ; for
he saw how every man was against him,
and if there were any that ought him any
favour, it lay not in their powers to do
him any aid, nor they durst not shew it.
Such as were with the king said : ' Sir, we
have but small trust in our lives, as it may
well appear ; for when your cousin of
Lancaster came to the castle of Flint and
with your own good will ye yielded you to
him, and he promised that you and twelve
of yours should be his prisoners and have
no hurt, and now of those twelve four be
executed shamefully, [and] we are like to
pass the same way. The cause is, these
Londoners, who hath caused the duke
of Lancaster your cousin to do this deed,
had him so sore bound to them, that he
must do as they will have him. God doth
much for us if he suffer that we might die
here our natural death and not a shameful
death : it is great pity to think on this.'
With those words king Richard began
tenderly to weep and wring his hands, and
cursed the hour that ever he was born,
rather than to have such an end. Such as
were about him had great pity and re-
comforted him as well as they might.
One of his knights said : ' Sir, it behoveth
you to take comfort. We see well, and so
do you, that this world is nothing : the
fortunes thereof are marvellous and some-
time turn as well upon kings and princes
as upon poor men. The French king,
whose daughter ye have married, cannot
now aid you ; he is too far off. If ye
might scape this mischief by dissimula-
tion and save your life and ours, it were a
good enterprise : peradventure within a year
or two there would be had some recovery.'
'Why,' quoth the king, 'what would ye
that I should do ? There is nothing but I
would be glad to do it to save us thereby. '
'Sir,' quoth the knight, 'we see for truth
that these Londoners will crown your
cousin of Lancaster as king, and for that
intent they sent for him, and so have aided
him and do. It is not possible for you to
live without ye consent that he be crowned
468
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
I
king : wherefore, sir, we will counsel you,
to the intent to save your life and ours,
that when your cousin of Lancaster cometh
to you to demand anything, then with
sweet and treatable words say to him, how
that ye will resign to him the crown of
England and all the right that ye have in
the realm clearly and purely into his hands,
and how that ye will that he be king :
thereby ye shall greatly appease him and
the Londoners also. And desire him
affectuously to suffer you to live and us
also with you, or else every man apart, as
it shall please him, or else to banish us out
of the realm for ever ; for he that looseth
his life, looseth all.' King Richard heard
those words well and fixed them surely in
his heart, and said he would do as they
counselled him, as he that saw himself in
great danger.^ And then he said to them
that kept him, how he would gladly speak
with his cousin of Lancaster.
CHAPTER CCXL [CCXLIV]
How king Richard of England resigned the
crown and the realm into the hands of the
earl of Derby, duke of Lancaster.
It was shewed the duke of Lancaster how
Richard of Bordeaux desired to speak with
him. The duke in an evening took a barge
and went to the Tower by water, and went
to the king, who received him courteously
and humbled himself greatly, as he that
saw himself in great danger, and said :
' Cousin of Lancaster, I regard and con-
sider mine estate, which is as now but
small, I thank God thereof. As any more
to reign or to govern people or to bear a
crown, I think it not ; and as God help me,
I would I were dead by a natural death,
and that the French king had again his
daughter. We have had as yet no great
joy together ; nor sith I brought her into
England, I could never have the love of
my people, as I had before. Cousin, all
things considered, I know well I have
greatly trespassed against you and against
other noblemen of my blood ; by divers
things I perceive I shall never have pardon
nor come to peace. Wherefore with mine
own free and liberal will I will resign to
you the heritage of the crown of England,
and I require you take the gift thereof
with the resignation.' When the duke
heard that, he said : ' Sir, it is convenient
that part of the three estates of the realm
be called to these words, and I have sent
already for some noblemen, prelates and
councillors of the good towns of England,
and I trust they will be here within this
three days, sufficient of them for you to
make a due resignation before them, and
by this means ye shall greatly appease
many men within the realm. For to with-
stand such enormities and evils as have
been used in the realm for fault of justice,
who had no place to reign, I was sent for
from beyond the sea ; and the people would
crown me, for the renown runneth through
England that I have more right to the
crown than ye have. For when our grand-
father king Edward the third did choose
and make you king, the same was as then
shewed him ; but he loved so his son the
prince, that none could break his purpose
nor opinion, but that you should be king.
And if ye would have followed the steps of
your father the prince, and have believed
his counsel, as a good son ought to have
done, ye might have been still king and
have continued your estate. But ye have
always done the contrary, so that the com-
mon renown runneth through England
in other places that ye were never son^
the prince of Wales, but rather son t(
priest or to a canon ; for I have heard
certain knights that were in the prince's
house, mine uncle, how that he knew well
that his wife had not truly kept her mar-
riage. Your mother was cousin-german to
king Edward, and the king began to hate
her, because she could have no generation ;
also she was the king's gossip of two chil-
dren at the font : and she that could well
keep the prince in her bandon by craft and
subtlety, she made the prince to be her
husband ; and because she could have no
child, she doubted that the prince should
be divorced from her ; she did so much
that she was with child with you and with
another before you. As of the first I cannot
tell what to judge, but as for you, because
your conditions have been seen contrary
from all nobless and prowess of the prince,
therefore it is said that ye be rather son to
a priest or to a canon ; for when ye were
gotten and l)orn at Bordeaux, there were
:om-
I
d W
ABDICATION OF RICHARD IL
469
many young priests in the prince's house.
This is the bruit in this country, and your
works have well followed the same : for ye
be always inclined to the pleasure of the
Frenchmen and to take with them peace,
to the confusion and dishonour of the realm
of England. And because mine uncle of
Gloucester and the earl of Arundel did
counsel you truly and faithfully to keep
the honour of the realm and to follow the
steps of your ancestors, ye have traitorously
caused them to die. As for me, I have
taken on me to defend your life as long as
I may for pity, and I shall pray the Lon-
doners and the heritors of them that ye
have slain and banished, to do the same.'
' Cousin, I thank you,' quoth the king ; ' I
trust more in you than in any other.' * It
is but right that ye so should do, for if I
had not been, ye had been taken by the
people and deposed with great confusion
and slain, by reason of your evil works.'
King Richard heard well all the duke's
words and wist not what to say against it ;
for he saw well that force nor arguments
could not avail him, but rather meekness
and humility : wherefore he humbled him
and prayed the duke to save his life.
When the duke of Lancaster had been at
the Tower two hours with king Richard
and had shewed him part of his faults,
then he returned. And the next day he
sent forth more commandments into all
parts of the realm to cause noblemen and
other to come to London. His uncle the
duke of York came to London, and the
earl of Rutland his son, the earl of North-
umberland and the lord Thomas Percy his
brother : the duke of Lancaster made them
good cheer. Thither came also great
number of prelates and abbots. And on a
day the duke of Lancaster, accompanied
with lords, dukes, prelates, earls, barons
and knights, and of the notablest men of
London and of other good towns, rode to
the Tower and there alighted. Then king
Richard was brought into the hall, appar-
elled like a king in his robes of estate, his
sceptre in his hand and his crown on his
head. Then he stood up alone, not holden
nor stayed by no man, and said aloud : ' I
have been king of England, duke of
Acquitaine and lord of Ireland about
twenty-two years, which seignory, royalty,
sceptre, crown and heritage I clearly resign
here to my cousin Henry of Lancaster ;
and I desire him here in this open presence,
in entering of the same possession, to take
this sceptre.' And so delivered it to the
duke, who took it. Then king Richard
took the crown from his head with both his
hands and set it before him, and said :
' Fair cousin, Henry duke of Lancaster, I
gwe and deliver you this crown, wherewith
I was crowned king of England, and
therewith all the right thereto depending.'
The duke of Lancaster took it, and the
archbishop of Canterbury took it out of the
duke's hands. This resignation thus done,
the duke of Lancaster called a notary and
demanded to have letters and witness of all
the prelates and lords there being present.
Then Richard of Bordeaux returned again
into the chamber from whence he came.
Then the duke of Lancaster and all other
leapt on their horses, and the crown and
sceptre were put in a coffer and conveyed
to the abbey of Westminster, and there
kept in the treasury. And every man
went to their lodgings and abode till the
day of parliament and council should be at
the palace of Westminster.
CHAPTER CCXLI [CCXLV]
Of the coronation of king Henry duke of
Lancaster by the consent of the realm, and
the manner of the feast.
In the year of our Lord God a thousand
three hundred fourscore and nineteen, the
last day of September on a Tuesday, began
a parliament at Westminster holden by
Henry duke of Lancaster, at which time
there was assembled prelates and clergy of
the realm of England a great number, and
also dukes, earls and barons, and of every
town a certain. Thus the people assembled
at Westminster, there being present the
duke of Lancaster, and there the sam.e
duke challenged the realm of England and
desired to be king by three reasons : first
by conquest, secondly because he was heir,
and thirdly because Richard of Bordeaux
had resigned the realm into his hands by
his free will in the presence of certain
dukes, earls, prelates and barons, in the hall
within the Tower of London. These three
causes she wed, the duke of Lancaster required
470
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
all the people there present, as well one
as other, to shew their minds and intents in
that behalf. Then all the people with one
voice said that their wills was to have him
king, and how they would have none other
but him. Then the duke again said to the
people : * Sirs, is this your minds ? ' And
they all with one voice said, ' Yea, yea. '
And then the duke sat down in the siege
royal, which seat was raised up in the hall
and covered with a cloth of estate, so that
every man might well see him sit. And
then the people lifted up their hands a-high,
promising him their faith and allegiance.
Then the parliament concluded, and the
day was taken for his coronation on Saint
Edward's day, the Monday the thirteenth
day of October ; at which time, the Satur-
day before his coronation, he departed
from Westminster and rode to the Tower
of London with a great number. And
that night all such squires as should be
made knights the next day, watched, who
were to the number of forty-six, every
squire had his own bain by himself ; and
the next day the duke of Lancaster made
them all knights at the mass time. Then
had they long coats with strait sleeves
furred with minever like prelates, with
white laces hanging on their shoulders.
And after dinner the duke departed from
the Tower to Westminster, and rode all
the way bareheaded, and about his neck
the livery of France. He was accompanied
with the prince his son, and six dukes,
six earls and eighteen barons, and in all,
knights and squires, a nine hundred horse :
then the king had on a short coat of cloth
of gold after the manner of Almaine, and
he was mounted on a white courser and
the garter on his left leg. Thus the duke
rode through London with a great num-
ber of lords, every lord's servant in their
master's livery, all the burgesses and Lom-
bards merchants in London, and every
craft with their livery and device. Thus
he was conveyed to Westminster. He
was in number a six thousand horse, and
the streets hanged as he passed by ; and
the same day and the next there were in
London running seven conduits with wine,
white and red. That night the duke was
bained, and the next morning he was con-
fessed and heard three masses, as he was
accustomed to do : and then all the pre-
lates and clergy came from Westminster
church to the palace, to fetch the king
with procession. And so he went to the
church a procession, and all the lords with
him in their robes of scarlet furred with
minever, barred of their shoulders accord-
ing to their degrees : ^ and over the king
was borne a cloth of estate of blue with four
bells of gold, and it was borne by four
burgesses of the ports, as Dover and
other ; ^ and on every side of him he had
a sword borne, the one the sword of the
Church and the other the sword of justice ;
the sword of the Church his son the prince
did bear, and the sword of justice the earl
of Northumberland did bear, for he was as
then constable of England, for the earl of
Rutland was deposed from that office ; and
the earl of Westmoreland, who was mar-
shal of England, bare the sceptre.
Thus they entered into the church about
nine of the clock ; and in the midst of
the church there was an high scaffold all
covered with red, and in the midst thereof
there was a chair royal covered with cloth
of gold. Then the king sat down in that
chair, and so sat in estate royal, saving
he had not on the crown, but sat bare-
headed. Then at four corners of
scaffold the archbishop of Canterb
shewed unto the people how God
sent them a man to be their king,
demanded if they were content that
should be consecrated and crowned as th
king. And they all with one voice sail
'Yea,' and held up their hands promisini
him faith and obeisance. Then the king
rose and went down the scaffold to
high altar to be sacred, at which conseci
tion there were two archbishops and
bishops, and before the altar there he
despoiled out of all his vestures of estal
and there he was anointed in six plac
on the head, on the breast, and on the two
shoulders behind, and on the hands. Then
a bonnet was set on his head ; and while
he was anointing, the clergy sang the
litany and such service as they sing at the
hallowing of the font. Then the king was
apparelled like a prelate of the Church,
1 According to the fuller text the dukes and
earls had three borders of fur on their left shoulders,
and the barons had two.
^ This is the ancient right of the burgesses of the
cinque ports. Froissart mentions Dover alonci
but the translator has corrected him.
king
I
tafl
Lce^
CORONATION- OF HENRY IK, 1399
471
with a cope of red silk ^ and a pair of spurs
with a point without a rowel : then the
sword of justice was drawn out of the
sheath and hallowed, and then it was taken
to the king, who did put it again into the
sheath ; then the archbishop of Canterbury
did gird the sword about him. Then Saint
Edward's crown was brought forth, which
is close above,^ and blessed, and then the
archbishop did set it on the king's head.
After mass the king departed out of the
church in the same estate and went to his
palace ; and there was a fountain that ran by
divers branches white wine and red. Then
the king entered into the hall, and so into
a privy chamber, and after came out again
to dinner. At the first table sat the
king, at the second the five peers of the
realm, at the third the valiant men of
London, at the fourth the new - made
knights, at the fifth the knights and squires
of honour ; and by the king stood the prince
holding the sword of the Church, and on
the other side the constable with the sword
of justice, and a little above the marshal
with the sceptre, and at the king's board
sat two archbishops and seventeen bishops.
And in the midst of the dinner there came
in a knight, who was called Dymoke, all
armed upon a good horse richly apparelled,
and had a knight before him bearing his
spear, and his sword by his side and his
dagger. The knight took the king a libel,
,1 the which was read. Therein was con-
tained, that if there were other knight,
squire or any other gentleman, that would
say that king Henry was not rightful king,
he was there ready to fight with him in
that quarrel before the king or whereas it
should please him to appoint. That bill
was cried by an herald in six places of the
hall and in the town. There was none
that would challenge him. When the
king had dined, he took wine and spices
in the hall and then went into his chamber.
Then every man departed and went to
their lodgings. Thus the day passed of
king Henry's coronation with great joy
and feast, which endured all the next day.
The earl of Salisbury was not at this
1 ' There the king was apparelled in vestments of
the Church like a deacon, and then they put him
on shoes of red like a prelate.'
2 ' Which was arched in a cross,' or by another
text, ' which was arched in three.'
solemnity, for he was in sure prison, and
the king's council and divers other noble-
men and the Londoners would that his
head should have been stricken off openly in
Cheap ; for they said he had well deserved
it for bearing of letters and credence from .^^
Richard of Bordeaux to the French king, 00''^^.
and there to report openly that king Henry
was a false traitor, which fault they said
ought not to be pardoned. King Henry
was more gentle than so, for he had some
pity on him ; for the earl excused him and
said, that he did was by the king's com-
mandment and by the setting on of the
four knights that were beheaded. King
Henry believed well the earl's words, but
his council would not believe it, but said,
and so did the Londoners, that he should
die, because he had deserved death. Thus
the earl of Salisbury was in prison in great
danger of his life.
And sir John Holland, earl of Hunting-
don, captam of Calais, was well informed
of the whole matter, and how his brother
king Richard was taken and in prison in
the Tower of London, and had resigned
his crown and all, and how Henry of
Lancaster was king of England. This earl
of Huntingdon, whatsoever displeasure he
had for the trouble of his brother, yet
wisely he considered the time and ad-
ventures, and saw well that he was not able
to withstand all the power and puissance
of the realm. Also the countess his wife,
who was cousin -german to king Henry,
said : ' Sir, it must behove you to pass
your displeasure patiently and wisely, and
do not that thing whereby ye shall have
damage. For the king may do you much
good, and ye see that all the realm inclineth
to him : if ye shew any displeasure to him-
ward, ye are but lost. Wherefore, sir, I
require you and I counsel you to dissimule
the matter ; for as well king Henry now is
ypur brother, as king Richard was : there-
fore, sir, stick and lean to him and ye shall
find him your good lover ; for there was
never a richer king in England than he is ;
he may do to you and to your children
great good.' The earl heard well the
words of his wife and believed her, and
inclined him to king Henry and offered
him humble obeisance and promised him
faith and troth. The king received him
and had great joy thereof, and he did so
472
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
much with means of his friends, that the
earl of Salisbury was taken to grace and
his excusations accepted and was clean
pardoned.
CHAPTERS CCXLII-CCXLIV
[CCXLVI-CCXLVIII]
SUMMARY. — The news was brought to
France by the lady of Courcy. The French
thought to win over the cities of Acquitaine,
which had been much attached to Richard,
but these decided to 7'emain English. An
embassy was sent frof?t France to see hoiv
the young queen of Efigland did, and
assurances were given that she would be
well treated.
The earls of Huntingdon and Salisbury
made a rising against Henry, with a priest
called Maudeleyn to personate. king Richard.
They were attacked while lodging in the
town of Cirencester and either slain or taken.
The French king gathered an army as if
to invade England.
CHAPTER CCXLV [CCXLIX]
Of the death of king Richard of England ;
and how the truce between England and
France was renewed ; and also of the de-
position of pope Benedict at Avignon.
It was not long after that true tidings ran
through London, how Richard of Bordeaux
was dead ; but how he died and by what
means, I could not tell when I wrote this
chronicle. But this king Richard dead
was laid in a litter and set in a chare
covered with black baudkin, and four horses
all black in the chare, and two men in black
leading the chare, and four knights all in
black following. Thus the chare departed
from the Tower of London and was brought
along through London fair and softly, till
they came into Cheapside, whereas the
chief assembly of London was, and there
the chare rested the space of two hours.
Thither came in and out more than twenty
thousand persons men and women, to see
him whereas he lay, his head on a black
cushion and his visage open. Some had
on him pity and some none, but said he
had long deserved death. Now consider
well, ye great lords, kings, dukes, earls,
barons and prelates, and all men of great
lineage and puissance : see and behold ho\ ~
the fortunes of this world are marvelloua
and turn diversely. This king Richarc
reigned king of England twenty-two yeai
in great prosperity, holding great estat(
and seignory. There was never before any]
king of England that spent so much in his
house as he did, by a hundred thousand
florins every year ; for I, sir John Froissart
canon and treasurer of Chimay, knew iS
well, for I was in his court more than
quarter of a year together, and he mad(
me good cheer, because that in my youtl
I was clerk and servant to the noble king
Edward the third, his grandfather, and with'
my lady Philippa of Hainault, queen of
England, his grandam ; and when I de-
parted from him, it was at Windsor, and
at my departing the king sent me by a
knight of his called sir John Golofre a
goblet of silver and gilt weighing two mark
of silver, and within it a hundred nobles,
by the which I am as yet tjie better, and
shall be as long as I live : wherefore I am
bound to pray to God for his soul, and with
much sorrow I write of his death ; but
because I have continued this historyj
therefore I write thereof to follow it.
In my time I have seen two things
though they differ, yet they be true,
was in the city of Bordeaux and sitting ai
the table when king Richard was born, the
which was on a Tuesday about ten of the
clock. The same time there came thereag
I was, sir Richard Pontchardon, marshal
then of Acquitaine, and he said to me
' Froissart, write and put in memory thai
as now my lady princess is brought abec
with a fair son on this Twelfth day, thal^
is the day of the three kings, and he is soi
to a king's son^ and shall be a king.
This gentle knight said truth, for he w£
king of England twenty -two year; but]
when this knight said these words, he knewj
full little what should be his conclusion.f
And the same time that king Richard was
born, his father the prince was in Galice, j
the which king don Peter had given him, ^
and he was there to conquer the realm, ^j
1 Or rather, 'he is son of a king.' In the suc-
ceeding passage the translator's _ French text was |
unintelligible to him owing to omissions and altera-
tions, and therefore he attempted an emendation,
writing 'son to a king's son,' because he did not know
how Richard could be called 'son of a king.' In the '
DEATH OF RICHARD II., 1400
473
Upon these things I have greatly imagined
sith ; for the first year that I came into
England into the service of queen Philippa,
king Edward and the queen and all their
children were as then at Berkhamstead, a
manor of the prince of Wales beyond Lon-
don. The king and the queen were come
thither to take leave of their son the prince
and princess, who were going into Acqui-
taine, and there I heard an ancient knight
devise among the ladies and said : ' There
is a book which is called ie Brut, and it
deviseth that the prince of Wales, eldest
son to the king, nor the duke of Gloucester,
should never be king of England, but the
realm and crown should return to the house
of Lancaster.' There I, John Froissart,
author of this chronicle, considering all
these things, I say these two knights, sir
Richard Pontchardon and sir Bartholomew
of Burghersh, said both truth ; for I saw,
and so did all the world, Richard of Bor-
deaux twenty-two year king of England,
and after the crown returned to the house
of Lancaster, and that was when king
Henry was king, the which he had never
been if Richard of Bordeaux had dealt
amiably with him ; for the Londoners
made him king because they had pity on
him and on his children.
Thus when king Richard had lain two
hours in the chare in Cheapside, then they
drave the chare forward : and when the
four knights that followed the chare afoot
were without London, they leapt then on
their horses, which were there ready for
them, and so they rode till they came to a
village called Langley, a thirty mile from
London, and there this king Richard was
buried. God have mercy on his soul !
Tidings spread abroad how king Richard
was dead : he tarried every day for it,^ for
every man might well consider that he
should never come out of prison alive.
His death was long kept and hid from his
wife. The French king and his council
were well informed of all this, and the
full text the meaning is clear : ' he is son of a king,
for his father is king of Galicia. King don Peter
hath given him that kingdom and he goes to con-
quer it.' As a matter of fact the prince of Wales
did not set forth from Bordeaux till after the birth
of Richard, and he never actually went into Galicia
at all.
1 Careless translation. The French is, 'et on
n'atendoit tons les jours autre chose,' ' and nothing
else was looked for.'
knights and squires desired nothing but
the war and that they might ride upon the
frontiers. Howbeit, the councils, as well >
of the one realm as of the other, took their
advice and thought it best to uphold still
the truce that was taken before : they
thought it more profitable than the war.
And a new treaty was devised to be in the
marches of Calais, because the French king
was not in good case, nor had not been
sith he knew of the trouble that king
Richard was in : and yet his sickness
doubled when he knew that he was dead,
so that the duke of Burgoyne had the chief
rule of the realm. And he came to Saint-
Omer's and to Bourbourg, where the duke of
Bourbon was, and sir Charles d'Albret, and
Charles of Hangest and John of Chateau
Morant, and of prelates the patriarch of
Jerusalem and the bishops of Paris and of
Beauvais ; and on the English party there
was the earl of Northumberland, the earl
of Rutland, the earl of Devonshire and the
lord Henry Percy, the earl's son, and Evan
of Fitzwarren, and prelates there were the
bishops of Winchester and of Ely. The
Frenchmen demanded to have again de-
livered the young queen of England, but
the Englishmen would in no wise deliver
her, but said she should live still in Eng-
land upon her dowry, and that though she
had lost her husband, they would provide
for her another, that should be fair, young
and gentle, with whom she should be
better pleased than with Richard of Bor-
deaux, for he was old ; and this should be
the prince of Wales, eldest son to king
Henry. To this the Frenchmen would
not agree ; for they would not consent
thereto without licence of the king her
father, who as then was not in good point,
for he was far out of the way, no medicine
could help him. So that matter was laid
apart, and the treaty of truce went for-
ward in such wise, that by consent of both
parties they sware and were bound to keep
the truce twenty-six year more to the four
years that it had endured ; the which in
all was thirty year according to the first
covenant. And upon this writings were
made and sealed by procurations of both
kings. This done, every man returned to
their own countries.
I have not as yet shewed you what be-
came of the earl marshal, by whom first all
474
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
these tribulations began in the realm of
England ; but now I shall shew you. He
was at Venice, and when he knew that
king Henry was king and king Richard
taken and dead, he took thereof so great
displeasure and sorrow, that he laid him
down on his bed and fell in a frenzy and so
died. Such mischievousness fell in those
days upon great lords of England.
And in the year of our Lord God a thou-
sand four hundred, one less, pope Benedict
at Avignon, who had been sustained long
by the Frenchmen, was as then deposed :
and in like wise so was the king of Al-
maine for his evil deeds ; ^ for the electors
of the Empire and all the dukes and barons
of Almaine rose against him and sent him
into Boeme, whereas he was king ; and
they chose another, a valiant and a wise
man, to be king of Almaine, and he was
one of the Baviers and was called Robert
of Heidelberg ; and he came to Cologne,
where he was crowned with the crown of
Almaine, for they of Aix would not open
their town to him, nor the duke of Gueldres
1 The emperor Wenceslas, deposed 20th August
1400. As to pope Benedict, he was not effectively
deposed till the council of Pisa in 1409.
would not be under his obeisance. Thi
new king of Almaine promised to bring tl
Church to a unity and peace ; howbeit, tl
French king and his council treated wit
the Liegeois, who held with the pope
Rome, and they did so much by the meai
of sir Baud win of Montjardin, who governed
a great part of the bishopric of Liege, who
was a knight of the French king's, so that
by his means at the desire of the French
king the country of Liege turned to become
neuter ; so that the Liegeois sent to Rome
for all the clergy that were there of theii
country to come by a certain day, or els '
to lose all their benefices in the countrj
When they heard that, they returned frot
Rome and came to Liege. And poj
Boniface, who lost much by that trans
mutation, sent a legate into Almaine tc
preach among them, to cause them to'
return again to his part ; but the legate
durst not pass Cologne, and sent letters to
Liege. When those letters were read, the
messenger was answered, that on pain qf_
drowning he should no more come on sue
message^ for they said : ' As many messer
gers as cometh with any such message shs
be drowned in the river of Meuse. '
FINIS TOTIUS FROISSART
d)U0 ettDetlj dje t|)trtie anti fourtlje boke of j2(ir g|oJtt
iFtoi00art, of tije ccon^cle^ of Cnfflantie, jfraunce, ^pa^ne,
Portiitffale, »)CotlatiDe, Bceta^iie, jflauntiec^, and otljec placet
adio^a^nffe: ^ran^lated out of jfrenclje into matecnall
(Enfflp00lje, b^ 3\^Wx Bourcljier knpgljt, lord Bernei^ deputie
0:eneraU of tlje kinged totone of €alai0 and maccljegf of tlje
0amt, at tlje \)^Q\)t commaundement of our moogft redouted
le^oueuapne loude king: ^encp tlje eiffljt, fepng; of (Englande
and of jfraunce, and Ijpffljr defender of tlje cljn^ten faptlje,
etc. IClje toljiclje ttoo liokeg? bt comp^lrd into one Volume, and
fpn?00l)ed in tlje ^apd toVone of Calais tlje x^ dag of marflje in
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Cum priugleffio a rege indulto^
GLOSSARY
The references are to the chapters, but also, where necessary, to the pages : as a rule
one reference is given for each meaning, but when the word occurs repeatedly with that
meaning, 'etc' is often added to the reference. It must be understood that many of
the words mentioned are used also in their modern sense.
^' A, for 'have,' e.g. 'if he would a believed
them,' i. 140, p. 113; etc.
Abandon, complete control, in the phrase ' in
your abandon,' Fr. k vostre abandon, i. 9.
Abash, Fr. esbahir, dismay, i. 9, etc.
Abused, deceived, ii. 221.
Abusion, deception, ' abusion on,' error on
the part of, ii. 215, p. 452 (but perhaps
' on ' is a misprint for 'of'). The French
' abusion ' means here rather 'scruple. '
Abye, pay for, i. 384, p. 259.
Achieve, be accomplished, i. 376, p. 246.
Addition, title, i. Pref.
Advance oneself (or one's body), distinguish
oneself, i. 165, etc.
Advertise, observe, i. Pref.
Advice, consideration, i. 18, p. 18.
Advise, consider, observe, i. 18, etc.
Affectuously, Fr. aflfectueusement, earnestly,
i. 8, etc. (often spelt ' effectuously ' ).
Affiance, confidence, i. 231, p. 158.
A^v^y&d, frightened, i. 184, etc.
Again, iti comparison with, ii. 198, p. 431.
Against, to meet, i. 7, etc.
A-high, on high, aloud, i. 160, 164.
Alan, mastiff, ii. 24, p. 323.
Aland, on land, i. 81, etc.
Alate, of late, ii. 37.
Aleft, left (verb), i. 26, p. 27 (unless it is for
' a left,' i.e. ' have left ').
Alexandre or Alisandre, Alexandria.
Almain, Germati.
Almaine, Germany.
Ambassade, embassy, i. 15, etc.
Anger, regard with anger, i. 284 (end).
Apparel, prepare, i. 6, etc. : also intrans. ,
i. 9, p. 8.
Appeal, summon^ challenge, i. 243 (beg. ),
etc.
Archegay, lance (for throwing), i. 237, p.
177.
Armeny, Armenia.
Armoury, armorial bearings, i. 160 :
heraldry, ii. 213.
Arranged, pitched (battle), i. 3.
Assemble, join battle^ engage (in fight), i.
422, etc.
Assised, situated, i. 17 (where the original
edition has ' assysed to ').
Assist, support, accompany , ii. 153, p. 383.
Assister, supporter, ii. 153, p. 383.
Assoil, absolve, i. 233, etc.
Ast, Dax.
Astonied, stunned, i. 163.
Attemperance, self-restraint, ii. 181, p.
408.
Attrap, catch, ii. 80, p. 363.
Austrich, Austria.
Availen, avail (3rd pers. plur. ), ii. Pref.
Availing, declivity, i. 18, p. 21.
Avale, avail, descend, i. 131.
Avaunt, boast, ii. 137.
Aview, view (verb), i. 40.
Avise, observe, i. 39, etc. : ' to avise one-
self of,' to perceive, think of.
Avoid, leave, depart, i. 25, 229, etc. : dis-
miss, i. 25.
Awork, to work (adv.), i. 59.
Aworth, patiently, ii. 239 (beg.).
Axe, ask, ii. 238 (end).
47^
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
Bailiage, district under a 'baily,' ii. 197,
p. 427.
Bailiff, ruler, i. 398.
Bails, Fr. bailie, barrier (before the gate of
a town), i. 38, etc.
Baily, officer set over a town or district, i.
349. etc.
Bain, bathe, ii. 27 : bath (noun), i. 325.
Baleine, whalebotte, i. 419 (end).
Bandon (cp. 'abandon'), in the phrase 'in
her bandon,' 'at her will'; but it is a
translation of ' dans ses lacs,' ' in her toils' :
ii. 240.
Barded, equipped with armour (of horses).
Bascot, bastard, ii. 28.
Base, low, lower, ii. 28, p. 338.
Basenet, bassenet, helmet, i. 164, etc.
Bash, Fr. s'esbahir, be dismayed, i. 221, p.
149.
Ba.si\de, fortress, i. 133, etc.
Battle, division (of army), army, i. 18, etc.
Baudkin,yf«^ cloth (properly of Bagdad), ii,
153 (beg.), etc.
Beaten, see notes on pp. 372, 374.
Beaten with, embroidered with (arms), i. 235,
p. 171 ; 270 (mid.).
Behated, hated, i. 229 (end).
Behest, promise, i. 399.
Behoveful, advantageous, i. Pref.
Beknown, to be, to acknowledge, i. 400, p.
274.
Belfry, tower, i. 109.
Believe, trust, i. 162, p. 126 ; etc.
Ben, are, i. Pref.
Beseen, furnished, in the phrase ' richly
beseen, ' 'in rich array,' i. yj, 166.
Besyne, Fr. besongne, affair, i. 7, etc. ; but
' besynes ' and ' business ' (sometimes spelt
'besynes') are difficult to distinguish in
the translator's pages.
Bidaus, the name of a kind of light-armed
soldier, i. 50, etc.
Bobance, Fr. boban, confidence, i. 399.
Boeme, Bohemia.
Bolsterer, maintainer, i. 350.
Bone, good, i. 399.
Boot, help, i. 87, etc.
Bounty, goodness, i. 406, ii. Pref.
Bourage (of Saint Peter), Fr. bourg, the so-
called 'borgo,' i.e. the Leonine city, at
Rome, i. 326, 346.
Bourder, idle talker, i. 343, p. 213.
Bourg, bastard, i. 229, etc.
Brabances, men of Brabant.
Brast, were broken, i. 356.
Bren, burn, i. 15, etc. (but ' burn ' is al;
found).
Bretayne, Brittany.
Bricole, an engine for throwing stones
167, p. 402.
Brigand, one of a band, equivalent to ' com-
panion,' i. 220, p. 145 ; etc.
Brigandine, a light vessel, ii. 167, p. 400.
Broach, spit, i. 126.
Bruit, noise, rumour, i. 18, etc.
BruUing, disturbance, i. 350 (title).
Brunt, shock, violence of combat, i. 44 : also
of the sea, i. 91.
Bude, Buda.
Bulgary (spelt 'bowgery'), heresy, ii. 159,
P- 395-
Burgoyne, Burgundy.
Burgoynian, Burgundian.
Bursa, Broussa.
Bushment, ambush, i. 375, etc.
But, only, i. 428 (mid.).
By, except, ii. 34, p. 346.
Calabre, Calabria.
Can, knotv, i. 2, so 'could well the lan^
guage,' i. 40 : also in such phrases as
can him thank, ' i. e. ' I am grateful tc
him,' as translation of ' savoir gr6.' In \\
344 ' conde ' is probably a misprint fc
' coude. '
Canayr, probably for 'nacayr.'Fr. nacair
kettledrum, i. 12.
Carol, dance (verb), ii. 156, p. 392.
Carolling, dancing, i. 344.
Carriage, baggage, i. 50, 231, etc., but fre
quently also in the sense of ' wheeled
vehicle,' see note on i. 18, p. 24.
Cataloyne, Catalonia.
Cautel, t?-ick, i. 235, 426.
Celler, canopy, ii. 153, p. 387.
Centenier, head of a hundred, i. 349 (end) ;
375, p. 243.
Certain, inform, i. 270 (beg. ).
Cess (verb), rate, tax, i. loi.
Cessing, levying (taxes), ii. 159, p. 394.
Chafe, heat, ii. 184, p. 416; etc.
Challenge, claim, i. 164.
Chapeau, chapew, cap, i. 419 (end), etc.
Chare, cart, carriage, i. 162, p. 124 ; etc.
Charette, carriage, i. 17.
Chatelainy, castelry (district of a fortress), \\
22, etc. (sometimes written ' castlayne').
Cheap, in the phrase ' with good cheap,'
translation of 'A bon marchiet,' i. 16 (end)!
'good cheap,' cheaply, i. 403 (end).
GLOSSARY
479
Cheer, countenance, i. 8i, etc.
Cinquantenier, head of fifty, i. 349 (end) ;
375. P- 243-
(,'lipse, eclipse, i. 130.
( losed, fortified, i. 39.
("losing, close, Fr. pourpris, ii. 221 (end).
Coast, district, ii. 197, p. 426.
Coast, go by the side of, pass along by, accom-
pany, i. 159 (beg.), etc.
Comble (in heraldry), dimin. of 'chief,' i.
n (end).
Comfort, support, i. 30, etc.
Comforter, supporter, i. 350.
Commise, commit, i. 12.
Commit, desire (?), i. 384, p. 259.
Commonty, common people, i. 140, p. 112 ;
etc.
Compact, compacted, hound, i. Pref.
Companion, one of a company, adventurer,
i. 215, etc.
Complect, embrace, i. Pref.
Compoin (oneself) with, join with, i. 243
(mid.); cp. 'compone.'
Condign, well merited, i. Pref
Condition, temper, disposition, i. 4.
Confisc, confiscate, ii. 34, p. 346.
Conscience, scruple, i. 381, p. 251.
Constantine, Constantinople.
Contagious, injurious, i. 233, p. 163.
Contemplation, in the phrase ' k la con-
templation de,' 'out of regard to,' ii. 26
(beg.).
Continue, contents, ii. 28, p. 337.
Convenable, proper, i. 170.
Conveniently, properly^ i. 7.
Cordewan, Cordova.
Corogne, Coruna.
Counsels, deputies, burgesses, Fr. consauls, i.
64, etc.
Countersingle, girth, i. 18, p. 20,
Countervail, atone for, i. 139.
Countervenge, counteravenge, avenge, i. 44,
229, p. 155.
Courage, heart, inclination, i. loi, etc.
Cowardness, cowardice, ii. 33, p. 344.
Credence, letters of credence, credentials, ii,
215, p. 451 ; 228 ; etc.
Cresset, light (in a cup at the top of a pole),
i. 400, p. 274.
Croisey, crusade, i. 27, etc.
Cry, battle-cry, motto, i. 31 ; ii. 25, etc. : pro-
clamation, i. 18, p. 20 ; etc.
Cry, proclaim, i, 18, p. 20.
Cure-boly, Fr. cuir boulit, boiled hide, i.
109.
Currour, scout, i. 103, etc.
Curse, excommunicate, i. 229, p. 154.
Cursing, excommunication, i. 8, etc.
Custos, guard, i. Pref,
Cypre, Cyprus.
Damage, loss, pity, i. 20 (end), etc, (some-
times spelt 'domage').
Damas, Damascus.
Danger, difficulty, ii. 215, p. 450, in translat-
ing the French phrase, ' k grant dangler.'
Deceived, see note on i, 231,
Defend, forbid, stop, repel, i. 8, 50, 161,
etc.
Defiance, challenge, declaration of ivar, i.
15. etc.
Defoil, violate, i. 37 : maltreat, i. 215, p,
141.
Defoiling, violation, i. 124.
Defy, challenge to combat, i. 25, etc.
Demain, domain, ii. 196 (end).
Depart, separate, trans, or intrans, , i, 81,
91, etc. : leave, i. 375, p. 242 : distribute,
i. 231, p. 159.
Descrive, describe, ii. Pref.
Devoir, duty, i. Pref., etc.
Devotion, pious desire, i. 326 (beg.).
Dime, tithe, i. 170, etc.
Disanchor, raise anchors, i, 37 (end).
Discovered, uncovered, ii. 153, p, 383.
Discrease, decrease, ii. 229, p. 460.
Disdain, displeasure, i. 344, p. 215,
Disdainous, disdainful, ii, 42, p. 358.
Disherit, disinherit, i, 167,
Dislodge, depart, break up camp, i, 18, p. 20;
etc.
Dispense, expense, i. 32.
Displeasant, unpleasant, i, 221, p. 148,
Dispurveyed, unprovided, i. 26, p. 36.
Dissimule, dissemble, i. 348, p. 224 ; etc.
Distance, difference, i. 357,
Distruss, strip of baggage, i. 57 (title).
Diverse, Fr, divers, perverse, bad, i. 4.
Diversely, badly, i. 6.
Done, do (3rd pers. plur, pres. ), ii. Pref.
Doubt, fear (noun and verb), i, 18, p, 23 ;
etc.
Douze-peers, twelve peers, \. 21.
Douzime, txuelfth, i. 426 (end).
Drad, dreaded, i. 9, p. 7 : also 'dread,' ii.
197, p. 428 ; etc.
Drapery, cloth-making, i, 123.
Dredge-box, comfit-box, Fr. drageoir, ii. 153,
P- 387-
Dress, set up, arrange, i. 221, etc.
48o
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
\
Dressing-board, side-board, ii. 153, p. 386.
Dunoe, Danube.
Easement, convenience , \. 348, p. 225 ; 400.
Easily, slightly, i. 39.
Effectuously, Fr. effectuelment, probably the
same as ' affectuously, ' i. 24 (end).
Eke, also, i. Pref.
Embassade, envoy, ii. 215, p. 451; cp.
' ambassade. '
Embrase, stir up, inflame, ii. 181, p. 408.
Embushed, ambushed, ii. 208.
Embushment, ambush.
Engine, gejiius, ii. 198, p. 431.
Enherit, make heir, i. 231, p. 157 ; cp.
' inherit. '
Enlumined, illumined, ii. 197, p. 430.
Enquire, seek after, i. Pref.
Ensign, teach, point out, i. Pref. , etc.
Ensure, engage, promise in marriage, i. 314
(end) : espouse, i. 140 (title).
Enterprise, undertake, i. 229, p. 155 ; etc.
Entreat, negotiate, ii. 28, p. 337.
Entreator, negotiator, i. 314, p. 205.
Errand, occasion for a journey, ii. 27, p. 335.
Escault, Scheldt.
Eschew, avoid, i. 30, etc.
Escry, observe, i. 221, p. 148.
Estate, retinue, ii. 161.
Exhort, exhortation, ii. Pref,
Exile, Fr. exillier, destroy, lay waste, i. 26,
p. 36 ; etc.
Expert, gained by experie?ice, i. Pref.
Extraught, extracted, desce?ided, i. 25, etc.
Eyen, eyes, i. 26, p. 37 ; etc.
Fail, miss, i. 163.
Fain, obliged, i. 16, p. 16 ; etc.
Fain (verb), Fr. se faindre, hesitate, decline,
i. 237 (end).
Ysimi, feigned, ii. 29, p. 338.
Fault, /azY, i. 18.
Fauty, see note on i. 12.
Feeble, grow feeble, i. 379, p. 248.
Feeblished, weakened, ii. 181, p. 408.
YeinXXy, for a feint, i. 221, p. 148.
Felly, angrily, i. 146.
P'elonous, angry, i. 384, p. 258.
P'elony, cruelty, i. 7.
Fewe, track (of a deer), ii. 27, p. 335 ; pro-
bably connected with ' feute. '
Fiance, espouse, i. 140, p. 113.
Finance, payment, esp. for ransom, i. 239,
p. 184; etc.: sum of money, ii. 28, p.
337-
Fode forth, put off (a person), prolong (the
time), ii. 42, p. 356 ; 128.
Foin, thrust, i. 237.
Folly, foolish, ii. 26, p. 330.
Fondes, Fondi.
For, instead of, i. Pref. , etc.
Force, account, value, in the phrases 'set
less force in,' for 'esteem less,' i. 280
' made no force of them,' ii. 229, p. 460.
Fordo, do away with, i. 21, etc.
Forenger, forager, ii. 33, p. 341.
Forfeit, do wrong, i. 235, p. 169.
Forfeit, wrong (noun), i. 431, p. 302.
Forth, onward, i. 162, p. 125 ; etc.
Forthright, straight on, i, 140 (end),
Fortravailed, exhausted, i, 18, p, 18,
Fouage, hearth-tax, \. 2.\i..
Franchises, liberties, i. 26, 349,
Frank, free, spelt 'fraunches,' ii. 156, p.
389-
Fray, fright, disturbance, i. 87, 346 (mid. ).
Frequentation, habit, ii. 198, p. 431.
Fresh, lively, ii. 156, p. 389.
Frise, Friesland.
Frisk, lively, ii. 156, p. 392 ; spelt ' frysco '
or ' friscay, ' cp. ' fresh. '
Frontier, border, face {e.g. ' on the frontier
of the enemies ' for ' in the face of the
enemy'), i. 235, p. 171 : ' frontier war ' is
war waged from fortresses on the enemy'i
border, i. 170, etc.
Fumish, Fr. fumieu, obstinate, i. 346 (begj
FuTonr, fury, ii. 213, p. 447.
Gabelle, salt-tax, i. 426 (end).
Galice, Galicia.
Garnish, garrison (verb), i. 26, p. 36.
Gascoyne, Gascony.
Gaunt, Gauntois, Ghent, men of Ghent.
Gedeours, Jedworth.
Genepa.r , Juniper (but the French isgenestres),
i. 419.
Genes, Genoa.
Genetours, men fnounted on genets, i.e.
small Spanish horses, i. 236 (end).
Gen o ways, Genoese.
Gest, exploit, i. Pref.
Gested, performed, i. Pref.
Glaive, spear, i. 39.
Glint, glance, ii. 139.
Glose, reflect upon, ii. 197, p. 428.
Gonds, hinges, i. 426, p. 294.
Good, wealth, i. 383, p. 255.
Gossip, fellow - sponsor , ii. 240, p. 468 :
familiar friend, i. 280.
GLOSSARY
481
Graces, thanks, i. Pref.
Grapper, grappling-hook, i. 50.
Gre, gcec, favour, goodwill, i. Pref., etc.
Grise, gray fur, properly fur of the gray
squirrel, i. 381, p. 251.
Gurged, collected {of rivers), i. i.
Hackney, pony, i. 18 (beg.).
Hainowes, men of Hainault.
Hamede (in heraldry), a fess made of three
pieces which do not touch the border of
the shield, i. 162, p. 124.
Hampton, Southampton.
Hardily, boldly, i. 231, p. 158.
Hardy, bold, i, i, etc.
Harness, baggage, i. 18, p. 18 : also in the
sense of armour.
Harrow, alas, ii. 184, p. 417.
Herebefore, before this, \. 26, p. 35 ; etc.
Herse, harrozv, i. 13c (beg.).
Hight, e.g. 'I hight,' I am called, i. 163.
Him, often for 'himself,' e.g. 'weening to
him,' 'thinking to himself,' i. 20, p. 28.
Histographier, historian, i. Pref.
Ho, cry oi hold / stop! ii. 138 (end).
Hobby, small horse, i. 128, etc.
Hocqueton, a kind of coat, i. 419 (end), etc.
Holmess, knife (?), i. 419 (end).
Hormyes, horns {^), i. 147, p. n6.
Hosting, e.g. 'at an hosting pace," 'at a
rapid pace,' as of an army advancing to
battle, i. 237, p. 175.
Housel, give communion to, i. 18, p. 21 :
' to be houselled, ' ' to receive the com-
IMAGINATIVE, ingenious, i. 270 (end), etc.
Imagine, consider, i. 266, p. 194.
In, get in (harvest), ii. 22, p. 317.
Indurate, hard, \. 398, p. 270.
Infamed, disgraced, ii. 80, p. 363.
Inhabitable, uninhabitable, i. 26, p. 36 ; etc.
Inherit (a person), make {him) heir, i. 167,
p. 36.
Intend, endeavour, attend, i, 51, etc.
Intent, endeavour (noun), i. 237, p. 176.
Inutile, void, ii. 196 (end).
Irk, hate (verb), i. Pref.
Jack, coat, ii. 184, p. 416.
Jangle, jest, i. 270, p. 196 ; etc.
Jangler, jester, i. 343, p. 213.
Jape, jest, i. 233, p. 165.
Jeopard, risk (verb), i. 18, etc.
Jolly, gay, lively, i. 229, p. 155 ; etc.
2 I
Journey, day, battle, expedition, i. 40, 42,
162, etc.
Joy of, enjoy, ii. 27, p. 334.
Kercher, kerchief, ii. 28, p. 338.
Know, in the phrase 'to be known of,' i.e.
'to acknowledge,' i. 9 (beg.), etc.
Knowledge, acknowledge, i. 24, p. 33.
Largess, liberality, i. 14, etc.
Latten, brass, ii. 25, p. 328.
Laund, glade in a wood, lande, i. 406, p.
282 ; ii. 22, p. 317 ; etc.
Learn, teach, ii. 198, p. 431.
Lecto, Lithuania.
Legitive, legitimate, 1. 229, p. 154,
Let, hinder, i. 239, etc. : tarry, i. 127, p.
loi ; 199.
Libbard, leopard, ii. 198, p. 434.
Light, easy, i. 23.
Lightly, usually, i. 38, etc. : readily, i. 239,
p. 182,
Limit, appoint, agree, i. 24, p. 32 ; etc.
Limitee, vassal, ii. 206, p. 439,
List, desire (noun), i. 270, p. 196.
Livenges, victuals, ii. 198, p. 434.
Livery, delivery, i. 223, p. 151.
Livery, inn (?), ii. 156, p. 390.
Lodge, lodging, i. 18, p. 20 ; etc.
Loop, loophole, ii. 153.
Louage, commendation, i. i.
Malle, mallet, i. 419 (end), etc.
Mallorca, Majorca.
Maltote, tax, i. 170.
Many, tiumber, ii. 24, p. 322.
March, e.g. ' if we did march near you,' ' if
we had our borders near you, ' i. 376.
Marches, regions, i. 235, p. 170.
Marish, marsh, i. 18, etc.
Marmoset, favourite, ii. 42, p. 357.
Martinet, an engine for casting stones, i.
120, p. 93.
Mastery, difficult feat, \. 403, p. 279.
Me, often for ' myself. '
Meddle, manage, i. 179 : 7ningle, i. 222.
Meddling, combat, i. 81 : managing, i. 179.
Meetly, suitable, i. 16 (end).
Melancholious, melancholy, i. 346 (beg.).
Memorial, memory, ii. 198, p. 434.
Mess, dish, ii. 153, p. 386.
Message, Tnessenger, ii. 24, p. 323.
Mester, craft, \. 173.
Mete, botindary, ii. 197, p. 427.
Metelin, Mytilene.
482
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
Mid, myddes, middle, i. 32.
Miniver, small fur, i, 403, etc.
Modered, moderated, ii. 184, p. 412.
More, moreover, i. Pref.
Mulet, mule, ii. 24, p. 323.
Namely, especially, i. 18, p. 18.
Nazres, N ajar a.
Ne, not, ii. Pref.
Near hand, nearly, ii. 36, p. 351.
Neuter, neutral, ii. 229, p. 457.
Newelty, novelty, ii. 198, p. 433.
Nobless, nobleness, i. 146, p. ti6.
Nother, often for 'neither.'
Noyful, troublesome, i. 356, p. 236.
Obeisance, obedience, i. 109.
Obeisant, obedient, i. 238, p. 180.
Occision, slaughter, ii. 208, p. 442.
Once, in the first place, i. Pref.
Only, alone, i. 40, etc.
Open, from ' ope,' opened, ii. 198, p. 431.
Or, ere.
Ordain, set in order, i. 18, p. 18.
Oreiller, pillow (in heraldry), i. 17 (end).
Orgulous, proud, i. 229, p. 155 ; etc.
Other ... or, whether . . . or, i. 10, etc. ;
either . . . or, i, 146, etc.
Ought, owed, i. 241, p. 185.
Outrage, deed of daring, i. 384, p. 260.
Outrageous, darifig, savage, ii. 181, p. 409 ;
etc. ; outrageoust, i. 137, etc.
Overlaid, pressed by an enemy, ii. 213, p.
443-
Oversee, examine, ii. 197, p. 428.
Overthrow , fall over, i. 270 (mid. ).
Pain, attempt, endeavour, i. 162, p. 124 ;
etc.
Paliard, worthless fellow, i. 356, p. 235.
Pampelone, Patnplona.
Pane, piece (of a wall), i. 283.
Panel, saddle-cloth, i. 18, p. 20.
Part, distribute, i, 231, p. 161.
Party, place, side, i. 22 : match, ii. 33, p.
344-
"PaXr on, fellow, \. 381, p. 252: shipmaster,
ii. 167, p. 400.
Pa vis, shield: as verb, cover tvith shield, i.
109, etc.
Pease, for appease, ii. 188 (end).
Pelerin, peregrine (falcon), i. 406.
Pensel, small pennon, i. 237, p. 176.
Pentice, penthouse, i. 125, p. 98.
Periloust, most perilous, ii. 239, p. 465.
Perse, Persia.
Persevere, continue, i. 237, p. 174 ; etc.
Pight, pitched, i. 164, p. 129 ; etc.
Pike, thrust, i. 163.
Pile, drive in (piles), i. 403, p. 280.
Pill, plunder, i. 18, p. 18.
Piller, plunderer, ii. 24, p. 318.
Piment, spiced drink, ii. 153, p. 384.
Plain, /?///, i. 14, 229, etc.
Plancher, pla7ik floor, i. 400, p. 275.
Planted, striped (in pales), i. 419 (end).
Plash, pool, i. 399, p. 273.
Plump, group, i. 357, p. 237.
Point, for 'appoint,' i. 109.
Point, end (noun), i. Pref.
Poister, weigh down, i. Pref.
Potent (in heraldry), ii. 198, p. 434: the'
cross potent or potenc^e is crutch-shaped
at the ends. I
Pregnable, possible to be taken, ii, 24, p.
323-
Prewe, brave, i. i.
Prisonment, imprisonment, ii. 215, p. 449.
Profitable, valid, ii. 197, p. 427.
Proof, in the phrase ' to take with the proof, 'j
i.e. ' to take in the act,' i. 152.
Provision, preparation, i. 35.
Pruce, Prussia.
Pucelle, damsel, i. 13, etc.
Pullen, fowls, i. 16 (end).
Purcha.se, procure, endeavour, \. Pref., etc.
Purchase (noun), endeavour, i. 37.
Pursue, follow, i. 229.
'Pxxrweyaxice, provision, preparation, i. 6, etc.!
Puylle, Apulia.
QUAYRE, Cairo.
Quit, set free, i. 166.
Rack, loss, i. 124.
Rappease, pacify, i. 44, p. 57 ; etc.
Rascal, common herd, i. 18 (beg.); also as I
adjective, i. 229, p. 155.
Rash down, pull down, i. 147.
Ready, dressed, i. 18, p. 23.
Rearband, rearguard, ii. 141.
Recule, retire, i. 18, p. 22; etc.: drive back,
ii. 140 : also refl. 'reculed them aback,' i.
129.
Redress, relief, i. 18, p. 19.
Regaly, royalty, i. 15, etc.
Regard, as title the same as the Flemish
'rewaert,' ruler, i. 403, p. 279.
Rejoice, enjoy, ii. 197, p. 426.
P.eioMxn, journey (verb), i. 375, p. 243.
I
I
GLOSSARY
483
Relieve, raise up, or raise oneself tip, i. 130,
p. 104 ; etc.
Relong, prolong, i. 63 (end).
Rencounter, rencountering, encounter, i. 120,
etc.
Reny, 7-enounce (homage), ii. 181, p. 409.
Repoin.y^^/ jorry, i. 130, p. 105.
Report, see note on i. 179.
Require, 7'equest, i. Pref. , etc.
Resort, appeal, right of appeal, i. 242, etc.
Rest, arrest, i. 343 (mid. ).
Retray, retire, i. 18, p. 23.
Ribaudeux, pointed stakes, carried by the
Gauntois to make a defence, i. 399, p.
272.
River, coast (Riviera), i. 326.
Road raid, i. 18, p. 22.
Rout, cotnpany, i. 15 (end), etc.
Rutter, rontier, member of a company, ad-
venturer, i. 347, p. 221 ; etc.
Sad, serious, respectable, i. 140, p. 113.
Salet, head-piece, i. 128.
Savage, wild, i. 18, p. 19.
Say, assay, ii. 26, p. 332.
Scant, hardly, i. 18, p. 23.
Scot, reckoning, ii. 206, p. 438.
Scrimmish, fight, i. 18, p. 22 ; etc. : spelt
' skrymisshe,' a variation of ' skirmish.'
Scurrer, scout, ii. 142 (title), etc.
Scuse, excuse, i. 343.
Scute, Fr. escu, crown, i. 101.
Seignory, lordship, i. 27 (end), etc.
Seisin, possession, i. 223, p. 151.
Seized of, possessed of, i. 26, p. 35.
Sendal, Indian silk, i. 423, p. 290.
Seneschally, district under a seneschal, ii.
197, p. 427.
Seneschausse, same as the above, ii. 156.
Sentence, meafiing, i. Pref.
Septentrion, north, ii. 207.
Servage, bondage, i. 381, p. 250.
Set by, esteem, i. 343, p. 213.
Sewer, server of meat, ii. 31, p. 339.
Siege, see (of a bishop), ii. 228.
Simple, poor, i. 399 (end).
Single, simple, ii. 184, p. 416.
Sith, since, i. Pref. , also of time.
Sithe, sight, i. 18, p. 18.
Skrye, sudden attack, i. 18, p. 23 ; etc.
Slode for 'sHd,' i. 270 (mid.).
Somer, beast of burden, i. 347, p. 222.
Sore (as noun), difficulty, i. 162, p. 125.
Sort, set, company, i. 130, p. 104 ; etc.
Sorts, lots (cast for magic), ii. 206, p. 439.
So that, provided that, on condition that, i.
270, p. 198 ; etc.
Soudan, soldan, sultan, ii. 206, p. 348; etc.
Sown, sound, i. 91, etc., but 'sound' is also
used.
Sowter, cobbler, ii. 29, p. 338.
Sparkle abroad, disperse, scatter, i. 220
(end).
Spial, watch, ii. 34, p. 346.
Stale, for 'stole,' ii. 141 (end).
Stall, stand, i. 81.
Stole, given as translation of ' coiffete,' head'
dress, ii. 18 1, p. 409.
Strainable, violent, i. 356, p. 235.
Stuff, sjipply (verb), i. 343, p. 213 ; etc.
Supportation, support, i. Pref.
Surie, Syria.
Table, plank, i, 356.
Tail, fasten behind (of taking in tow), i. 91.
Taille, tax, ii. 24, p. 319.
Tapet, carpet, ii. 213, p. 446.
Test, witness, ii. 197, p. 427.
Thanken, thank, i. 420, p. 286.
Them, often for 'themselves.'
Thereagainst, against it, i. 348.
Thereas, often for ' where. '
Thither-as, whithersoever, i. 431 (end).
Threat, threaten, i. 160.
Tice, stir up, entice, i. 347^ (end).
Timbre, drum, ii. 167, p. 401.
Tittle, talk to (verb), ii. 24, p. 319.
To-torn, torn in pieces, i. 350, p. 229.
Trance, state of suspense, i. 343 (end).
Trandal, camp-follower, i. 17.
Travail, trouble (verb), ii. 33, p. 345.
Travailed, wearied, i. 18, p. 18.
Treatable, pleasant, sociable, ii. 196, p. 425.
Treaty, treatise, i. 347 (end).
Treizime, thirteenth, i. 426 (end).
Trencher, slice, ii. 26, p. 332.
Trespass, pass away (of death), i. 20, p. 27 ;
etc. : transgress (trans.), i. 233, p. 163.
Trucheman, interpreter, dragoman, ii. 167,
p. 402.
llxViWQ}a&ovi, piece cut short, ii. 142 (beg.).
Truss, pack, i. 18, p. 18 ; etc.
Tryer, apparently a misprint for ' brywer,'
i.e. ' brewer,' i. 402.
Try ovX, pick out, select, ii. 213, p. 447.
Tyeulle, Tivoli.
Ungracious, wicked, i. 182, etc. : also
' most ungracioust. '
Unhappy, worthless, bad, i. 399 (end), etc.
484
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
Unied, united, i. 381, p. 251.
Unprofitable, invalid, ii. 196 (end).
Up-se-down, upside down, i. 242, p. 190.
Utterance, extremity, ii. 24, p. 321.
Utward, most distant, ii. 156 (beg.).
Vail, avail, ii. 181, p. 411.
Vale of Olives, Valladolid, i. 238, etc.
Valiance, valour, i. 165.
Valure, worth, ii. 34, p. 346.
Varlet, servant, i. 16, p. 15, etc.
Vessel of gold and silver, silver and gold
plate, ii. 153, p. 387 ; etc.
Viage, journey, expedition, i. 124, etc.
Vidame, title of a feudal lord, as ' the
vidame of Chalons,' i. 45.
Vigier, title of a magistrate, mod. Fr.
' viguier. '
Villain, bondman, man of the people, i. 381,
p. 252 ; etc.
Villain, villanous, i. 233, p. 163.
Void, leave, i. 25.
Volve, turn over, i. Pref.
Voyage, expedition^ campaign, i. 15, p. 14
etc.
Wage, in the phrase 'kept field and wag,
of battle,' Fr. 'tint camp et gage d
bataille,' i.e. ' gave decisions on ques
tions of chivalry,' i. 238, p. 180.
Ward, guard, division (of army), i. 160.
Wealth, benefit, i. Pref.
Ween, think, i. 20, p. 28, etc.
Whereas, where, i. 10, etc.
Whither-as, whither, ii. 87, p. 368.
Winage, duty on wine, i. 29, p. 41.
Without, unless.
Withsay, speak against, i. 284, p. 203.
Wodehouse, wild man, satyr, ii. 188 (fo<
' wodewose ').
Wood, mad, i. 383, p. 255.
Woodness, madness, i. 183.
Wrastling, struggle, i. 39, p. 50.
Wrye, turn, i. 146, p. 116.
YONGTH, youth, i. 4, etc.
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THE WORKS OF
THOMAS HARDY
Collected Edition
1. TESS OF THE D'URBERVILLES.
2. FAR FROM THE MADDING CROWD.
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5. TWO ON A TOWER.
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11. A LAODICEAN.
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Coridon's Song; and other Verses. With Introduction by
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The Fables of ^sop. Selected by Joseph Jacobs. Illus-
trated by K. Heighway,
Old Christmas. By Washington Irving. With Illus-
trations by R. Caldecott.
Bracebridge Hall. With Illustrations by R. Caldecott.
Rip Van Winkle and the Legend of Sleepy Hollow.
With 50 Illustrations and a Preface by George H. Boughton, A.R.A.
The Alhambra. With Illustrations by J. Pennell and
Introduction by E, R. Pennell.
MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd., LONDON.
\
J. PALMER, PRINTER, CAMBRIDGE. 20 . 7 . 08
(
Froissart, Jean,
Chronicles .
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1461
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